History of Botswana

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History of Botswana

Author/Creator Tlou, Thomas; Campbell, Alec

Publisher Macmillan Botswana
Date 1984
Resource type Books
Language English
Subject
Coverage (spatial) Botswana, United Kingdom
Coverage (temporal) 1000 - 1982
Source Northwestern University Libraries, Melville J. Herskovits
Library of African Studies, 968.11 T626h
Description 1 Introduction to History. 2 The First People. 3 Climate and
Environment. 4 The Stone Age. 5 San and Khoe, Hunters
and Pastorahsts. 6 The Arrival of Bantu-speaking Farmers.
7 The Iron Age. 8 Early Mining and Smelting. 9 The
Beginning of the Kingdoms, AD 1000-1250. 10 Botswana
and the Zimbabwe Empire 1200-1350. 11 Origins of the
Batswana and Bakgalagadi. 12 Life of the Batswana before
the Difaqane. 13 Origins of the Bakalanga. 14 Northern
Botswana 1600-1850. 15 Difaqane, a Time of Troubles: The
1820s. 16 The Batswana after the Difaqane. 17 Trade and
Changes in the Economy. 18 The Missionaries. 19 British
Rule in Botswana: The Beginning. 20 New Threat to the
Protectorate. 21 Administrative and Political Developments
in the Protectorate. 22 Economic and Social Developments.
23 Two Important Events. 24 Nationalism and
Independence. 25 The Independence Period:Government
and Politics. 26 Economic and Social Developments. 27
Botswana and the World. Select Bibliography 267
Format extent 296 pages
(length/size)

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Northwestern University Library Evanston, Illinois 60201

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(
History of Botswana,
Thomas ,lou and Alec Campbell
M
MACMILLAN
BOTSWANA
v

© T. Tlou and A. Campbell 1984

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted
in any form or by any means, without permission.
First published 1984
Published by Macmillan Botswana Publishing Co (Pty) Ltd P.O. Box 1155
Gaborone
Botswana
ISBN 0
333 36531 3
Printed in Hong Kong
I hPJ
ThC ,

Uontents
Preface
1 Introduction to History
2 The First People
3 Climate and Environment
4 The Stone Age
5 San and Khoe, Hunters and
Pastoralists
6 The Arrival of Bantu-speaking
Farmers
7 The Iron Age
8 Early Mining and Smelting
9 The Beginning of the Kingdoms
AD 1000-1250
10 Botswana and the Zimbabwe Empire
1200-1350
11 Origins of the Batswana and
Bakgalagadi
12 Life of the Batswana before the
Difaqane
13 Origins of the Bakalanga 14 Northern Botswana 1600-1850 15 Difaqane, a
Time of Troubles:
The 1820s
v 16
17
1
18
4
19
26 51 27
57
The Batswana after the Difaqane Trade and Changes in the Economy The
Missionaries British Rule in Botswana: The Beginning New Threat to the
Protectorate Administrative and Political Developments in the Protectorate
Economic and Social Developments Two Important Events Nationalism and
Independence The Independence Period: Government and Politics Economic and
Social Developments Botswana and the World
Select Bibliography Abbreviations Terminology Glossary of Non-English Terms
Index

Acknowledgements
The authors and publishers wish to acknowledge, with thanks, the following
photographic sources:
ACP Secretariat, Brussels; Africana Museum, Johannesburg; anglo-America
Corporation; C.J. Andersson; BBC Hulton Picture Library; Charles Bewlay;
Botswana Defence Force; Botswana Democratic Party; Botswana Independence
Party; Botswana People's Party; Department of Information and Broadcasting,
Botswana; Botswana National Archives; Ministry of Agriculture, Botswana;
National Museum and Art Gallery, Botswana; Alec C. Campbell; Cape Archives,
Cape Town; Council for World Mission; Educational Resources Centre,
University of Botswana; Foreign and Commonwealth Office, London; Sandy
Grant; Illustrated London News; Michael Kahn; Moeding College,
Botswana; D. Mongwa; Rhodes Memorial Museum; Struan Robertson; Roberts
photo; Royal Commonwealth Society; School of Oriental and African Studies,
London; LMS Archives; Mrs R.O. Sekgororoane; Mrs L.S. Ketlogetswe; Isaac
Schapera; Thomas Tlou; United Nations; WHO; Zimbabwe National Archives,
Harare.
The authors and publishers have also used material from the following sources:
Australian
Women's Weekly; T. Baines, Explorer and Artist 1820-1875; T. Baines,
Explorations in SouthWest Africa; Baldwin, African Hunting, 1894; J.T. Brown,
Among the Bantu Nomads, 1926, photographs taken by A.M. Duggin-Cronin;
W.J. Burchell, Travels in the Interior of Southern Africa, 1824; S. Daniel, South
African Scenery and Animals: W. Ellerton Fry; D. Livingstone, Missionary
Travels and Researches in Southern Africa, 1857; Andrew Smith, Journal of an
Expedition into the Interior of Southern Africa,
1834-1836.
S.M. Gabatshwane; Lady Ruth Khama; S.M. Molema, Montshiwa 1815-1896,
Barolong Chief and Patriot, 1966; Aurel Schulz and August Hammar, The New
Africa - A journey up the Chobe and Down the Okavango Rivers. A Record of
Exploration and Sport, 1897; S.M. Gabatshwane, Tshekedi Khama of
Bechuanaland, 1961; Evangelical Lutheran Mission. Cover: By kind permission
of the National Museum of Botswana, photograph Alec C. Campbell.
The authors and publishers have made every effort to trace the copyright holders,
but if they have inadvertently overlooked any, they will be pleased to make the
necessary arrangement at the first opportunity.

Preface
'A nation without a past is a lost nation and a people without a past is a people
without a soul.' Sir Seretse Khama, Daily News, 19 May 1970.
Over many years a number of excellent books have been .published which cover
selective aspects of the history of Botswana. These were however neither
normally available nor suited to the secondary school student, or general reader.
This book seeks to fill the gap by providing the reader with the history of
Botswana from the origins of mankind to the present. Naturally, within the
confines of a single volume such as this, to deal in full depth, or with every aspect
of the rich and diverse history of the country, would prove impossible. In our
selection of material we have tried to cover the experiences of almost every group
within the population of Botswana. We must point out that where omissions occur
this is partly due to the lack of existing information. Considerable research is
taking place at present, and new information is being uncovered almost daily. We
have also had to select on the basis of the material that we consider significant.
The reader may not necessarily agree with us. We are presenting our
interpretation of the history of Botswana with our perspective, and the reader
should not regard ours as the only one. We have tried to present history as a
whole, taking into account social, political, cultural and economic factors in the
pre-colonial, colonial and indepedence periods. Our sources are the most up to
date at the time of writing, being based on the latest research. This is of particular
significance with regard to the Iron Age in Botswana which we now believe to be
considerably older than was previously thought. Many people who read the
manuscript deserve special thanks, in particular Ralph Manyane, Maleshoane
Makunga, Busisiwe Mosiieman, Keba Mophuting, Neil Parsons, Jim Denbow,
Bob Hitchcock, Professor Revil Mason and Alison Brooks for their constructive
criticism and suggestions. We would also like to show our gratitude to Charles
Bewlay and Clare Eastland of Macmillan without whom this book would not have
been the same. Our wives and families deserve special thanks for bearing with us
while we laboured through the manuscript, and it is to them that we dedicate this
book.
Thomas Tlou and Alec Campbell Gaborone May 1983

1 Introduction to History
We all know something about our own past, the history of our own families. Our
parents and grandparents tell us about themselves and about their parents. We
usually know where our parents and grandparents were born. We know whether
they worked for themselves at home, or went away to work. Our parents tell us
something about the group to which we belong, for instance, 'Great Grandfather
came to Botswana in 1871 with the Bakgatla and settled at Mochudi.'
Before the Whites came to Botswana we learned our history from our old people
and in the initiation schools, bogwera and bojale. At these schools, the young
were taught the history of their groups and leaders by learning long poems known
as praise poems, maboko, which tell of great events.
Both these kinds of history, passed down from our parents and grandparents, or
through praise poems, are known as oral history. They were passed down by word
of mouth and not written down.
Written history
Written history contains facts, the story of what has happened in the past. But it
cannot contain the whole story because that would require thousands of books.
Also, much of early history was forgotten before writing started. The person who
writes a history book collects information from different sources. He has to
choose his facts and join them together to make
his story. In doing this he often has to use his imagination because all the facts are
not available. Sometimes the evidence is conflicting and he has to make a choice.
This is called interpreting. Remember that no two people who have seen an event
will describe it in the same words. Also, two people writing the same history
might choose different facts and interpret them in different ways. Every piece of
information must be checked in case the source has left something out or wrongly
interpreted the facts.
Historical sources
Historians use as many sources as they can and compare the evidence from each.
The five main sources used are:
1 Oral history
This is the story of our past handed down from generation to generation by word
of mouth. It is now becoming confused and is disappearing. There is still much
knowledge in the minds of the old people which should be written down
immediately, before they die and it is forgotten. It is important to record oral
history in the language of the person who describes it, the informant. Ideally, the
recorder should be able to speak the language and know the customs of the people
concerned. Everything said should be recorded either in a notebook or on a tape
recorder. As many informants as possible should be used. The information given
by one can then

Fig. 1 Recording oral history. Notice the tape recorder that S. Petere and his wife
are using
be checked against that given by another. The best informants are those people
who still practise their traditional culture. Women are just as good at being
informants as men.
2 Archaeology
This is studying the past by digging up the remains that people have left behind
them. What
Fig. 2 An archaeological excavation. The area has been different periods
I4
is found at one place is compared with what is found at another. Archaeology tells
us much about history which has been completely forgotten. It also helps us to
confirm oral history and put it in its proper order. The archaeologist finds a place
(lerotobolo) where there are cultural remains: stone tools, pottery, ash, hut floors,
stone walls, etc. He marks a pattern of squares with string. Each square has sides
of a metre long. This pattern, or grid, covers the area to be dug and helps the
archaeologist to mark everything he finds on a map. He digs each square down a
little at a time and collects and maps everything he finds. Sometimes he finds one
layer of remains on top of another. He knows that these are different settlements:
the lower the layer, the earlier the settlement or time of occupation.
There are various ways to find out the date of settlements. The best and most
commonly used in Africa is to send some organic material (things which once had
life, such as plants, shell, bone, etc.), usually charcoal, for testing in a laboratory.
During their lives animals and plants contain a small amount of carbon. When
they die some of the carbon breaks down slowly, at a speed which can be
measured. Unfortunately, for anything older than 40 000 years there is too little
carbon left to make an accurate measurement.
From the things they find, archaeologists can tell us a lot about the way people
lived. They can
marked in squares with string and levels show

Fig. 3 The skeleton of a Toutswe woman buried about AD 1100 with pottery.
How do we know the age?
tell what people ate by the plant and bone remains, whether they kept cattle and
small livestock, whether they used iron or traded. They can even tell us how large
the population was and the size of the country it occupied.
3 Eye-witness accounts
These are mainly the diaries and drawings of the first white travellers to come to
Botswana. For example, Samuel Daniell visited Batlhaping in 1802 and made
many beautiful drawings and paintings of what he saw. There were many visitors
during the early 19th century: travellers such as Daniell, missionaries such as
Moffat and Livingstone, hunters such as Baldwin, scientists such as Burchell and
Smith, and traders such as Bain and Andersson. Each one recorded what was most
interesting to him. Unfortunately, much that we would like to know now did not
really interest them. Even so, their accounts help us to reconstruct how people
lived over 150 years ago.
4 Official records
These were written by missionaries, businessmen and administrators. They can be
very helpful, particularly because the people who wrote them were not writing
about themselves but about administrative matters. However, missionary records
have to be treated carefully as
missionaries were closely involved in trying to change the whole way of life of
the Batswana. They criticised things which appeared unChristian. The records of
business and mining concerns also need to be looked at carefully since the writers
were most interested in making money.
5 Other history books
These are a valuable source, but they must be read critically. Most of the histories
written about Southern Africa were recorded by non-Africans, people from
Europe and America. They were trying to record the history of a land where
written records were scarce or did not exist. They were also writing about people
with a different culture and language from their own. What may be important to a
foreign historian may not be important to the people about whom he writes.
Because these historians did not always understand what was involved many
history books about Southern Africa make us angry today. When reading them we
should try to find the truth and separate it from what is false. We should not
condemn them all as useless. The very few early records of Southern Africa were
mostly made by the Portuguese. Then, in the 1600s, the Dutch arrived and more
was recorded. However, nothing was written about
Botswana until the early 1800s. There are many gaps in our history. Some of them
may be filled in the future but many of them may never be filled.
Questions
1 List the five main sources in the study of
history. Which of these sources do you think is most important when we want to
study the
very early history of Botswana?
2 The class should choose a recent school
event. Write down the six most important facts about that event. Compare your
list with those of the rest of the class. Are there many differences? Does this tell
you something about the study of history?

2 The First People

Evolution and natural selection
The different races on the Earth today are not all the same. Some people have
black skins and some people have white skins. Some have curly hair and some
have straight hair. People belonging to some races are generally larger than those
belonging to other races. Even within a racial group all people are not the same.
Some are taller than others, some darker in complexion (skin colour) and so on.
This range of different characteristics in different individuals is entirely natural. It
exists in all populations of plants and animals. These characteristics are
determined by a combination of the information inherited from the individual's
parents and factors in the environment (surroundings). The environment in which
a population lives is always changing, though often extremely slowly. At a given
time some individuals in a population will be better suited than others to the
environmental conditions at that time. For example, when the climate in Africa
grew drier and the vegetation gradually changed from forest to plains, some apes
were better suited to this than others. Many animals, such as leopards and lions,
could move unseen through the long grass and catch and eat the apes. Those apes
which were able to stand upright were better adapted (suited). They could spend
more time looking over the grass for their enemies, and so survived. Those which
did not adapt (change) in this way, died out or survived only in the forests. This
whole process of change
and adaptation is called evolution and is the result of natural selection. As a result
of natural selection all populations of plants and animals alter. The fittest (best
adapted) survive and the least well adapted do not. Physical characteristics also
develop as the result of our environment and way of life. A child who has a good
diet will often grow taller, and have bigger bones than a child fed on a bad diet.
People who do heavy work usually have bigger muscles than those who do light
work. If a family has a history of heavy work, going back many generations, then
the children usually inherit the very well-developed bodies of their ancestors.
Both individual people and whole races can change their- shape and colour as a
result of the environment in which they live and the type of life they lead. In other
words, we are changing very slowly all the time. Even a thousand years ago we
may not have looked exactly the same as we do today. Perhaps we were slightly
smaller in body size and height.
It is not only people who change. Animals and plants also change for the same
reasons. One of the best examples to take is that of cattle. Today we breed our
cows to get the best animals, selecting bulls which will produce the type of calves
we want. We value the cows which produce a calf every year and which do not
die during the drought. This is also a form of selection, it is artificial (man-made)
selection. We see the results quickly because we deliberately choose the best.
Long ago people valued certain types of

cattle. The Bangwaketse valued white animals and the Bakalanga valued black.
The Bangwaketse crossed white bulls with white cows and the Bakalanga black
bulls with black cows to produce the colour of animal they most wanted.
Everything: humans, animals and plants, slowly changes by evolution. Millions of
years ago there were no humans as we know them today, but there were monkeys
which had tails and apes which looked like monkeys but had no tails. We are all
descended from the apes. It has taken about seven million years for us to evolve
gradually from apes to humans. Look at Fig. 4 on page 6, which shows our family
tree.
Monkeys and baboons move around by walking on both feet and hands at the
same time. But sometimes they stand up on their back legs, usually to try to see
something in the distance. Also, their feet and hands are more or less the same
shape because they use their feet as well as their hands to hold on to branches
when climbing trees. They sleep in trees and spend much of their time above the
ground. Their bodies are adapted to their environment and life in the trees.
Environmental change and adaptation
We believe that about seven million years ago the forests were shrinking and open
plains of grassland began to appear. The ape population became too large for its
forest environment. Perhaps there was no longer sufficient food for all the animals
who lived in the forest. Over hundreds of thousands of years some of the apes
were slowly forced to move from the forest to the open plains. Some of the apes
adapted to suit their new environments. Those that did this survived, whilst others
did not. Those that adapted no longer needed to spend all their time in the trees.
They now needed to be able to move across the grass-covered plains searching for
food. The danger from other animals meant that they began to spend more time
standing upright looking over the grass for their enemies. Also their feet began to
change so that they were more
suited to walking on the ground than climbing trees.
The food they ate also changed. When they lived in the forest they ate mostly fruit
and young, soft shoots. Their jaws were longer and narrow with teeth like a dog.
They tore bits from their food and swallowed them without chewing. On the
plains their food consisted of hard seeds, roots, bulbs and tubers which had to be
chewed. Slowly their teeth changed so that they were more suited to grinding and
chopping.
A ustralopithecines
The apes moved away from the trees and began to live on the plains walking
upright (although probably bent forward and sometimes dropping on all fours
again). At the same time our earliest ancestors broke away from the ape family
and began to develop into human beings. These apes are known as
Australopithecines (which means 'Southern Ape'). See Fig. 4 on page 6.
The remains of Australopithecines were first found at Taung in the Northern Cape
not far from Vryburg. The earliest remains have been found in East Africa,
southern Ethiopia, Kenya and Tanzania. They consisted of bones, bits of skull,
skeletons and teeth which had, over time, been turned into stone. Scientists can
tell that the remains did not belong to apes because of the shape of the bones. The
joint where the thigh bone fits into the pelvis shows that the animal spent some of
its time walking upright. The teeth are flat-topped and adapted for grinding rather
than pointed for tearing. The skull is different: the skull cavity is larger and more
domeshaped than that of a monkey.
There were differences among the Australopithecines and scientists have divided
them into two types or families. These are Australopithecus gracilis or Slender
Australopithecine and Australopithecus robustus, or Robust Australopithecine.
They were given these names because the Gracilis (Slender) were lighter and less
powerful than the Robustus. Although scientists have divided them there is not
much evidence and they may have all belonged to one family.

gracilis
Ape 15 million +
Australopithecus robustus
I 5 million o
8 millionHomo Horr
habilisereci
5 million _ 1 million _
Fig. 4 Our family tree: from apes to Homo sapiens
A ustralopithecus graciis The earliest Australopithecines found in Southern
Africa, in the Transvaal, are about two and a half million years old and are all of
the Gracilis type. The Gracilis were probably the height of a modern eight-year-
old child and weighed about 25 kilogrammes. They were probably omnivorous
(eating both vegetables and meat) but mainly ate softer vegetable foods. At this
time the climate was wetter and there were probably more forests providing more
fruits and soft shoots.
A ustralopithecus robustus By 1.5 million years ago Australopithecus gracilis had
disappeared and Australopithecus robustus had replaced them. They were heavier,
weighing about 45 kilogrammes. It is not known whether the Gracilis type
developed into the Robustus, or whether natural selection resulted in the Robustus
surviving from an earlier time and the Gracilis vanishing.
Probably Australopithecines never made tools for themselves. But, like modern
apes they would pick up sticks, stones and bones to defend themselves or get ants
out of a hole. No shaped tools have been found which definitely belong with their
remains.
Homo habilis
About one million years ago Homo habilis or Handy Man began to appear.
Probably they were a form of evolved Australopithecine which developed human
characteristics more quickly than the others. The main differences between them
and the Australopithecines were bigger heads, smaller teeth and the ability to
shape tools.
Tools, which have been deliberately chipped to form a sharp edge, have been
found with the earliest remains of Homo habilis. The Homo habilis people are
important because they were the first tool makers.
- AJ0-300 000±

Homo erectus
The Homo habilis people developed into Homo erectus (Erect or Upright Man).
Look at Fig. 5. At the same time Australopithecus robustus disappeared. This may
have been because of competition from the Homo erectus people who lived in the
same environment and ate the same food, but who could also make tools.
Fig. 5 Homo erectus
Homo sapiens
By about 300 000 years ago, scientists believe, the Homo erectus people had
developed into an early form of ourselves. They were called Homo sapiens or
Knowledgeable Man. They were 1.5 metres tall, walked upright, had heads the
same size as ours, could talk and make plans. They continued to develop until
about 40 000 years ago when they probably looked more or less like US.
The remains of these early people have not been found in Botswana. However
they have been found just west of Pretoria so it is almost certain that they roamed
eastern and northeastern Botswana.
Questions
1 Use the word 'evolution' in a complete
sentence to show its meaning.
2 Give two possible reasons why apes began to
walk upright.
3 Complete the following sentences using the
correct name for a type of early man. Then
rearrange the sentences in the right order.
(a) By about 300 000 years ago
was more than 1.5 metres tall.
(b) About 40 000 years ago
probably looked like us.
(c) began to appear two and a
half million years ago.
(d) The earliest remains of have
been found in East Africa.

3 Climate and Environment

When the climate of an area changes, the species of trees and grasses also change.
Then the species of animals which feed on the vegetation also change. These
changes take thousands or tens of thousands of years. Look at a map of Botswana.
The dry river
beds which run through the Kalahari Desert (Kgalagadi) to the Makgadikgadi
Pans once flowed with water. Makgadikgadi was once a big lake. The large
number of small pans in the Kalahari between Kanye and Ghanzi once held
shallow water. This means that the climate must
Fig. 6 Some prehistoric animals: a giant hartebeest, an ancestral elephant, a giant
buffalo and a sabre-toothed tiger

Fig. 7 Trees similar to those found in prehistoric Botswana. Today they grow in
better rainfall areas only
have been much wetter and cooler. It is even possible to tell how deep Lake
Makgadikgadi was, by finding the old beaches and then measuring how high
these are above the present pan floor. These beaches are now ridges of stones,
rounded by rolling in the waves of the lake shore. The bones of animals which
have survived from long ago can also tell us about the climate. Many of the
animals have died out completely but from their surviving relatives we know what
they ate and what type of country they lived in. Some of the ancient animals are
shown in Fig. 6.
The changes in climate must have had a great effect on the people then living in
Botswana. During wetter, cooler periods, when rivers flowed in the Kalahari and
there was more forest, people probably lived throughout the whole country. In
drier, hotter times they probably moved to those areas which still had water. As
the climate changed their way of life also changed. Some food plants must have
disappeared and others grown. Forests changed to open plains and lakes to dry
pans. The animals they hunted also changed. Look at Fig. 8 on page 10 which
gives a rough
guide to the changes in climate and vegetation experienced in Botswana in the
past. The major changes were as follows. I A million years ago it was probably
four
times as wet as it is today and much cooler.
The Kalahari, though sandy, was covered in forest and dotted with small lakes.
Rivers ran into the huge Makgadikgadi Lake.
There were a few plains animals such as gemsbok (kukama), hartebeeste (kgama),
and springbok (tshephe). The most common animals were buffalo (nare), kudu
(tholo), sable (kwalata), impala (phala), and elephant (tlou). There were also
animals which have disappeared today, such as giant zebra, giant
buffalo, gogops or lake hippopotamus.
2 200 000 years ago it was much drier and
warmer. The forests began to disappear giving way to open grassland. By 100 000
years ago the rainfall was about the same as it is today. Many small lakes and
rivers dried up and Lake Makgadikgadi got smaller. The forest animals
disappeared and plains
animals took their place.
3 By 80 000 years ago rainfall had increased
again. It was again four times as wet as it is today. Lakes filled and new ones
were formed. Rivers flowed and forest covered the country. The species of wild
animals also
changed.
4 By 40 000 years ago the rainfall had decreased to about today's level or even
less. The
country was very dry again.
5 By about 25 000 years ago rainfall had
increased to about one and a half times what we get today. It was slightly cooler.
Areas of the Kalahari were well wooded, although other areas were still fairly dry.
Forest animals lived along the rivers and lakes, and in most of the north and east.
In drier areas plains animals were found in large numbers. 6 By 10 000 years ago
it was drier and warmer
than it is today. Probably much of the vegetation in the south-west disappeared
leaving bare sand dunes. There were a few trees like boscias (mopipi and motlopi)
and acacias (mogotlo, mooka, mosu and mongana).

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7 Around 5 000 years ago the rainfall increased again until it was well above
today's level.
There were permanent small springs in the Kalahari. Although plains animals
were most common, forest animals such as elephant and buffalo could be found at
Ghanzi, Matsheng and Letihakeng. This lasted for about 4 000 years when the
rainfall fell again to today's level.
8 Rainfall has remained fairly constant for the
last 1 000 years. There was a slight increase
500 years ago which lasted for 200 years.
Questions
1 Why did changes in climate in early
Botswana cause the movement of people?
2 Study the diagram Fig. 8 on page 10 and
answer the following questions.
(a) When was there four times as much
rainfall as today?
(b) When was there less rainfall than today?

4 The Stone Age

We have seen that our earliest ancestors broke away from the apes about seven
million years ago. We call them our earliest ancestors because they began to walk
upright and their teeth grew to look more like ours than those of a monkey.
Today, scientists study monkeys, apes and baboons and record their behaviour.
Baboons, in particular, live in large groups, while apes tend to live in smaller
families. We can guess that when our ancestors broke away from the apes they
probably behaved much as apes and baboons behave today. But something
changed them and this was probably the use of tools.
We do not know for certain when they began to make tools to help them get food.
We think it was between two and three million years ago. We do not know which
came first: whether they walked upright and this allowed them to use their hands
to hold tools, or whether they started by using tools and then, because their hands
were full, began to walk upright. Modern apes such as chimpanzees will pick up
sticks and stones to defend themselves. They will also use a thin stick to draw
termites from a hole. If there is no thin stick available they will take a stick and
strip the leaves off it. This is the start of making tools.
Scientists have learned much about group behaviour from watching baboons.
They know how individual animals treat each other, feed together, defend
themselves, breed and even communicate. The more we study apes and baboons
the more we learn about the probable behaviour of our ancestors.
We also study their skulls and teeth in relation to our own. By using tools the
earliest people developed their brains so that they could make more and better use
of tools. As the brain developed, so apparently did the need for speech. We do not
know when people began to be able to communicate well through speech, but it
was probably a very long time ago.
Walking on two feet (known as bipedalism), making tools and speech all
developed together. As they developed, so the brain became larger and able to
perform more varied and different functions. We tend to measure progress
through the Stone Ages by the skill used in making tools because little else
remains to guide us. The time chart on pages 14 and 15 shows developments from
early man to the present day.
The Early Stone Age
The earliest certain tools were made by our ancestors about 1.8 million years ago.
These tools are called Oldowan because they were first found at Olduvai in
Tanzania. They were very crude but several different types were made for
different purposes. This shows that people had already developed a long way
from their ancestors who just picked up things to use as tools.
By 1.5 million years ago some very beautiful tools were being made, showing that
people's brains had begun to develop. Later still, about a million years after the
Oldowan tools, much better tools were being

made. These are called Acheulian because they were first found at the village of
St Acheul in France. Acheulian tools have been found all over eastern and parts of
northern Botswana. They continued to be made until about 70 000 years ago.
Look at Fig. 9 and compare the earliest stone tools (Oldowan) with those called
Acheulian. See how much better the Acheulian tools look. Tools got better
because people had developed
new ways to make them. To shape the earliest tools people took a hard rock. Then
they chipped pieces off this rock using another hard rock like a hammer. This is
known as trimming. ' This period, when tools were made from stone, is known as
the Early Stone Age. By this time people were living in groups of more than one
family, were able to talk, understood how to make and use fire. They cooperated
in hunting, built shelters and made tools including hand
OLDOWAN
1 Chopper 2 Cleaver
3 Disc shaped
4 Point worked on both faces
ACHEULIAN
1,2,3 Hand axes
Fig. 9 Early Stone Age tools

m(196n r - t
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(Found in east Botswana)

Y
2
3
(Found on the Makgadikgadi Pans)
1 Point worked on both faces
2 Point worked only on one face
3 Side scraper
(Common in south-east Botswana)
1 Part of a blade
2 Side scraper
2
Fig. 11 Middle Stone Age tools
axes, scrapers, knives, drills, gouges and points (possibly used as spear heads).
Stone Age tools
From about 200 000 years ago the variety of stone tools and the skill used to make
them increased rapidly. People learned a new technique. They discovered that the
hammer used to trim the tools could be made of something softer than stone,
perhaps bone or wood. Then the blows they struck produced larger and thinner
flakes. These 'flake' tools were much easier to shape than trimmed tools.
There are four basic types of stone tool.
1 A core tool (trimmed tool) is a piece of rock
from which flakes have been chipped. It was usually large and heavy and used for
chopping and digging.
2 A flake tool is a flake chipped from a core.
This flake had smaller flakes chipped from it. It was used as a bulky knife or
attached to a wooden handle or spear with grass and
vegetable glues (boreku).
3 A blade tool is a flake with sharp parallel
sides, usually with a length more than twice
its width.
4 A microlith or microtool is a very small
flake. It was used as a barb on an arrowhead or for carving bone or wood, cutting
grass twine and as a small scraper for making
animal skins into clothing.
I.,
~, (..,',
1j ) ~
'I.
It
., '(/1,;
)
1 Double side scraper
2 Knife
3 Frontal scraper
4 Point worked on one face

1 Knife
2 End scraper
3 Point used as spear head
4 Point used as small chopper
Fig. 12 A possible method for hafting stone tools
Core tools and flake tools were used throughout the Stone Age. Blade tools were
first used in the Middle Stone Age. Microliths were first used in the Late Stone
Age.
Look at the diagrams, Figs. 11 and 12 above, and see how these tools were
properly hafted (attached to a handle).
The Late Stone Age
The Late Stone Age began about 25 000 years ago. All the tools were very small
and usually made from hard rocks. Many were hafted and sometimes one haft
carried many small tools fitted together to form a saw or a sickle. The makers of
these tools were the ancestors in
Botswana of the San or 'Bushmen' (Basarwa) and the Khoe or 'Hottentots'
(Bakgothu) some of whom still live in Botswana today. These people probably
made wooden and bone tools as well but they have not survived because of decay.
We call this period, from about two million years ago until quite recent times, the
Stone Age because stone tools are the most common remains we find. Fig. 13 on
page 18 shows stone tools being made.
The different types of tool tell us how people lived. Often the shape of the tools
tells us how they were used. Scientists examine the marks of wear on their cutting
edges. They can often work out the way the tool was held and how the cutting
edge was used.

The heavier tools probably suited life in the forest. Wild animals were cornered or
trapped and clubbed to death. As the forest was gradually replaced by grasslands
it became more difficult to get close to wild animals. This is probably the time
when spears for throwing were developed. Stone spearheads had to be light and
very sharp so that they could be thrown a long distance and pierce the animal's
skin. From the spear it was natural to develop the bow and arrow with an even
smaller point. Poison for putting on arrowheads may also have been discovered in
the Late Stone Age. This was important as arrowheads no longer had to pierce a
vital organ, they only had to make a small hole. Then the poison would mix with
the blood and kill the animal. This meant that people could hunt from further
away from the animal. f //-'As our ancestors'
brains developed they began
to make more tools for different uses. At first "'....:": ":
crude tools just helped people to survive. But i
with knowledge people were able to make themFig. 13 Stone tools being made.
Notice how one stone is used as a hammer against another for roughly shaping the
tool
3 ..
-4
~11 Microlith tools a blades
/~ bscrapers c drill/auger
2 Grooved stone used to straighten shafts (sticks) for arrows or to smooth eggshell
beads 3 A bored stone fitted to a stick used for digging to make the work easier
4 Two microliths held in gum to form an arrowhead
Fig. 14 Late Stone Age tools
selves more comfortable by making skin clothing to protect them from the cold
weather. They were able to decorate themselves with beads and other ornaments.
People became more efficient in everything they did. As the number of tools
increased and they became more sophisticated (advanced) so these were used to
make other tools. Each tool, instead of being used for many jobs, became more
specialised. See Fig. 14.
Think of all the tools and skills needed to make a bow and arrow.
1 Knives to cut the skin and sinew to make
string.
2 Scrapers to make the shaft smooth.
3 Heat to make the shaft straight.
4 Heat and a container to mix the glue (boreku)
for fixing the head to the shaft.
5 Containers for poison, carved from wood,
using chisels, gouges and axes.
6 The root bark of mopipi trees, used to make
quivers (containers) for arrows.
7 The skin of a steenbok (phuduhudu) made into a bag to carry the bow and
arrows over the
shoulder.
8 Scrapers to remove the hair, an awl to punch
holes and sinew to sew the skin into a bag.
Stone tools were used to make other tools of bone, wood, skin and sinew.
Probably such tools have been made for a very long time, but they were not
durable (lasting) like stone and most of them have disappeared. Through time
people became more intelligent and able to adapt to a wider range of
environments. By the end of the Early Stone Age they lived in widely differing
areas; from the icecovered tundra of northern Europe to the tropical rain forests of
Africa.
Questions
1 Find two pieces of hard rock and try to make
an Early Stone Age tool like the ones shown
in Fig. 9 on page 13.
2 Provide approximate dates for the following.
(a) The first tools found at Olduvai in
Tanzania.
(b) Acheulian tools ceased to be made in
Botswana.
(c) People understood how to make fire.
(d) The start of the Late Stone Age.

5San and Khoe, Hunters

and Pastoralists
Fig. 15 Map of San and Khoe distribution, 1960
When the Dutch first landed in the Cape and met the modern San (Basarwa) and
Khoe (Bakgothu) people they called the Khoe, who kept cattle and sheep,
Hottentots, and the San, who lived by hunting and collecting, Bushmen. The word
'Hottentot' describes the way the Dutch thought they spoke, like stutterers.
'Bushmen' simply meant people who lived in the unoccupied country.
Scientists like to call them Khoe (pronounced 'Khwe') and San after names used
by Bakgothu. Khoekhoen means 'Men of men', that is 'The real people' and is
what the Bakgothu called themselves. 'Khoe' means 'man'. San, or Sana, means
'Those who gather (wild food)' and is the name the Bakgothu gave to the Basarwa
or San. Their languages have some similarities and are
characterised by click consonants. However, they are not closely related, some are
as different as Setswana is to English. Look at the map, Fig. 15. It is thought by
some people that the Khoe lived in the wetter country to the north-east while the
San lived in the drier country to the south-west, and that only during recent times
have the Khoe pushed their way into the southwest.
Although in the past Khoe were thought to be pastoralists and San hunters, this
was probably a mistake. Almost certainly some Khoe have had to live by hunting
and collecting, while some San have kept cattle. For example the San living today
on the Nata and Boteti Rivers keep cattle, make pots and grow crops.
We know that 3 000 years ago, and possibly
- .~-
p
J~
---
Fig. 16 A rock painting in the Tsodilo Hills, Botswana. The eland and giraffe are
ritually highly valued by the San hunters
-1 1,

less, both Khoe and San living in Southern Africa were gatherers and hunters.
They did not own stock. Look at the map again. About 3 000 years ago both the D
and E groups probably lived in northern Botswana and Zimbabwe. The E group
did not move to the south-west until later. Some of the E group obtained sheep
(probably from the north) and started moving towards the south-west through
Botswana into Namibia and the northern Cape. They may have changed some of
their traditional customs as some people became richer and more powerful than
others. Some time later more Khoe got cattle (also probably from the north) and
began to move southwestwards, although a few remained in northern
Botswana. Their descendants are the Banoka who live along the Boteti and
Thamalakane Rivers, and possibly the San of the Nata River. Almost certainly the
peoples living in Africa south of the Sahara today were, some 60 000 years ago or
a little less, one people. Probably they looked more like San than like the
Bantuspeaking peoples of today. Khoesan-type skeletons have been found over
much of southern and eastern Africa dating back 15 000 years or more. Bantu-
type skeletons only date back about 6 000 years. Probably the Bantu-type people
broke away from the Khoesan-type people more than 10 000 years ago in the hot,
rain-forest areas of equatorial Africa. They developed differently
Fig. 17 The distribution of rock paintings and engravings in Southern Africa

Fig. 18 San women suck water from the ground and find the water
because of their different environment.
We believe the ancestors of the San and Khoe made the paintings of people and
animals which are found throughout Eastern and Southern Africa and even in the
Sahara Desert. See Fig. 16 on page 21. The earliest of these paintings, found in
Namibia, have been dated to nearly 25 000 years ago. They are very important
because they show the San have been in Southern Africa for a very long time.
They also tell us something about the way these early people lived. Today we
study both the paintings and the way of life of the modern San, as well as 19th
century records, in order to find out how our ancestors lived thousands of years
ago.
The San
The San were grouped into small camps of between 15 to 80 people although
sometimes camps contained as many as 120 people. Each camp recognised an
area or areas of land where it
store it in ostrich eggshells. It takes great skill to
had rights to live, collect food and hunt.
Sometimes these areas overlapped. But usually each camp had its own area and
people from neighbouring camps would not hunt or gather in
it without permission.
Inside its area a camp moved from place to
place seeking food. Sometimes they split up into small groups when food was
difficult to find.
Each day women and older children would go out to find wild food: tubers, roots,
bulbs, fruit, nuts, caterpillars, birds' eggs and tortoises. The youngest children
stayed at home with the very old or sick. Regularly the men went out in pairs or
threes to hunt with light bows and poisoned arrows. They looked for eland,
giraffe, gemsbok, wildebeest and kudu, but they hunted anything
they saw.
The San were expert hunters using many different techniques. Their bows were
very light, made of moretiwa, and the arrows were made from thin reeds. Each
arrow was made in three pieces and the shaft behind the point was

smeared with poison. The poison was made from the pupa of beetles, from plants
such as wild asparagus and euphorbia, and from snake venom. Once the point of
the arrow stuck in the animal the main shaft fell to the ground. The poison made
the animal's blood clot (become thick) and it was not able to focus its eyes. Soon
it fell and was then stabbed with a spear. The San also used thin sticks, sometimes
more than four metres long, with a duiker's horn bound at the end to form a barb
or hook. Such a stick was pushed down springhare (ntlole) holes and the animals
were either pulled out or held while other people dug down to them.
Another method used was to build a small hide at the edge of a pan where animals
came to drink. The hide was usually made by digging a hole and covering it with
branches. Where the ground was rocky then stones were used to form a small
circular wall. Sometimes a pan would be surrounded by such hides. The San
hunted in winter. A fire was built in the bottom of the hide during the day. At
night it was removed or covered with earth. This kept the hide warm. The San
then hid and waited for the animals to come to drink. As they passed the San
either shot them from close range with arrows or stabbed them with spears.
The River San or Banoka used different methods. They would fence a long stretch
of the river leaving gaps at a few places where game came to drink. In these gaps
they dug deep holes and covered them with reeds and earth. When the animals
came to drink they fell through the covering into the hole. Often the San put
sharpened sticks in the hole facing upwards so the animals were stabbed as they
fell.
Along the rivers the San were great fishermen. They used three main ways of
fishing.
1 They built a raft of reeds which they pushed
slowly through shallow water. Fish swam under it looking for shade. The raft was
pushed into very shallow water and as the fish tried to escape they were stabbed
with
spears.
2 They built stone walls across areas which
were flooded. As the floods went down the
Fig. 19 A San hunter. These hunters study and track'animals for many hours to
choose the best animal to kill
fish were trapped behind the walls.
3 They made baskets for fishing. One type was
a trap which was fixed in the stone wall.
Fish swimming along the wall would see the open mouth of the basket and swim
in. But the mouth was made of sharp points facing inwards so they could not
swim out. The San also used a large basket which was drag-

ged along the bottom. When fish entered it the basket was quickly raised above
the
water.
The main food was the plants the women gathered. This formed about 80 per cent
of everything they ate. Each family collected for itself. Small animals also
belonged only to the family but large animals were shared amongst the whole
camp. Each person knew what he should receive. In this way, meat was more
important as a means of linking people together than as food. The act of sharing
meat helped to join people and families.
Camps which spoke the same dialect recognised a relationship with each other,
but no camp considered another as either senior or junior to itself. Each camp was
complete in itself. In areas of permanent water one family might have
Fig. 20 San hunters use light bows and poisoned arrows. They get very close
before shooting
special rights to a waterhole. These rights were inherited through the eldest male
child. Often this person was the leader of the camp, but he had no real legal
authority. Generally older people were recognised as leaders and the camp did
what they decided, although an expert young hunter might also lead them.
Men went to neighbouring camps to look for wives whom they brought home,
although sometimes not until after a child had been born. Inter-camp visiting was
very important. To make certain this happened there was a system of gift
exchange between members of different camps. Very beautiful ostrich-eggshell,
bead jewellery was made and then taken to a particular member of a neighbouring
camp. This person had to accept the jewellery and later pass it to somebody else
in a different camp, who in turn also passed it on. These people became linked in
a gift-giving relationship which ensured that visiting and good relations were
maintained between camps.
San religion was and is of great importance. They believe that once everything
could talk; the animals, the plants, the wind, the sun and people, but one day this
changed. They still recognise a special relationship between people and natural
things. They believe that if they kill animals when they do not need the meat or
cut down plants unnecessarily they will be punished by long, dry periods with
lack of food. They believe in a creator god who now takes little interest in them.
He changes the seasons and sends death.
San believe that misfortune results from their own actions, usually being caused
by somebody doing something wrong. This has to be put right and this is often
done through dance. Women sit round a special fire and sing while the men dance
round them. During a dance men may go into a trance (tsitego ya pelo) several
times. While in a trance they receive power from the supernatural which helps
them to heal, bring rain and strengthen hunters.
These people had no possessions except what they could make from plants and
animals. Their way of life was well suited to their difficult

environment. Their small camps moved often so they had no effect on the wild
animals they hunted and they could follow the plants as they ripened. They
became expert hunters and very knowledgeable about plants. They could find
moisture in bulbs and tubers underground during the driest season. They even
learned how to dig a hole in the sand, pack the bottom of it with soft grass, insert
a hollow grass into it and then, by sucking, draw the moisture out of the
surrounding sand into the grass and so up the straw. If the camps had been large
they could never have lived in one area for long. The resources of food, animals
and water would have been destroyed.
The Khoe
The Khoe were also once hunters and gatherers but they acquired stock. Recent
finds of sheep bones near Kimberley dating back about 3 000 years suggest they
had stock long before the Bantu-speaking farmers arrived in Southern Africa.
When the Dutch first saw the Khoe they lived in groups with a leader who ruled
loosely over them. Each group split up into smaller units called 'clans' each under
its own headman. These clans came together only in times of stress or war.
They owned stock which provided milk, but hunted for meat. Stock was only
killed on important occasions. The women also gathered wild food. They grew no
crops. Clans lived separately, although in the same area. The leader normally kept
a large village in which the head of each clan also lived. Inheritance took place
from father to son. Men took their wives from a different clan to their own and
brought them to live in their village. These villages consisted of a large thorn
fence built in a circle, inside which each family built its house. In the middle of
the village were small enclosures for sheep and calves. Look at the plan of a Khoe
village in Fig. 21. Khoe houses were made of mats laid over a wooden
framework. When they moved they took their houses to
pieces, rolled up the mats and carried them on the backs of their cattle (see Fig.
22, page 28). Little is known about the religious beliefs of these pastoralists. They
believed in a supreme being and other important spirits to whom they prayed and
occasionally sacrificed their stock. Some of their beliefs were similar to those
held by the San, possibly coming from the time before they acquired stock. Water
was very important in the dry land in which they lived. They dug wells in the
floors of pans, deepening natural waterholes so that they held water long after the
rains were finished. Each group and each clan owned waterholes and recognised
exclusive rights (keeping out all other people) to these. Like the San, the Khoe
stayed in one area, that surrounding their wells, and moved from place to place
following the grazing within their area. In times of drought when water and
grazing were scarce there was sometimes fighting between groups over water. At
such times each clan in a group sent men to fight.
A comparison of the San and Khoe
The San and Khoe looked much the same, although the Dutch say the Khoe were
bigger than the San when they first saw them in about 1600. This may be because
Khoe children drank milk when young. They both hunted and collected wild food
and neither grew crops. The big difference lies in the ownership of stock. Some
Khoe could become rich through owning stock nd therefore powerful and able to
control thers. Because San ge eillydid not own stock nobody became rich. PQpert
remains after a \, erson dies and this means that someone will it it. P~roperty also
means a society must have Rks-to ensure that ownership is respected. Property
also provides the means for an economy involving exchange and work. The stock
belonging to the Khoe changthheir society, producing leaders and complicated
laws. Without stock the San did not need the same leaders and laws. For each
people, their culture fitted their way of life.

L
L 4
)L L
0 141dP
0 nH
o
(D
L
A Chief's house B Chief's younger brother C Chief's nephew D,E,F,G,H Members
of Chief's clan M,N,O,P,Q,R,S Members of different clans of the same group J
Enclosure for calves K Enclosure for lambs L Areas where adult stock rested,
unpenned, at night
Fig. 21 Plan of a Khoe village and a Khoe house under construction

A
4
'A, [N;
Fig. 22 Mobile Khoe pastoralists drawn by the traveller, Daniell. Their homes,
easily packed on to an ox, were made from mats and poles Questions
1 What is one important source for studying
the history of the San and the Khoe?
2 Describe in your own words two of the
techniques the San used in hunting.
3 Say whether the following statements apply
to the San, the Khoe or both.
(a) The main food was the plants the
women gathered.
(b) They did not grow crops.
(c) They could become rich by owning
stock.
(d) They lived in small groups which made
decisions together.
(e) They had leaders to enforce property
laws.
(f) They believed in a supreme being.

6 The Arrival of the

Bantu-speaking Farmers
EM Probable areas of tsetse fly infestation
0 400 800 km
Fig. 23 Probable distribution of tsetse fly in prehistoric times

The origins of the Bantuspeaking farmers

The Bantu-speaking peoples are believed to have originated in the rain-forest
areas around modern Cameroon about 4 000 years ago. The name 'Bantu-
speaking' today refers to most of the Negroid peoples of Southern, Eastern,
Central and parts of Western Africa. They speak languages which are related
through some common word stems and a common form of grammar.
Archaeological excavations in West Africa have shown that until about 2 500
years ago the ancestors of the Bantu-speakers made stone tools and grew some
root crops. About that time knowledge of iron smelting reached the area of
modern Nigeria having been taken from Egypt through the Sahara. It is thought
they also owned goats, which were able to resist the disease carried by the tsetse
fly which infested the area. It is believed that the earliest farmers to arrive in
Southern Africa spoke Bantu languages, but we cannot be absolutely certain of
this. It is
,4W
Western stream 4' ,- Eastern stream
0 400 800 km
Fig. 24 Probable southward migration routes of Forest Bantu-speakers

Fig. 25 A tsetse fly. These limited the spread of people (see Fig. 23) since their
bite kills cattle, and sometimes humans also
possible that they were Negroid peoples from the general area of Southern Sudan,
Uganda and Northern Kenya who spoke what are today known as Nilotic
languages. This is, however, not likely to be correct.
From about 2 500 years ago rapid expansion took place. 500 years later some of
them had spread eastwards to the area of the Great Lakes in East Africa. 200 years
after that they lived in modern Zimbabwe and on the Natal Coast. Look at the
maps, Figs 23 and 24. The movements south have been divided into two streams
called the 'eastern' and 'western' streams. The eastern stream arrived in Southern
Africa first, with some people working their way southwards down the long
corridor between the areas infested with tsetse fly, a few of them bringing stock
with them. Others travelled down the coast, mainly living off shell fish and
probably not having any stock. The western stream first appeared in the area of
modern Zambia about 200 years later, probably also bringing some cattle and
small stock with it.
Lifestyle of the Bantu-speaking farmers
These first farmers probably did not look like we do today. They inter-married
with the hunter-
gatherers they found living here. Also they probably practised different forms of
subsistence, even at this early time. Some people grew crops such as sorghum and
millet and worked iron. Others probably lived mainly by hunting and keeping
some stock. Others may have been primarily iron-workers and some may have
just hunted and gathered wild food. It is fairly certain that they all made pots of
clay and used some iron tools, even if they traded for these.
These new arrivals are generally known as the people of the Iron Age because
they brought this new technology with them. Those who kept stock settled in the
higher, open grasslands which were free from tsetse fly and stock diseases. Those
who grew crops settled in areas where the rainfall was more than 500 mm a year.
Look at Fig. 26 on page 32 which shows the areas most suitable for cultivation in
Botswana. They also had to be within reach of iron-bearing rocks.
They came in small groups and the earliest arrivals must have lived in little
communities far from each other. In all their journeys, they came into contact
with the San and Khoe who were already living in the land. We know little about
this first contact. Probably it was peaceful as there would have been too few
farmers to make any difference to the general way of life of the hunter-gatherers.
When excavating the farmers' early village sites we find stone tools and grooved
stones for making beads which we know belonged to the San. Probably some San
came to live with the farmers who married their daughters. Also, earlier rock
paintings in Zimbabwe and South Africa do not show any fighting.
Evidence in Botswana
In Botswana we are beginning to find traces of the early farmers. The earliest
remains come from the area around Francistown, the Chobe, Thamalakane and
Boteti Rivers. Although we have not yet been able to date our earliest sites, in
Zimbabwe and Zambia similar sites have been dated to about 1 500 years ago. On
the Boteti

ai~,er
rr Areas most suitable for cultivation
during the last 2 000 years
0 100 200 km
I I
Fig. 26 The areas most suitable for cultivation during rainfall
River two different types of pottery have been found. One is similar to that made
by early Bantu-speakers while the other type is like that made by the historic
Khoe. It has lugs (projections or handles) on the sides and a pointed bottom.
There are still Khoe (the Bateti) living on the Boteti. Possibly the first farmers
found them there already owning some stock, probably
the last 2 000 years, taking into account soil and
sheep, and came to trade .with them.
By AD 650 in the Central District there was a
large farming population settled on the upper Motloutse River and stretching
southwards to Shoshong. These people built quite large villages on hilltops with
smaller settlements scattered around them. They kept large herds of
cattle, smelted iron and grew crops.

Another place of early settlement is at Tsodilo where an Early Iron Age site has
been found high in the hills. The site is rich in pottery, iron, cattle and small-stock
bones. A skeleton of a Negroid person was also found there. The hills have rock
paintings, mostly of wild animals, but there are some of cattle drawn in two
colours and many schematic designs (patterns). See Fig. 16, page 21. In Zambia
similar designs are attributed (thought to belong) to early farmers rather than to
the San. The date of the Iron Age settlement at Tsodilo is about AD 800. We
know there was contact between farmers and San because of the paintings of
cattle. Also, in some of the rock shelters, we have found pottery and iron mixed
with tools of the Late Stone Age.
Questions
I What stages in the expansion of the Bantuspeaking peoples occurred at the
following
times?
(a) 4 000 years ago (b) 2 500 years ago (c) 2 000 years ago (d) 1 800 years ago
(e) 1 600 years ago
2 What two things did all the different groups
of Bantu-speaking peoples probably have in
common?
3 Where in Botswana have the earliest remains
of Bantu-speaking farmers been found?
What are the remains? What do we call the
people who have found these remains?
7 The Iron Age
The discovery of how to smelt iron and make it into tools took place in the north
of the Fertile Crescent about 7 000 years ago. The Fertile Crescent is a name
given by historians to the area which stretches from the Nile Delta northeastwards
through modern Israel and then south-eastwards between the Euphrates and Tigris
Rivers to the Persian Gulf. See Fig. 27. It was here also that people first learned to
grow crops and domesticate wild animals. At first the secret of iron smelting was
carefully guarded,
but by about 2 700 years ago it had spread to Egypt. It may have been taken
across the Sahara about the same time by Phoenicians who were trading and
mining copper in Mauritania. Certainly, within a hundred years of reaching Egypt
the knowledge had travelled more than 1 400 kilometres up the Nile River to
Meroe in modern Sudan. Shortly afterwards it also appeared in Nigeria. The first
farmers to arrive in Southern Africa brought the knowledge with them and by AD
200 mining of both iron and
Fig. 27 The Fertile Crescent where people first learned to grow crops and
domesticate wild animals

Fig. 28 Early Iron Age, approximately AD 600, pot and bowl. Notice the
characteristic decorations
copper was taking place.
What is known as the 'Iron Age' lasted in Southern Africa until the introduction of
manufactured goods from Europe. In Botswana this occurred about 1850 when it
became easier to barter with foreign traders for metal. Then the difficult process
of smelting rock to get iron was abandoned (stopped). Smithing continued for
some time and traditional methods are still practised in a few remote areas of the
Okavango to this day.
The Early Iron Age
The Early Iron Age lasted from the time of the arrival of the farmers in Southern
Africa until approximately AD 1000. A large number of Early Iron Age remains
have been found, particularly in Zimbabwe and South Africa, and more recently
in Botswana. But still little is known about the identity of these early people.
It is likely they were Bantu-speaking people, but this has not been conclusively
(completely) proved. We do know they came from the north, made pottery, mined
iron and copper to make tools and ornaments, kept stock, grew some crops and
hunted.
Pottery, because it is made of clay, lasts in the ground almost indefinitely
(forever), whereas iron and copper tend to disappear slowly, destroyed by the
acids in the soil. So pottery is the main item made by the people of the Early Iron
Age which we can still find today. Their pottery is often fairly thick, grey to buff
coloured and has characteristic decorations. See Fig. 28.
Early Iron Age sites
The earliest sites have been found in Zimbabwe and South Africa. Probably these
early farmers sought out the most fertile areas first and later expanded into drier
Botswana. Look at the map,
adhurst /
/,,.
*s , / ."
Broederstroom 350-600
0 Bantu-speaking farmers O Khoe river pastoralists 0 100 200 km
Fig. 29 Settlement in Botswana about 1 000 years ago
Fig. 29 which shows the distribution of the earliest farming populations. One of
the best studied groups lived at a place now called Broederstroom, about 50
kilometres west of Johannesburg. Other sites dating from the same period have
been found, but they are very few in number. This suggests that the first farmers
lived in very small, widely scattered groups.
Some may have relied on crops and remained in one area, while others kept stock
and relied heavily on hunting and foraging for food. Some of them probably
mined iron, while others may have traded it from those who did the mining.
Broederstroom
People lived at Broederstroom from about AD
San hunters

350 to 600 in a village which covered an area of about 25 hectares. The site may
not have been occupied the whole time. The people probably moved away and
returned later. At any time of occupation there were probably about 10 huts,
suggesting between 40 and 60 people. Some burials have been found in the
village. The skeletons are of Negroid-type people with some San features. The
method of burial and the removal of front teeth suggested the practice of various
forms of ritual. The huts were small, round, made of wood plastered with mud
and raised on stones above the ground. Amongst the huts iron ore had been
smelted in clay furnaces. Waste food included bones of cattle, sheep or goats and
wild animals. Only grindstones were found, no crop remains, but this does
suggest that crops were grown. Quantities of grooved stones and ostrich-eggshell
beads were also found on the site. This suggests that they were living either with
or in close association with Khoesan who still make beads in this way. The
quantities of beads were far more than would be needed by that small community;
possibly they were being made for trade. The whole area was littered with broken
pottery with bold designs which changed little during the 250 years of occupation.
Although no sites of a comparable date have been found in sout
rleasternBotswana, some pottery remains have been found near Lobatse and west
of Molepolole which are fairly similar to the most recent of the Broederstroom
pottery. This probably indicates that similar people were living here before AD
600.
Sites in Botswana
There are seven areas in Botswana where Early Iron Age pottery has been found.
The early farmers arrived at different times and from different directions. They
did not come as a wave of people moving into Botswana all at the same time, but
rather as small isolated communities. Some expanded into large societies, while
others remained small. One group may not have settled at all but merely traded
from a distance. These
early remains have been found in the following areas.
The Francistown area about AD 500.
The Chobe River area about AD 600.
The Boteti River area about AD 350-500.
The Serowe to Shoshong area about AD
650.
The northern Limpopo Valley area about
AD 850.
The Tsodilo Hills (and Aha Hills) about AD
500-850.
The Gaborone to Molepolole area about AD
700-900.
The Thamalakane River area about AD 700.
The Francistown area At some time a little before AD 300 the farmers were
populating Zimbabwe. They are known by the name of the place where their
remains were first identified, Gokomere in north-eastern Zimbabwe. These people
probably lived widely scattered in small communities, smelting iron and copper,
keeping a very few cattle, sheep and goats, growing crops such as millet, beans
and melons, and hunting. They made thick, not particularly well-fired pottery,
bowls and shouldered jars with concave necks decorated with lines of
channelling, raised bands and stamped or incised patterns which occasionally
reached over the rim. They had probably spread into Botswana by AD 500, but
never penetrated far beyond the Shashe River.
The Boteti area
At about the same time or a little earlier other Early Iron Age peoples had gone as
far into the Kalahari as the Boteti River. The pottery they left behind them is
similar to Bambata ware. This is named from the place in the Matopo Hills in
Zimbabwe where it was first identified. Although this pottery has been found at a
number of sites stretching from Tsienyane to Lake Xau, no proper village remains
have been discovered. The pottery is found among Late Stone Age tool remains.
It is coarse, not well fired and often has stamped decoration over a thickened rim.
In the past it has been associated

with the Late Stone Age, but it has many similarities to Gokomere and must have
been made by Negroid people. It is also similar to early pottery found at
Matlapaneng near Maun. No village remains have been found but this does not
mean that the people who made the pottery did not live on the Boteti. However
they may have gone there just to trade with the Khoe, or
the Khoe may have obtained the pottery on trading expeditions.
The Serowe to Shoshong area
Remains of one society have been found stretching from Shoshong to north of the
Motloutse River, and from Mmashoro in the west to Tobane in the east. About
AD 650 some of the
Fig. 30 Toutswe society settlement pattern
Zhizo people who were living in Zimbabwe, began to spread south-westwards to
settle in this fairly dry area, possibly because it was very suitable for cattle
raising. At first they lived in small scattered villages, but as time passed some
villages began to grow. By about AD 1050 there appear to have been a few very
large villages each situated on a hilltop and occupying six or more hectares. (So
far three have been located at Toutswemogala, Bosutswe and Shoshong.)
Surrounding these and fairly close to them were a number of smaller hilltop
settlements. They were in turn surrounded by a very large number of much
smaller settlements, some on hills and others on the plain. See the sketch map,
Fig. 30.
This organisation suggests important central villages, probably the homes of rich
ruling families surrounded by those of their headmen. The much smaller,
scattered homesteads belonged to their subjects. Such a pattern indicates a large
society split into three or more self-ruling groups, each with its own hierarchy
(ladder) of social levels, including commoners, rulers and their assistants. Today
we call them the Toutswe people after the hill Toutswemogala, about 40
kilometres north of Palapye where their remains were first excavated.
All these villages contain a central stock kraal, some 20 metres across, encircled
by houses and granaries, all surrounded by a thorn fence. In the bigger villages the
stock area is sometimes 70 metres across and the deposit of dung as much as one
and a half metres deep, bigger than any other known sites in Southern Africa.
From this it has been concluded that the Toutswe people were rich in cattle, much
richer than other contemporary (at the same time) societies, and that their
hierarchical system was mostly based on cattle-ownership.
The northern Limpopo Valley area
The same people who had expanded from Zimbabwe to reach the Toutswe area
by about AD 650 were also expanding south-eastwards down the Shashe River to
where it joins the Limpopo and beyond. It is thought that they must have been
very like the Toutswe people because their
pottery styles were so similar. They may even have spoken a related language.
However, they never evolved quite the same hierarchical system. They are known
as the Zhizo people. Living side by side with the Toutswe people they prevented
the Toutswe from expanding eastwards. As the years passed and populations
increased without sufficient room for expansion, settlements must have become
more and more dense. This must have resulted in poor agricultural land and over-
grazing of grasslands.
The Tsodilo Hills and the north-west
It is believed that farmers were settled along the Chobe River at a very early date.
Excavations made near Serondela, about 20 kilometres west of Kasane, tell us that
between about AD 600 and AD 750 farmers living there were similar to others
then living in Zambia. Probably they had first arrived about 200 years earlier.
Excavations at Matlapaneng about 12 kilometres north of Maun suggest that other
farmers were also living there as early as about AD 700. These same people
probably lived all along the Thamalakane and Nchabe Rivers as far as Lake
Ngami, as we have found similar remains at Toteng.
Excavations at Tsodilo have been dated to about AD 850. Similar pottery to that
found at Tsodilo has also been found in the Aha Hills about 200 kilometres to the
south-west. The finds at the Aha Hills are Late Stone Age and have been dated to
about AD 500. In other words Iron Age pottery has been found in Stone Age sites
such as the Aha Hills. However no Iron Age settlements have been found there.
They may exist, or the pottery may have been traded from elsewhere.
The people who lived at Tsodilo came from Zambia and perhaps Angola. Their
pottery was hardened with charcoal and decorated with thickened rims and
occasional false-relief chevron, herring-bone, cross-hatching and bands of comb-
stamping. See Fig. 28. They smelted iron and worked it into tools and ornaments.
However, the iron ore may have been brought from north of Shakawe more than
70 kilometres away. A short piece of copper chain has been

found which suggests that they traded with people from the copper-rich areas in
the south-east. Cowry shells and glass beads also suggest very early trade
networks which reached the east coast.
There are more than 2 000 rock paintings in the hills. Many of these are patterns
which, in Zambia, have been attributed to Early Iron Age peoples. There are also
San paintings in red, purple and white of cattle and people herding or driving
them. In rock shelters in the hills Iron Age pottery has been found associated with
stone tools. This means these people also lived in close association with the San.
A similar site has been found at Kapako in Namibia, about 300 kilometres to the
west on the Okavango River. It appears that small groups of stock owners were
.moving into north-western Botswana about AD 850. Although they appear to
have remained in the area for a long time, there is no suggestion that their
settlements remained anything but small.
The Gaborone to Molepolole area
The first Bant-sper, king farmers probably settl,\edip south-eastern.Botswana
about AD 600-700. We know that in the 10th century small groups of stock
owners were settled over most of the rocky area of the south-east. These people
lived in small villages often on hilltops. We will call them the Moritsane people
(their remains have been excavated on Moritsane Hill near Gabane). Their
sites are also found in the Transvaal from where they must have expanded into
Botswana.
In their middens, thutubudu (the places where they threw their ash and rubbish)
we have found signs of iron smelting and bits of iron, bones of cattle, sheep, goats
and wild animals, what appear to be the remains of granaries, and iron, shell and
copper beads. One burial site has produced several hundred tiny glass beads
which came from Persia or India. Most of the sites found contain the remains of
cattle kraals, but these villages and kraals never reached any large size. These
people had a fairly similar way of life to those in the Tsodilo area.
They lived in small, widely spread settlements without any strong hierarchical
structure. Certainly they never achieved an organisation such as that of the
Toutswe people further to the north.
Early Iron Age to Late Iron Age Looking at Botswana as a whole in about AD
1000 we see that farmers had surrounded the Kalahari in the north and east and
even settled on its edges. At present we have found no definite village remains in
the Boteti area, only a few pieces of their pottery. Since the area is so suitable for
livestock we assume they did not settle there because it was already occupied by
the pastoral Khoe with whom they traded. Probably most of the Kalahari was
occupied by the San foragers, Nharo, G/wi, G//ana and Shuakhwe. Many of
them were coming into contact with the farmers who were steadily moving further
and further into San country. Considerable changes had taken place since the
farmers had first settled in Zimbabwe and built a village at Broederstroom. In the
early days they spent much of their time hunting and collecting wild foods. It is
probable that their herds were extremely small, some may only have owned goats
or no stock at all. Domestic animals were only occasionally killed, possibly just
for ritual purposes such as deaths, births, marriages and religious ceremonies. As
time passed the populations increased, spreading out into drier areas. There cattle
thrived (lived well). We can see from the size of their kraals that their herds were
growing bigger. By about AD 1000 they were eating more domestic than wild
animals.
Trading had also increased. Beads from India and Persia as well as sea shells were
being traded through a network of villages all the way from the coast of the Indian
Ocean (see Fig. 31). We are not certain what was traded in exchange, but
probably the Zhizo people of the upper Limpopo were trading ivory and furs as
early as AD 850. Perhaps cattle and specularite (sebilo) were also going east.
Society was becoming much more organised, particularly for the Toutswe people.
Rulers and

Conus Shell
The part of the shell usually found- the end of the shell with a hole drilled through
its centre. This was possibly worn around the neck on a leather thong
Cowrie Shell
Whole cowrie shells are sometimes found, but more usually only a piece. Often
the back of the shell had been drilled twice to take a thread for sewing it onto
leather or threading it on a string
Fig. 31 Shells from the Indian Ocean used as trade goods and made into prestige
ornaments
headmen grew rich through tribute (sehuba) paid in cattle and probably grain, iron
and furs. They grew crops which they stored in village granaries and during the
rains took their cattle to western pans where grazing was better, not returning until
surface water dried up during the winter.
On the fringes of this society lived the San foragers some of whom joined the
farmers, prob-
ably looking after stock, acting as servants and hunting for skins. Some of the
women may have been taken as wives or concubines (dinyatsO. We find traces of
the San in the form of stone tools in the middens of the smaller, outlying villages,
although only rarely in the larger hilltop settlements.
This then was the position in about AD 1000 when Botswana, and other areas
already occupied by the farmers, saw the arrival of new people who settled
amongst them and, apparently, in most areas rapidly took over. These new
arrivals heralded the end of the Early Iron Age and the rise of large kingdoms and
empires, although the way of life of the average farmer probably remained much
the same. These later Iron Age developments are explained in Chapter 9.
Questions
1 For approximately how many years did the
'Iron Age' last in Southern Africa?
2 Answer the following questions about the
Iron Age settlement of Broederstroom.
(a) When were people living there?
(b) How many people lived there?
(c) What kind of huts did they live in?
(d) How do we know they used iron?
(e) Why do we think they grew crops?
(f) Why do we think they traded with other
communities?
3 To which of the areas of Botswana do the
following statements apply?
(a) The people probably spread into
Botswana by AD 500.
(b) Bambata pottery has been found.
(c) The people lived in large central villages each situated on a hilltop with
smaller settlements around.
(d) The people owned many cattle.
(e) The people expanded down the Shashe River to the confluence with the
Limpopo.
(f) The people came from Zambia and
perhaps Angola.
(g) They settled in small villages, usually on
hilltops.

8 Early Mining and Smelting

Some people continued to make stone tools in Southern Africa until very recently,
possibly only 200 years ago in the north-west of Botswana. However the last 2
000 years is generally known as the 'Iron Age'. Knowledge of the manufacture
and use of iron helped to create many changes in the lifestyle of our ancestors.
Iron smelting and smithing (changing raw iron into tools) was a very great
technological achievement involving a great variety of skills. Its users were well
on the road to the start of modern industry more than a thousand years before
traders from outside Africa began to introduce other manufactured goods. The
earliest mines in Southern Africa, dated to about 33 000 years ago, were being
exploited by Stone Age peoples long before the arrival of the iron-working
farmers. They dug red ochre, known as haematite (letshoku), and a glittering
black iron ore known as specularite (sebilo). These ores that they mined were
ground into powder and mixed with fat, blood, white-of-egg or honey to make
paint. This could be used both for drawing pictures on the rocks and for
decorating the human body.
Knowledge of mineral smelting was brought to Southern Africa by farming
peoples nearly 2 000 years ago. The earliest evidence we have comes from
northern Zimbabwe where both iron and copper were being mined and smelted in
about AD 200. Less than two centuries later iron was being smelted at
Broederstroom in the Transvaal. Archaeologists have found, in the
middle of a 5th century village, the remains of two iron-smelting furnaces, piles
of ore (bogale) and a scattering of slag (manyelo). The mineral most widely and
continuously mined was iron. This could be made into tools, hoes, knives, razors,
awls (for making holes in leather), axes and spears. Copper was mined from the
same time but never on the same scale as iron. It was used mainly for making
jewellery, bracelets, beads, pins, and chains. Tin was also mined from an early
time, but was difficult to find and was never exploited like iron and copper. Gold
mining probably did not start until about AD 900 in Zimbabwe. It soon spread to
the north-east of Botswana. In Botswana the main mineral mined was iron,
although evidence of copper mining has been found near Serowe dating back to
about AD 650. Look at the map, Fig. 32 showing early mining areas in Southern
Africa.
Even at places as remote as Tsodilo, iron smelting and working was taking place
as early as AD 850 and possibly earlier.
The processing of ore
The processing of metal-bearing rock or ore into tools involves four major stages,
each of which requires different skills.
Prospecting
Prospecting is the search for a place where the rock is so rich in mineral that it is
worth mining.

Fig. 32 Early mining sites and areas in Southern Africa

In the case of iron this is not too difficult since the rock is usually stained red and
is heavy and fairly common. Gold is much more difficult to find. It says much for
the skill of the early prospectors that when white prospectors came to Southern
Africa, almost every deposit they found had already been worked by our
ancestors.
Mining
Most early mines consisted of trenches or pits dug into the rock. These varied in
size from a metre deep and two metres long to vast excavations several metres
deep and nearly a kilometre long. Probably all early communities did some small-
scale mining, taking ore from surface tren-
ches and pits. But by AD 750, with increases in population and a greater demand
for minerals, some communities specialised in mining. Some mines had small
entrances and were dug deep into the ground. Shafts led down into the rock and
from these passages led away following the areas where the ore was richest. The
deepest known shaft in Botswana was sunk 26 metres below the surface.
Sometimes a hole was dug into a hillside and then enlarged until a large cavern
was formed. Near Thamaga a number of such caverns were dug close together
until they became so large that they collapsed. We may never know how many
ancient mines there are in Botswana. Surface excavations have been eroded, the
sides collapsing to fill in pits

and trenches, leaving little evidence today except for a dip in the ground. Many of
the early gold mines which had shafts were either filled with rubble when they
were abandoned or the entrances were carefully hidden. So far, more than 200
gold and copper mines have been found in the area of north-eastern Botswana
stretching between Dukwe and Tobane. The remains of iron workings have been
found throughout the eastern side of the country. All gold and copper mines and
the larger iron mines were the property of, and worked by, individual families or
lineages (family lines) over a very long period. They handed their skills down
from one generation to the next. All members of the family were involved in
mining. From skeletons found in collapsed mines it appears that children and
small, older people did much of the work underground. They could most easily
pass down some of the narrow passages and shafts, some of which were only 26
centimetres wide. Larger people worked in the entrances and above ground.
The common method of mining was to use a
Fig. 33 Setswana smelting furnace, reconstructed from Botswana and the western
Transvaal
Bellows ,
metal spike and a stone hammer. The spike was hammered into a crack in the rock
until the rock split. When this method failed, a fire was lit against the rock face
and then a thin stream of cold water was poured into the cracks causing them to
split into pieces. Fragments of rock were loaded into skin bags or baskets and then
hauled on ropes or carried to the surface. Here the rich ore was sorted out and the
rest discarded. Goldbearing rocks (usually quartz) were burnt and crushed below a
large rock which was see-sawed (rocked) over them.
Smelting
Gold, and possibly copper, smelting was done by the same family which owned
the mine, but it is thought that people visited the miners to trade for iron ore. They
probably exchanged corn, stock, skins or beads for the ore which they packed in
leather bags and loaded on to cattle to take home. Smelting appears to have
developed into a secret skill because many furnaces have been found hidden well
away from villages. The furremains found throughout south-eastern
Furnace
Iron ore Charcoal

Fig. 34 A Motswana blacksmith operating bellows. Making iron tools requires

very high temperatures
nace. was built of clay and ant heap. It consisted of an oval wall about one metre
high and 50 centimetres in diameter. Usually two clay pipes led into the bottom of
the furnace from the outside. Inside the furnace a layer of charcoal was covered
by a layer of crushed ore, then another layer of charcoal and another of ore until
the furnace was full and the top closed. Air from bellows (mouba) was pumped
into the furnace through the pipes. The charcoal developed a tremendous heat and
the iron in the rock slowly melted forming a layer in the bottom of the furnace,
known as 'bloom'. After cooling the bloom was removed and cleaned.
Working iron
The final process was to make the bloom into tools. This may have been done by
the same people or by others who came to buy the bloom. The blacksmith
(mothudi) was an extremely skilful person. He worked at an open fire, usually
within the village. See Fig. 34. The fire was made of charcoal and had on one side
a low clay wall with a hole in it. Through this hole was put a tuyere made of clay.
This looked like a funnel and was to protect the end of the bellows. The
blacksmith then fitted the nozzle of his bellows into the tuyere and pumped air
into the fire. The bloom was laid in the charcoal and soon became hot. It was then
taken from the fire and hammered on a stone anvil. By repeatedly hammering and
heating, the blacksmith removed most of the impurities (charcoal, stone and dirt)
leaving a piece of hardened iron which he could shape. He had a variety of tools
which included metal tongs, chisels, spikes and stone hammers. With these he
was able to make a great variety of tools and jewellery.
The smelting of the iron ore in particular required a great amount of skill.
Recently scientists have been recreating the old furnaces and trying to smelt iron
in them. The whole process has been found much more complicated than was
originally believed. So far they have not succeeded in copying the skill of our
forefathers.
Questions
1 List the main minerals mined in Southern
Africa during the Iron Age. How many of
them are mined today in Botswana?
2 Describe briefly in your own words the four
stages of processing rock ore into tools.

The Beginning of the Kingdoms

1000-1250
Between about AD 900 and 950 sudden changes began to take place. New styles
in pottery decoration, larger cattle herds and a greater interest in mining,
particularly for precious minerals such as gold, began to appear. Some historians
believe these changes were brought about by an immigration of new peoples. If
this was so, we would expect to see more general changes in the lifestyle of the
people, but these did not occur. The way of life of the newcomers, if they really
existed, and that of the older inhabitants, was much the same. The main change
appears to have been one in wealth, the new people were better able to make
themselves rich.
On the other hand, it may have been that the cattle-owning people of the drier
areas had produced their own strata (levels) of rich and poor and it was out of
these societies that the new people came to dominate the area. If we look at the
Toutswe people we do not see amongst them the same changes which were taking
place among most of their neighbours. This suggests it may have been the rich
Toutswe cattle owners who were spreading out to control surrounding areas.
Anyway, changes took place. Pottery styles changed. The new homes were much
larger and were built on high ground, often on hills, huts were better constructed
and communities began to own more stock. Mining activities increased,
particularly for gold, copper and even for tin. Trade also seems to have increased
as we find many more glass beads in village sites. This was the end of the Early
Iron Age, during which people had lived in small communities,
and the beginning of the Late Iron Age, when communities grew both in size and
wealth. Mining and trade increased and rich families began to control huge areas
of land. These changes took place on much of the inland plateau of Southern
Africa, particularly in what is now western Zimbabwe and the Transvaal. They do
not appear to have occurred in the areas of Botswana south and west of the
Motloutse River, where rainfall is lower. In the area of the upper Shashe River
and stretching eastwards into Zimbabwe, pottery styles which began there have
developed continuously until modern times. This suggests that the same people
have lived there for at least a thousand years. Probably these people spoke ancient
Chishona dialects. Tjikalanga, a dialect of Chishona, has probably been the major
language of the area for all this time. Almost certainly some of the Bakalanga
living there today are the descendants of these people.
Changes in settlement
During the Early Iron Age settlements were normally on the upper slopes of
valley floors. Towards the end of this period settlements were positioned higher,
many being situated on hilltops. The new people all lived on hills. Scientists are
not sure why this was. Early homes had been small, often less than two metres
across. These were much bigger, sometimes with a width of more than three
metres. We do not know if the earlier huts were

Fig. 35 Pottery from Toutswemogala, about AD 1100

thatched or not, but their floors were on the ground, not raised on rocks like those
at Broederstroom. It is possible they were built of thin poles sunk into the ground
with the tops bent inwards and tied together, the gaps stuffed with scrub and the
whole building well-plastered with mud. On the other hand, they may have had a
separate pole roof which was thatched. The new houses almost certainly did have
a separate roof which was thatched, and walls made of thicker posts with a heavy
coating of mud both inside and out. Stone terracing began to appear in some of
the villages. Because these new settlements tended to be on hilltop slopes it may
have been necessary to try and stabilise (keep still) the surface on which the
villages were built. This was done by setting out rows of rocks which developed
into low walls to stop earth eroding.
Pottery
While pottery cannot talk, we can guess that when one type of pottery is suddenly
replaced by another, something important has occurred, almost certainly the
arrival of a new people. This is what happened over much of Southern Africa in
about the 10th century. The type of
and decorations on pottery suddenly changed. Compare the pottery in Fig. 35 with
that in Fig. 28 on page 35. This supports the idea that a new group of people came
to the area.
In different areas there were slight differences of design in the new pottery styles
which leads us to believe they were not one people, but several closely related
groups with a common lifestyle and probably speaking dialects of one language.
Look at the map, Fig. 36 on page 48, and see where the people settled in the areas
to the north and east of the Toutswe people. By their pottery styles they have been
divided into three groups. Because we still do not know for certain what
languages they spoke, they are called after the sites where they were first
identified, Mambo, Bambandyanalo and Gumanye.
Mining and trade
During the Early Iron Age in Botswana, mining had been confined mainly to iron
and specularite. Copper was mined, but in small quantities and the few copper
ornaments found in excavations of this period may have been the results of trade.
No gold had been mined here although it had been mined in the north for more
than 300 years. Probably a steady trade had sprung up

Fig. 36 The population in eastern Botswana about AD 1100

through the villages to the east coast. We find Indian beads appearing in western
Zimbabwe by AD 300 and in many places in Botswana by AD 800.
Changes started to take place fairly rapidly. By AD 1000 the gold mines around
where the Ramokgwebane River joins the Shashe had probably opened, and
possibly also the copper mines near Matsitama. The probable trade route passed
down the Shashe to its junction with the Limpopo and then eastwards to the Sabe
and so to the coast. Cattle had provided the wealth to make some of the
Bambandyanalo people richer and more powerful than others. Gold helped the
largely crop-producing societies to the north and east. However, their wealth must
have depended on cattle as most of the gold was traded eastwards. By AD 1050
these societies had also started to change. At one site, Bambandyanalo, a bigger
and presumably more powerful society began to appear.
The Bambandyanalo people
These people were probably already involved in the fur, ivory and specularite
trade to the east. They may also have traded salt from the rich deposits nearby.
Excavations show the Bambandyanalo people lived in a series of villages on the
same site each about 200 metres across. In the middle was a large cattle kraal
which was surrounded by houses.
Their first village shows little evidence of ironware although bone tools were
plentiful. There was a short break in occupation and then the same pottery occurs
indicating the same people, but this time ironware is plentiful, together with beads
and sea shells from the coast. They had obviously suddenly entered the major
trade that was commencing in south-western Zimbabwe. Another item to appear
at this stage was the spindle-whorl, a flat clay disc with a hole through the centre.
A stick was fixed into the

Cane glass beads

Stick
Clay disc with hole
Fig. 37 Trade goods of the type found in southwestern Zimbabwe AD 1200 to
1400: beads from Persia and India. Spindle-whorls indicate local cotton cloth
production hole and the 'whorl' was used to spin thread. It had been thought that
coloured cloth from Asia made up a part of the trade goods from the east.
However, the Bambandyanalo people soon learned to spin and weave their own
cloth.
Considerable contact appears to have sprung up between the Bambandyanalo
people, the
Mambo people in the north and the Toutswe people in the west. We see this from
the differing varieties of pottery which begin to be found mixed with those of the
other areas. Possibly this contact involved both trade and intermarriage. This
would account for the pottery finds provided women made the pots and went to
live at their husbands' homes. Certainly it indicates a surplus of wealth.
Look at the map, Fig. 38, and follow the possible trade. From the Toutswe people
came furs, cattle, and specularite which were exchanged for beads, salt, grain, and
perhaps a little cloth. From the Mambo people came gold, copper and ivory in
exchange for cattle, beads, salt and cloth. From the Bambandyanalo people gold,
copper, furs, specularite and cattle came in from the west in exchange for beads,
cloth and salt. They sent gold, copper, furs, specularite, salt and ivory east in
exchange for beads and cloth. Some slaves were also being traded eastwards,
Fig. 38 Possible trade AD 1050 to 1350

probably from the poorer areas which had no cattle, minerals or salt to trade. Up
to about AD 1200 trade was probably restricted by distance, people not travelling
more than 60 kilometres or so. Once the value of goods to be traded was well
established, it is possible that traders came to places like Bambandyanalo right
from the coast. People from the interior may have gone the whole distance in the
opposite direction.
In the south-east of Botswana, trade was also beginning to increase, although not
to the same extent as in the north. The only signs we see are small beads, probably
from the north, and a few copper ornaments which must have come in from the
east. We assume that in exchange furs, specularite and possibly cattle went out.
By about AD 1050 we begin to find some southern pottery appearing in the
middens of the Toutswe people but never the other way around. Maybe the
wealthier Toutswe people were attracting wives from the south, while the poorer
southerners, unable to draw wives in their turn from the north, were able to
increase their herds in exchange for women.
The builders in stone
The results of trade were that certain classes of people became richer and were
able to dominate societies. This can be seen throughout the area. Many village
sites became much larger and increased amounts of imported goods have been
found in their middens. By about AD 1200 the beginning of what is known as the
era (time) of the Builders in Stone was established. This was almost certainly
started by local individuals who had become rich through trade. We do not know
whether they used religion to acquire their wealth or not. However, these were
people with powerful personalities, leaders, with the means to dominate others,
probably those who had accumulated (built up) the most cattle.
These people built up power through the use of their accumulated wealth. Their
wealth was not only used for trade, but also to secure support. Richer men were
able to dispense (give) favours in the form of imported luxuries and local wealth,
such as cattle, to those they
knew would help them to achieve social status (importance). As they became
more powerfii and had more followers in debt to them in some way, so they could
demand tribute (payment for protection). This could then be used for more trade
and to secure more followers. Such rich and powerful people learned to control
the trade in their immediate areas. They ensured that everything coming in or
going out passed through their hands. The average person was no longer free to
act as he wished, he had to conform to the way society operated. As richer people
gained more control they were able to insist that others should mine gold and
copper, hunt for furs and ivory, pay tribute in corn, and provide labour. In
exchange they could reward with wealth or power. As the influence of these rich
people spread, so they needed others to watch over their interests in more distant
places. This gave rise to different strata (levels) of rich and poor which spread
throughout the land. These were the people who hired or controlled a large work-
force which built very beautiful villages for the rich. These villages had many
stone walls, some of which were decorated. These were prestige homes unlike
those the poorer people built for themselves. Imported glass beads, sea shells and
coloured cloth became prestige objects. They were worn by the rich and powerful
and probably envied by the poorer people. For the first time there was a surplus
(more than was needed) in the society. Some used it to their advantage to gain
power over others and leisure time to use as they liked. This was the start of the
powerful ruling class which was to turn small areas into larger states and finally
vast areas into kingdoms.
Questions
1 What changes occurred in Southern Africa
in the 10th century?
2 Why were communities larger and wealthier? Use the following headings to
give your
answer: minerals, cattle, trade.
3 Draw a map showing the trade routes used
in about AD 1200.

1OBotswana and the Great Zimbabwe

Empire 1200-1350
In the last chapter we saw how a few people began to grow rich and powerful.
They were able to impose levies (sehuba) on their subjects, to control trade and
have leisure time to spend on matters not directly connected with food production.
Amongst the Toutswe people this had been brought about through cattle, amongst
the Mambo people through mining and amongst the earlier Bambandyanalo
people probably through ivory, cattle and furs. The Zimbabwe Empire was
created almost certainly as a result of the careful control of trade from the interior
being funnelled through the town of Zimbabwe itself to the coast.
Before we look at the rise of the Great Zimbabwe Empire we should look briefly
at the areas lying to the south and west. It was because of them that Great
Zimbabwe became so powerful. By AD 1150 mining had become a considerable
industry, particularly in western Zimbabwe. The important minerals were copper
and gold. Copper was traded locally but most of the gold was sent to the east
coast from where Muslim traders took it north to the great trading centre of Kilwa
to be shipped across the ocean to India. Ivory also went to India and probably
even to China.
Mining
Minerals tend to be concentrated in certain areas. In these areas the
agriculturalists (farmers) became successful miners. Many of these mines were
very close together and involved the whole
community living around them. For instance, there are 46 separate known
workings in an area of 50 km2 around Matsitama, though probably only 8 or 10 of
them were being mined at one time. Other major copper mining areas were at
Messina (Musina) and Phalaborwa in the Transvaal, with some smaller areas not
far from Gaborone and at Melita near Kanye. The miners did not give up
agriculture as they still needed to produce their own food. Since women may have
been the main underground miners and since the deeper mines flooded during the
rains, mining probably took place only during the winter and spring, well before
the rains and crop season started.
Typical villages in Botswana about AD 1200
Moritsane
Moritsane is a small hill near Gabane. On its summit was a cattle kraal about 20-
30 metres across. To the south and west were a number of small huts and some
granaries built on stones. Below on the plain were small fields where millet,
sorghum and melons were grown. The people living here kept cattle, sheep and
goats. They worked iron and even today we can see the remains of a small
opencast mine on the hill just to the south of their village. They traded in all
directions. To the west they traded iron to the San in exchange for furs. To the
east they traded specularite and cattle in exchange for copper

ornaments. To the north they traded furs in exchange for beads from Asia. In
addition, some of their women married to the north bringing cattle back to
Moritsane to increase their herds. The men hunted, mainly for meat but also for
furs and ivory, to increase the supplies they bartered from the San.
Sung
Sung is a large hill west of Shoshong. There are the remains of a huge Toutswe-
type settlement built at four different levels. At the top of the hill was a flat
clearing with a large cattle kraal surrounded by many huts, some of them raised
above the others on a terrace. Lower down the west side of the hill two separate
levels each contained a number of homes and granaries. At the bottom of the hill
and stretching for some distance were a large number of huts and granaries. In all
there may have been more than a hundred huts, possibly the homes for as many as
500 people. Sung was an important central village, the home of the ruler of the
whole area from the Mhalatswe River to the Kalahari. He controlled this area and
the 500 or more other villages in it. Around the lower village were fields growing
sorghum, millet and melons. The village people worked iron, but their main
interest was their large herds of cattle, sheep and goats. These were distributed to
all the smaller villages and some were kept in the Kalahari at places such as
Lebung. The ruler and his relatives spent much of their time looking after their
people, settling disputes (arguments) and organising trade. This was carried out
mostly with the people to the north-east, although some was directed to the south.
These were Toutswe people with links far to the north and east. To the west they
had many San working for them, looking after their stock in the Kalahari, hunting
for fur and working in the homes in the smaller villages on the edge of the
Kalahari. For their work they received iron arrowheads and spears, clay pots,
milk, and protection from those who would not trade fairly with them.
Mambo village
Close to where the Ramokgwebane and the Shashe Rivers meet was another
village occupied by some Mambo people. This village was situated on the top of a
ridge looking westwards over the Shashe River. It was much smaller than Sung
but larger than Moritsane. A stone wall was built to enclose about half a hectare
of land on a slight rise in the ridge. Within the wall were eight well-built houses
and some granaries placed on the smooth rock of the rise. Outside the wall were
some slightly inferior houses, granaries and fields. About a kilometre to the
north-east was a gold mine. Within the wall lived a district governor and his
family. He was important because he ruled the area for a king at Great Zimbabwe
and controlled all the trade and mining. The women produced more crops than
they needed because they had to give a part of their harvest to the district
governor who passed some of it on to the king. During winter and spring
everybody worked at the mine. The ore was brought to the surface and crushed.
Each small piece which showed any sign of gold was ground in a hole in the rock.
The fine powdered rock was taken to the river and washed until all the rock dust
had been removed leaving only the gold. The gold powder was melted in small
clay moulds and then handed to the district governor who rewarded the miners
with a few beads or sheep. The district governor sent the gold to the king who
sent back beads and cloth. The district governor kept most of these for himself
and his family, but some of them were given to those who supported him and to
the miners.
These people traded in other things as well as gold. They got salt from the east,
some of which they sent south and west and in return received skins which they
sent east. People living as far away as Mmadinare recognised this man as their
leader and brought him corn and iron tools, such as hoes, as tribute. In return, he
gave them protection against others living further away and conducted their trade
for them with the king in the east.

Because the district governor received all the beads that came from the east, he
was the only one to distribute them in this area. People wanted the beads because
to wear them was a sign of prestige (importance), so they worked for the district
governor. Part of their work had been to build the stone wall around his village.
This wall was not for defence nor to keep cattle kraaled. It was to show that the
owner was more important than other people.
Mmamagwe
Where the Motloutse and Limpopo Rivers meet is a hill and valley known as
Mmamagwe on which was another large village. There were some rough stone
walls on the hill and a few large houses with granaries built directly on to the bare
rock. In the valley below was a large village of poorer homesteads with several
stock kraals. Towards the river were numerous small fields planted with sorghum
and millet. There were probably more than 200 people living in this village. The
whole area was thickly populated with villages on almost every hill and in all the
protected places in the valleys. It had become rich in cattle mainly because it was
well positioned for trade with people coming from all directions. Just to the north-
east on the other side of the Limpopo was Mapungubwe, The Place of the Jackal,
a hill with a similar settlement on it where the king of the whole area lived.
There was little mining in the area except for iron. However, there was trade in
gold and copper ore which was brought in by oxback. The ore was crushed in
holes carefully bored in the rock slopes near the river. The women spent most of
their time growing crops while the men herded cattle and hunted. The men hunted
elephant with spears and axes, and by digging deep holes in the paths leading to
the rivers and setting these with sharp stakes. There were still many San in the
area, some of them living next to the large villages. These people were used for
herding, hunting and as servants. Some men had taken San as wives. They lived
in the large
villages and continued to make eggshell beads and some stone tools.
Bateti villages
At Toromoja on the Boteti River lived the Bateti, a group of Khoe people. They
lived in small villages, their round, mat-covered houses set in a circle and
surrounded by a thorn fence. At night they kept their stock, long-horned cattle,
sheep and goats, in the middle of the village. They lived mainly on fish and zebra
and other animals which were caught in the pits they dug by the river, and plants,
particularly water-lily rhizomes (tswiO, which they dug from the river bed. They
had a few San servants working for them, mostly hunting small furry animals and
collecting wild food. Sometimes they took their skins and ivory and travelled
north-west to trade with the people living at Maun, or south-eastwards to the
villages of the Toutswe people. They exchanged their skins and ivory for iron
tools, copper and tobacco. Sometimes they may also have received a few beads
and perhaps some stock. Occasionally the Toutswe people may have travelled to
the Boteti to trade with them.
Zuloasi hunters
At the Tsodilo Hills lived the Zu/oasi. They did not stay in one place for long but
moved around building new villages every few months although they always
stayed near the hills. They lived by hunting and collecting. Occasionally they
painted pictures of animals and people on the rocks of the hills. Up in the hills
was a small village of Bantu-speaking people who kept cattle, sheep and goats,
grew a few crops and forged iron tools. The Zu/oasi visited them to barter their
skins for iron beads and arrowheads, spears, salt, copper ornaments, tobacco and
pottery. The copper and beads may have come all the way from eastern Botswana
or from Zambia or Namibia.
This then was the position in Botswana: agriculturalist-miners, pastoralists (stock
farmers) and forager-hunters lived side by side. The

population was widely scattered, but slowly organising itself. People were
intermarrying and coming to depend more and more on each other for luxuries
they could not produce in their own areas.
Botswana and the rise of the Zimbabwe Empire
It was, apparently, the steadily increasing trade with the east coast which gave rise
to the Zimbabwe Empire, making even richer certain families which already
owned large herds of cattle. This trade originated in the gold-rich areas to the
north-east of the Shashe River. By AD 1150 a ruling class was forming,
particularly in mining areas, building larger settlements which often included
stone walls. It was probably about this time that the first real traders began to
come to the area from the coast seeking gold, copper, ivory, furs and possibly
slaves who would help to carry the goods.
While people were becoming rich in the west, a ruler in Zimbabwe built a village
amongst the rocks on a hilltop overlooking a valley, close to the present-day town
of Masvingo. The position of his village, on one of the main tributaries of the
Sabe River, helped him to control some of the trade passing to the east coast. By
about 1300 he, or his descendant, had gained considerable wealth and influence
by controlling much of this trade. Probably it was both as a rich man and as a
religious leader that he was able to gain the power and influence he eventually
achieved. By 1350 he had gathered many people around him and moved his
village into the valley. There a large and skilled labour force began to construct
the town of Great Zimbabwe.
This town included a complex of large, carefully finished stone walls, terraces and
covered passageways. It contained beautiful houses built of heavy clay. The ruler
attracted other nobles who built their houses around his until the town finally
contained 11 000 or more people living in
Fig. 39 Inside the enclosure of Great Zimbabwe. Girls were probably initiated
here at one time

Fig. 40 Early stonewall sites built in Zimbabwe style

great wealth. During the period from AD 1250 to 1450 at least 150 much smaller,
walled settlements were built. They stretched in a great crescent from the Tati
River north-eastwards almost to the Zambezi. These settlements each contained
about 16 adults living within the stone walls and a greater number of less
important people living outside them. It is estimated that, during the 200-year
lifetime of the Great/ Zimbabwe Empire, only about a third of these / villages
were occupied at any one time. The re-/ mains of these villages are all very
similar suggesting they all belonged to people of the same culture. These were the
rich who controlled the whole country. The town of Great Zimbabwe,
with more than 11 000 inhabitants, was by far the most important centre. Its noble
population probably numbered twice that of all the other scattered villages put
together. Archaeologists excavating Great Zimbabwe town found an enormous
wealth of imported goods: ceramics (pottery) from China, glass from Persia,
beads from many countries, as well as quantities of gold, copper, bronze and
forged iron implements (tools). The town was the centre of all trade during this
period. Cloth was introduced from India and almost certainly all the rich wore
cloth clothes and jewellery made of copper, bronze or gold as well as glass beads
and sea shells.

The influence of Great Zimbabwe is seen throughout the area where the stonewall
villages were erected. See the map, Fig. 40 on page 55. All outlying settlements
paid tribute through their local rulers in the form of iron, copper, gold, ivory, furs,
salt, grain, stock and possibly slaves. After weaving was introduced they also paid
tribute in undyed cloth. Cattle were the main form of wealth and possibly they
were also paid as tribute. The king of Zimbabwe controlled the tribute and trade,
bartering with east coast traders for imported goods in exchange for part of the
tribute he received. He then rewarded his subjects by giving them beads, cloth,
Chinese ceramics and cattle bought with tribute. In this way he gained the
allegiance (support) of all and controlled the whole land.
Religion
Religion probably played an important part in the development of the Zimbabwe
Empire, although how important this was we shall probably never know.
The earlier rulers of the Zimbabwe Empire established much of their power
through control of the ancestor spirits which had direct access to Mwari, the
Creator. Each ruler had a particular ancestor spirit, mhondoro (lion). This spirit
had once been the life force of his earliest ancestor, but on his death had entered a
lion. The spirit controlled the well-being of the ruler and all his people and had
influence with Mwari, God, who sent the rain to bring life to the land. Apparently,
as the king at Great Zimbabwe gained in economic power, so his mhondoro
gained in religious power. By about 1350 the king at Great Zimbabwe (and his
mhondoro) had become the most powerful in the land and controlled all other
rulers (and their mhondoro). Mwari was served through the king's mhondoro by
priests and priestesses who had important ritual functions to perform. The
mhondoro spirit guarded the well-being of the people and punished them if they
did not conform to good custom. The punishment usually took the form of
sickness, defeat in battle, natural disasters such as hailstorms and drought, and
personal disasters
such as failure to achieve plans. The king would consult Mwari. He would
apparently be possessed by the mhondoro spirit and growl like a lion. The priest
would interpret the king's growls to the people. This was what the mhondoro said.
The people had to make amends for their wrongdoing by giving gifts to Mwari
and abstaining from (not practising) sex. The priestesses took the gifts of black,
hornless cattle, cloth, ivory, tobacco, grain, etc. A certain amount was returned
immediately in the form of meat and beer to be consumed there and then. When
rain was sought, the priestesses would also dance to help the mhondoro attract
Mwari's favour.
When any less important ruler died, the mhondoro at Zimbabwe had to say who
his successor should be, even though the line of descent already pointed to a
particular individual. In this way the king at Great Zimbabwe held religious, as
well as economic, control of all the rulers in the land.
We are not certain how far the Great Zimbabwe Empire spread into Botswana, but
remains of its central villages have been found along the Motloutse and Tati
Rivers. It must have controlled much of the trade in eastern Botswana north of the
Mhalatswe River. In later years, when the capital moved to Khami near modern
Bulawayo, its influence must have been even greater.
Questions
1 Of which of the villages described in this
chapter are the following statements true?
(a) The settlement was on top of or around a
hilltop.
(b) The people kept cattle.
(c) The people grew millet, sorghum and
melons.
(d) The people worked iron.
(e) The people engaged in trade.
2 What was the most important reason for the
rise of the Zimbabwe Empire?
3 Imagine you are a visitor to Great Zimbabwe. Write a letter to a friend
describing
what you have seen.

Oreins of the Batswana anii Bakgalagadi

This chapter describes how the two nations, the Bakgalagadi and the Batswana,
formed. It shows how they came to have the various divisions they have today
(see Fig. 41 on pages 58-9). It describes events spread over a very long period and
ending about 1700. This date has been chosen because oral history becomes more
accurate from then onwards. From about 1790 great changes began to occur in
Southern Africa. This was mainly as a result of increases in population and
pressure from European settlers around the South African coast. Chapter 12 gives
a description of Batswana life before 1790.
Early origins
The communities which later grew into the Bakgalagadi, the Batswana and the
Basotho began to form in the western Transvaal and Botswana in about AD 1200.
Probably the Amanguni in south-east Africa and the Vashona, Bavenda and
Batsonga to the north and east were also beginning to form distinct cultural
groups at the same time. Some history books say that these peoples entered
Southern Africa in a series of invasions (waves) and were already divided into
their distinct cultural groups, but this is incorrect. They grew out of the
intermarriage between the first Bantu-speaking farmers and the San and Khoe.
The small groups of iron-age farmers entered a country inhabited by the Khoe and
San. The farmers were very few in number compared with
the Khoe and San. Today's Bantu-speaking peoples of Southern Africa are the
descendants of mainly Khoesan peoples with some Negroid influence. In AD
1200 our ancestors probably had more Khoesan characteristics than we have
today. Because of their advanced technology, their knowledge of agriculture,
pottery and ironworking, the early Bantu-speakers were able to dominate the
larger Khoesan population. However, the Khoesan influence can still be seen
today. For instance the Batswana and Bakgalagadi are lighter in skin colour than
the Bantu-speaking peoples further north. They also have Khoesan characteristics
such as almondshaped eyes, thin lips and high cheek-bones. Also the click sounds
found in some Southern African languages come from Khoesan languages.
It is very difficult to show that settlements dated around 1200 belonged to the
same peoples as exist now. No unique features of their culture (such as pottery
decoration) were the same then as they are today.
However, modern Batswana pottery is similar to that found in the western
Transvaal and south-eastern Botswana and dated to about 800 years ago. This
suggests that, although we cannot say those early people were, for example,
Bakwena, we can say they were some of the ancestors of the Batswana and
Bakgalagadi. We can be certain the Batswana have lived in this area for 800
years. The archaeologist who excavated Broederstroom has shown similarities
between the pottery found there belonging to

First farmers arrive from the north

I
The farmers mix with the Khoe and San to form the ancestors of the southern
Bantu-speaking peoples
Sotho-Tswana
I
Bakgalagadi
Bakgwatheng- Baboloangwe
Bafokeng (L, SA)
Baboloangwe Baboloangwe Bangologa
Baboloangwe
Baboloangwe
Barolong-Batlhaping-Bakaa
Barolong- Batlhaping-Bakaa
I I I
Barolong-Batlhaping Bakaa
I I I
Barolong Batlhaping Bakaa
Fig. 41 Diagram showing the relationship between the Sotho-Tswana groups now
living in Botswana 58
Bakgwatheng
Bakgwatheng
Baphaleng
N.B. Where names separate it means the group concerned split apart and moved
away from each other; the Bafokeng did not disappear in 1200, they still exist
today.
(L) group in Lesotho
(SA) group in South Africa
I I
Amanguni Bavenda
(SA) (SA)
I
Batsonga
(SA)
Bafokeng-Barolong-Baphofu
Barolong-Baphofu
I I
Barolong-Baphofu-Bakgatla-Bapedi
Batlharo-'Bahurutshe- Bakwena
Batlharo
(SA) .
Bahurutshe
Bakhurutshe- Bahurutshe
I I
Bakhurutshe Bahurutshe
anu rutsne-jaKwena-iaKwena
-JI
Bakwena (L,SA)
Bakwena- Bangwaketse -Bangwato
Bakwena Bakwena-Bangwaketse-Bangwato
(SA) / /<
Bakwena Bangwaketse Bangwato Batawana
I
atla Bapedi
(SA)
atla-Batlokwa
LBapedi - Babirwa - Batswapong
Bapedi Babir a ;atla Batlokwa Balete
Batswapong Amanguni
Batlokwa Batlokwa (SA)
(Sl
Bakgatla Bakgatla
Bakgatla Bakgatla Bakgatla
(Mosetlha) (Kgafela) (SA)

about AD 500 and pottery made by Batswana during the last few hundred years.
He believes the people who lived at Broederstroom were ancestors of the modern
Batswana. To be certain we need more than the one pottery design and similarity
in village layout he has found which stretches right through time from 500 to
1900.
Oral history
The stories our ancestors have passed down over hundreds of years tell about the
earliest beginnings. Most Southern African Bantu-speaking peoples believe they
originally came from the north-east, from a country with many lakes. The
archaeological record, mostly pottery finds, agrees with this belief. However,
most peoples have some story to explain their origin. The Batswana believe that
their earliest ancestor,
_-.atsieng or Lowe, came from the underworld through a hole in the ground
bringing his stock with him and leaving his footprints in the soft rock. There are
several holes in south-eastern Botswana called after him. The best known is near
Rasesa where the tracks of a large man have been chipped into the rock. Other
places are near Botlhapatlou and also in the southern Central District between
Shoshong and Lephepe. Although the story of Matsieng is not believed by many
people it suggests a very early settlement of Batswana in these places. Other
peoples have similar stories. They usually indicate how the people see themselves
in relation to the land. In each case the story suggests that each group has its own
unique origin in an area and that no other people havc-baKetter, claim to the land.
The Sotho-Tswana p-eoples trace their ancestry back-t-five rn j0-r groups (see
Fig. 41, pages 58-9).
1 The Bakgalagadi including the Bakgwatheng, Bangologa and Babolaongwe.
The Bakgalagadi are believed to have been the first to occupy the edges of the
Kalahari. 2 The Bafokeng including the Badighoya. The earliest date given to
the Bafokeng is about
AD 1150.
3 The Western Batswana including the Bahurutshe and Bakwena. The
earliest date
given for these groups is about AD 122U.
4 The Southern Batswana including the
Barolong. The earliest date given to the
Barolong is about AD 1150.
5 The Bakgatla including the Bapedi in the
north and eastern Transvaal. The earliest date given for the Bakgatla and Bapedi
is about AD 1400. The Bakgatla say that they were once joined with the
Bahurutshe and
Bakwena.
In about AD 1200 our ancestors lived in small, loosely-knit communities spread
over quite wide areas of land. They spoke dialects of the same original language.
A person from one community would have had no trouble in understanding
somebody from a related community. These dialects were probably much closer
to each other then than the various dialects of Setswana, Sekgalagadi and Sesotho
are today. As people spread out and time passes, so dialects tend to become more
different.
There were also probably many similarities between their customs (mekgwa).
However, they were probably not the same customs as people have today.
Customs also change both with time and with the environment in which people
live. A hundred years later, about AD 1300, oral history suggests these groups
became better defined. It also suggests the groups took their names from some
outstanding leader. The Barolong are said to have taken their name from
Morolong who lived about AD 1270. One group was ruled by Masilo. In about
1400 a group which came to be called the Batlharo broke away. Later, perhaps
about 1500, it was ruled by Malope. One story relates that Malope had no male
children in his first house, only a daughter called Mohurutshe, while in the second
house he had a son called Kwena. There was argument because some people
wanted the daughter to be the ruler while others said that only a man could rule.
They split and those who followed Mohurutshe were called the Bahurutshe and
those who followed Kwena were called the Bakwena. Later still the Bakwena
split again and one section moved to the area of modern Lesotho and surrounding
areas now in South Africa.

INDIAN OCEAN
l- Area of Sotho-Tswana
= -distribution
0 400 km
i II
Fig. 42 Possible distribution of Sotho-Tswana peoples about 1400
These stories suggest that the groups were becoming too large to be ruled by one
person and that they were dividing. Although each section was separated from the
others, their rulers were related to each other by marriage or descent. Perhaps this
was because people were not living in one community, but were spread out and
the political organisation was not strong. The diagram, Fig. 41 on pages 58 to 59
shows
how the various merafe of today trace their ancestry back to one original people.
Look also at the map, Fig. 42 which shows how we think the various groups were
distributed about 1400. We cannot be certain, but we can guess that the
Bakgalagadi were living in the west, the Barolong in the south, the Bahurutshe,
Bakwena and Bafokeng in the east, and the Bakgatla and Bapedi in the north.

The Batswana and Bakgalagadi

The very earliest oral traditions (stories) go back about 700 years. For example,
Morolong, first ruling ancestor of the Barolong, lived in about AD 1280. Over this
time stories have been passed down through at least 25 generations by word of
mouth. Historians have combined this information with that gained from
archaeology in order to reconstruct the past.
Each morafe has its own history, often going back a great distance in time.
Usually these histories have common events such as the creation of lineages,
droughts, migrations and wars. Frequently the history of one morafe describes the
same events as that of another. However, it may describe them differently and put
their happening at a different time. One such instance is the story of Kwena,
Ngwato and Ngwaketse. They are said to have been brothers, but Bangwato
history puts Ngwato at least 100 years earlier than Bakwena or Bangwaketse
traditions believe. The languages, Sekwena and Sengwato are also fairly different
but Sengwaketse and Sekwena are very similar. This suggests that the Bangwato
have been a separate people for much longer than the Bangwaketse and Bakwena.
The formation of the Batswana and Bakgalagadi merafe
Many people believe the Batswana have always lived in large villages. This is not
true. When the rains were good and food for both cattle and people was plentiful,
the Batswana and probably the Bakgalagadi formed big groups. But when drought
struck they divided up into much smaller groups. For instance, in about 1550,
when Kgabo took some Bakwena to live near Dithejwane they numbered only
about 60 people. But within 50 years they had grown in number to more than a
thousand.
This is the history of the Batswana: groups of people splitting up and then other
groups joining together. The splitting up of groups is called fission. The joining
together of groups is called amalgamation. It is because of this process of
groups splitting up, moving and then joining together that the Batswana spread
over a large
area of Southern Africa.
The size of these groups, or early merafe,
probably depended on many things, not just the av1abiUyf food. Droaghts were
the main cause of fission. Groups split up in order to find water or pasture. If a
group was rich in cattle it attracted other small groups, who had few cattle, away
from their larger parent merafe. So the group grew in numbers and in strength. As
the group grew stronger it was able to raid the parent merafe of the small
cattleless groups which had joined it. This further increased the number of cattle it
had. Eventually it became so large it was difficult for one kgosi to control it. It
was also difficult for the group to find a constant food supply in one place. At this
stage sometimes a drought occurred and the group split.
Alternatively sons or brothers of the kgosi envied his wealth and caused the group
to split. Later in the chapter we will see how younger brothers or sons sometimes
took a section of the morale
away.
In AD 1250 all the Batswana were living on
the highveld of the Transvaal, although a few of them lived as far west as Zeerust.
There were probably about 100 000 of them. We do not know for certain that they
had always lived in this area. They may have spread out before this and occupied
some of eastern Botswana. This would explain why many Batswana believe their
ancestor, Matsieng, originated near Mochudi.
The Bakgalagadi were probably living among
the Western Batswana and westwards of them into the drier areas of Botswana.
There is no \ \doubt that the Batswana, Basotho and Bak\,alagadi are closely
related, springing from one
original people. Although the dialects of Sekgalagadi form a language distinct
from Setswana the many similarities in customs (mekgwa), between the two
peoples suggest that
they have been closely related in the past.
AD 1200-1400
During the period AD 1200-1400 populations

increased rapidly and spaces between villages far from each other began to fill. It
was more aI-i14 ficult to move when land became less fertile duefl to repeated
planting and overgrazing by domes-1 tic stock. As these communities grew, so
stronger political organisations were needed to control them.
People who lived in the same area and spoke the same dialect cooperated with
each other rather than with people living over the mountains whose language was
slightly different. In
this way early communities formed. As some became more powerful than others
through wealth in cattle, mining or trading, so less powerful groups tended to join
them. Three early groups, the Barolong, Bafokeng and Bakgalagadi, seem to have
distinguished themselves in some way. The Barolong took their name from an
early leader, Morolong, whose name may come from the ancient word rola (the
action of forging iron). His son was called Noto meaning 'Hammer', and one of
the
Fig. 43 Approximate distribution of Sotho-Tswana peoples about 1500

Barolong totems (emblems) is Tshipi meaning 'Iron' suggesting they gained

importance through mining or working in iron.
Little is known about the Bafokeng. The dialect they spoke was probably different
from that of the early Barolong. Many of them moved south-eastwards to form a
part of the early population of modern Lesotho.
The Bakgalagadi peoples probably lived to the west of the other Sotho-Tswana
along the fringes of the Kalahari Desert. They broke away early from the main
population and their communities remained smaller, more mobile and scattered
than their powerful neighbours to the east.
Another large group was forming in the area between the Marico (Madikwe) and
Crocodile (Odi) Rivers. Eventually it was to be ruled by a succession of powerful
rulers of whom the first known was Mogale. It included the ancestors of the
Bahurutshe, Bakwena (including the Bangwaketse and Bangwato), Batlharo,
Bakgatla and Bapedi. It is sometimes described as the Baphofu Confederacy (see
Fig. 43, page 63).
There was a severe drought in Southern Africa during the 14th century which
caused large groups of people to move. For example the Toutswe people moved
away from their country on the edge of the desert to settle with others in an area
with a better climate. This large movement must have had a considerable effect on
the people with whom they settled. This drought probably had the effect of
dividing the weak and strengthening the strong. Groups became more powerful as
others joined them. They became more clearly identified as they moved from
place to place.
This then was the time when the major groups or merafe began to be more clearly
identified. In the centuries to come they were to divide and join up in many
different combinations, but their historic roots had been formed. Royal families
had been created and lineages (lines of descent) had been started. These lineages
have persisted, although they have split apart and then rejoined many times, down
to the present day.
AD 1400-1500
Between AD 1400 and 1500 some large movements of people took place. Also
the whole of the otho-Tswana population spread itself from retoria in the east to
the Kalahari in the west nd from the junction of the Madikwe and Odi Rivers in
the north to the Vaal River (Lekwa) in the south. (See Fig. 43, page 63.) Larger
groups began to fragment, although each section still recognised one central
power, or lineage of rulers. The Barolong were probably the first to make a
definite move. They travelled southwards to occupy the country between the
Molopo and Vaal Rivers. Here they must have found both Bakgalagadi and
Bakgothu with whom they mixed. Already they were beginning to divide up,
probably because the whole group was too large to support itself in one place.
They split into three sections. One remained directly under the traditional ruler's
lineage. The other two lived some distance away, although they still accepted him
as supreme and payed him tribute. There is a story that some Barolong went north
and tried to settle in south-western Zimbabwe, but eventually returned to settle
with their parent group south of the Molopo. This story may be true as an offshoot
of the Barolong broke away in 1884. After moving around they settled in what
they believed to be an old homeland in the Tati area. It was also about this time
that the Batlharo became separated from the Baphofu Confederacy. They did not
move far away, but they no longer recognised the sons of Mogale as their rulers.
The Bakgatla also broke away from the Baphofu to live at first with the Bapedi to
whom they were related, and later on their own. About this time a small segment
of the Bakgatla was beginning to gain importance and eventually it split away
from the Bakgatla and became the Batlokwa.
The movements of the Barolong may have caused disruption amongst the
Bakgalagadi. Some Bakgwatheng moved northwards to join their relatives living
in the Molepolole area while the Babolaongwe travelled westwards

down the Molopo to settle near Werda. They soon split and a section under
Mongologe travelled on to settle first at Mabuasehube. They later settled amidst
the pans of Matsheng where they became known by their ruler's name,
Bangologa.
Break up of the Baphofu Confederacy AD 1500-1600
It was during the 16th century that the Baphofu Confederacy broke up into a
number of important groups. Many of these later moved westwards into
Botswana. Steadily expanding populations, a steep decline in the productivity of
the land, increases in wealth (domestic stock) and drought were probably the main
reasons for the continuing break up or fragmentation. Oral history records
arguments over succession, over the care of stock and over arable lands as the
actual causes. But these latter reasons were probably only the spark which ignited
discontent resulting in the division of large groups. When fragmentation
occurred, powerful segments were often able to stand on their own. Weaker
segments joined other groups possibly related to them in the distant past. Such
unions often failed resulting in new fragmentation. Small segments sometimes
returned to their parent group.
In about AD 1500 the Baphofu under Malope were living in the area of the upper
Limpopo watershed. They must have been spread out along the river valleys in
several distinct groups although they all paid tribute to the one ruler. One story
says that Malope had heirs in two houses; a daughter, Mohurutshe, in the first,
and a son, Kwena, in the second. On his death the Baphofu split up. One section
under Mohurutshe moved southwards from Majwanamatshwaana (near
Pretoria) where they had been living. Another section under Kwena moved
eastwards towards modern Rustenburg. In about 1530 the Bakwena split again.
Many of them moved southwards across the Vaal River to settle eventually in the
Orange Free State and Lesotho.
(Kweha ' is said to have had two younger brothers, Ngwaketse and Ngwato. Both
were rulers in their own right with sections under them, although they still paid
tribute to their elder brother. We now know that Ngwaketse and Ngwato did not
live at the same time and that probably these two sections were ruled by their
descendants, not by these men themselves.
At this time there was a terrible drought known to this day as Tlala e e
boitshegang. Searching for a better place to live a group of Bakwena under their
leader Mogopa moved up the Madikwe River. They established their home at a
place called Rathantang not far from modern Buffelsdrift. This group included the
Bangwaketse and Bangwato sections. In about 1540 Mogopa heard that the
drought had ended and decided to return to the area near Pretoria. His younger
brother, Kgabo, said he would remain with some of the Bakwena and follow later.
Once Mogopa had left for Majwanamatshwaana, Kgabo and about ten families
crossed into what is now Botswana and settled in the hilly country at Dithejwane,
just west of Molepolole, where they found Bakgwatheng, Babolaongwe,
Baphaleng and other Bakgalagadi peoples already living. Shortly afterwards
Kgabo was joined by other Bakwena who had remained on the Madikwe River.
These probably included the Bangwaketse and Bangwato.
Also about this time the Babolaongwe living near Werda broke up. Two groups
moved eastwards up the Molopo, one later heading north to join its relatives in the
Dithejwane Hills. The other travelled south-eastwards to the Orange Free State
and possibly even into what is now Lesotho.
The same drought caused a break up of the Barolong who were living somewhere
west of modern Zeerust. A younger son, Phuduhutswana, took a section of the
morafe away from his father, Tshesebe, and settled at Dikgatlhong on the
confluence (junction) of the Harts and Vaal Rivers. The famine was so severe that
they were forced to catch and eat fish, from which time they have been known as
the Batlhaping (people of the fish). Even though they had

split away from their parent morafe, they still recognised Tshesebe as their Kgosi
and paid tribute to him.
AD 1600-1700
More droughts occurred during the 17th century. The traditional lands of the
Batswana, ly-
ing to the east of the Ngotwane River, became less fertile and populations
increased. So, by 1700, the Batswana occupied a much greater area of land than
they ever had in the past. The middle of the century saw many break ups amongst
the Batswana merafe. It was these splits and the resulting merafe which were to
form the nuclei or parent groups of most of the
Fig. 44 Distribution of Sotho-Tswana peoples about 1750

Fig. 45 Settlement of the Bakgalagadi groups

modern Batswana nations.
Early in the 17th century the Bakgatla who had been living near Rustenburg split
up. First a large section under Thabane moved away to the north. Then the
remainder, under his elder brother, Mogale, moved eastwards to a place north of
Pretoria. Matshege, the son of Mogale, died about 1650 leaving a daughter in the
first house and a son in the second. Some Bakgatla followed the daughter,
Mosetlha, while others followed the son, Kgafela.
A little earlier a less important split had taken place south of the Molopo. A
section of the Barolong living at Magogwe broke away and moved northwards.
The Barolong said 'Ba ka ya' meaning 'They can depart', and from then
they were known as the Bakaa.
The Bahurutshe also split up. A group moved north-eastwards to Shoshong and
became known as the Bakhurutshe. Later they split again and moved northwards
to the Shashe River.
During this same period both the Bangwaketse/ and the Bangwato broke away
from the(
Bakwena. The Bangwaketse moved southeastwards. The Bangwato moved first
eastwards and then northwards.
Often these smaller groups joined together, but usually this did not last long. For a
short period the Bakaa lived first with the Bakwena and then with the
Bakhurutshe, but each small group sought its own independence and went its own
way.

AD 1700 onwards and Bakaa somewhere in the south-western

By 1700 the Sotho-Tswana peoples had dispers- Transvaal about AD 1300. We
do not know if ed over a wide area of land. See the map, Fig. 44 they had a
common ancestor, we only know that on page 66. Many strong lineages had
developed they were living in the same area. The Bakaa and the people were
divided under them into believe they themselves broke away from the groups.
These could often be distinguished by Barolong in about 1450 and moved
northdialect and by custom as well as by name. From westwards into Botswana.
The Bakgwatheng
this point in time oral history becomes more ac- broke away from the Barolong at
the same time. curate. Our knowledge of the last 300 years is They say they had
settled at Molepolole before much more exact than that of the earlier period.
1500, by which time they were living separated Therefore we can be more certain
of the places from the Bakaa. and times where people lived and when their
The Bangologa say that about 1550 they broke
rulers died. away from the Barolong and moved westwards
along the Molopo River. (See Fig. 46.)
Somewhere near Mabuasehube (Mabuashegube)
The Bakgalagadi ---they split. One group under the father,
In Botswana we call many people ]qkgalagadi Mongologe, went north to settle
in Matsheng. without really realising who they are. o you The other group under
the son, Mbolawe, reknow, for instance, that some Batswana living mained at
Mabuasehube and this group became around Rustenburg and in the central
Transvaal known as the Babolaongwe. call the Batswana of Botswana
'Bakgalagadi'? The Baphaleng think they are an offshoot of This name has been
given to a number of dif- the Bakgwatheng and that they broke away from ferent
peoples because they live in the Kgalagadi them while they were living in the
Molepolole or Kalahari Desert. In fact, each group has its area. They moved
north to settle near Shoshong. own name for itself, its own language, customs
The earliest remembered history does not and history. Look at the map, Fig. 45 on
page 67 gives us any dates and is sometimes vague about which shows the
movements of the earlier the places where events occurred. It is quite
Bakgalagadi groups. possible that the Barolong and Bakaa were
living
Today there are five main groups of in the south-western Transvaal long
before AD
Bakgalagadi. These are the Bakgwatheng, Bab- 1300. Remembered history may
have shortened olaongwe, Bangologa, Baphaleng and Bashaga. the time which
actually passed. To be more acThere is another group in the Central District,
curate we must compare remembered history the Bapedi, but they probably have
Bavenda with the information gained from archaeology.
origins and do not speak a dialect similar to those The earliest pottery we have
found in the of the other groups. south-east comes from a place
near Dithejwane.
The Bakgwatheng, Babolaongwe, Bangologa It probably dates to between AD
500 and 600.
and Baphaleng trace their ancestry back to a Other pottery has been found in
Seoke (near common origin. The Bashaga originally lived Lobatse), Moritsane,
Broadhurst, and many with the Batlhaping, Batlharo and Barolong and other
places. This pottery has many similarities, fled into the Kalahari about the
beginning of particularly a herring-bone decoration around the 19th century.
They joined with the the neck and thickened rim. We believe that it all
Babolaongwe adopting their customs and belongs to the same tradition, that
is, it was
dialect. It is possible that they were remnants of made by people who were
descended from each Babolaongwe groups which had been living with other.
Some of them may have moved away the southern Batswana.
while others came to join them. But, essentially,
The remembered history of the Bakgwatheng the people living at Broadhurst in
AD 1400 were and Bangologa places them with the Barolong descended from
the same general people of
BAIVru A Y
SPEA,,K, . P E ,.. /
/1 "B~~ASUBIY ".
BABAT0ANGAL
BATSWAN
0 400 800km
..... '
F a ao
Bat boundry.innort
Ko.a boundary
Fig 46." Ditibto of Souther Africa popundary abou north

whom a group was living near Dithejwane in about AD 600.

The pottery tells us that there were no sudden changes in style, just a steady
progression from that made in AD 600 to that made 900 years later. Remembered
history tells us that the Barolong and Bakgalagadi groups were living in the area
where the pottery was found around AD 1400 to 1500. There is no record of any
other peoples living in the area. So it is almost certain that the ancestors of either
or both of these peoples made the pottery and were living in the area from AD
600 onwards. The Bangologa under Mongologe settled in the Matsheng area,
those clusters (groups) of pans around Hukuntsi and eastwards to Kang. It is
believed that they split again fairly soon and a small group continued northwards
through Ghanzi eventually reaching the Khwebe Hills. They were found there by
the Bayei in about 1750.
The Babolaongwe had lived at Mabuasehube for about 100 years when they split
up. One group Babina phiri (people of the hyaena totem) went to Dithejwane to
join the Bakgwatheng. The other group went back the way they had come. They
passed through their old country and continued eastwards to the area west of
Lesotho.
Life of the Bakgalagadi
It is important to know how these people lived in order to understand why so.IC
.p- ple like the Bakgwathen reained in the eastAwhile others like the Bangologa
moved westwards. The Bakgwatheng grew crops; sorghum, melons and beans.
They also kept a few cattle, sheep and goats. The organisation of their society was
very similar to that of the Batswana. They had a kgosi, a central village with some
of the walls built of stone, a system of initiation for boys and girls (go rupa) and
the formation of age regiments (mephato).
In almost every way they must have been similar to the early Batswana. They
needed their crops to live and were unable to move out of
areas where they could grow them. This meant it would have been difficult, if not
impossible, for them to move deep into the Kalahari. The rainfall would not have
been sufficient for them to grow good crops. Also they mined and worked iron.
They would not have been able to find iron ore (bogale) in the desert.
On the other hand, the Bangologa and the Babolaongwe were pastoralists (stock
farmers). They had large herds of sheep and goats and possibly a few cattle. They
grew crops, but these were not important because they obtained most of their food
from hunting and collecting wild plants. Also they did not smelt iron. They traded
it from people like the Barolong. It was easy for these people to live in the
Kalahari. They could move their herds from pan to pan during the dry season
looking for water and good grazing. In the summer during the rains they could
stay in one place for a time to grow a few melons and beans. They also had
customs similar to the Batswana but their society was more loosely organised.
Younger brothers of dikgosi were always taking their wards and moving away
from the main morafe. The environment of the Kalahari is much more suitable for
small rather than large groups and this would have suited the people.
Questions
1 What is the evidence for saying that the
Batswana have lived in this area for 800
years?
2 List the five major groups to which the
Basotho-Batswana people trace their ancestry, and say where these groups
were
probably living in around 1400.
3 Which source for the study of history is
mentioned frequently in this chapter? Why? 4 At which stage can we begin to
identify the
major groups of people living in Botswana?
Why then?
5 List the differences in the ways of life of the
Bakgwatheng and the Bangologa. Say why the Bakgwatheng remained in the east,
and
the Bangologa moved westwards.

12 Life of the Batswana

before the Difagane
The lifestyle of different Batswana groups probably varied considerably. In wetter
areas people were able to grow crops while in drier areas they depended more on
hunting and collecting wild food. In drier areas they moved about following game
and the ripening of plants. Such conditions favoured cattle-raising but were bad
for crop production.
The Batswana living on the higher land in the east, the Bakgatla, Bahurutshe,
Batlokwa oo cro except when rais were very poor. They collected some wild plant
foods and sent out hunting parties which were sometimes away for several
months. They lived in larger settlements which, around AD 1500, began to
include stone walls. The Batswana living in the south, the Barolong, Batlharo and
Batlhaping, also relied on growing crops, but spent more time hunting than their
brothers in the east. The Western Batswana, the ", Bakwena ba ga Kgabo,
Bangwaketse, Bangwato and Batawana relied on hunting and grew a few quick
crops such as beans and melons, and gathered wild plants. Their hunting grounds
were very distant. The Bangwato, living near the Metsemotlhaba River, hunted in
the hilly country around Serowe. By 1795, when the Batawana broke away from
the Bangwato, the Bakwena hunted as far to the north-west as Lake Ngami.
Each group or morale was independent of all other groups in every matter except
ritual. The lead r, kgosi, was the head of his group answerable to no other leader
in terms of the Fig. 47 A M law. It w.as only in matters of ritual, such as the for
throwing a
okwena warrior, the spear was used nd the battle-axe for hand fighting

tasting of the first fruits at harvest time, that they recognised a superior. The son
of the Hurutshe kgosi was the first to taste the fruits (molomo) showing the
Bahurutshe were the senior morafe. Such a custom emphasised the historic
relationship between the Batswana groups and the need to cooperate.
The royal family provided the rulers of the morafe, no commoner could take their
place. If a ruler was bad, his people tended to follow and support one of his
relatives until an open disagreement took place. Then the morafe often split with
one group moving away to settle elsewhere.
The kgosi was to the morafe like the heart is to the body. He pumped the life-
blood which kept the morafe alive. He was the leader in all things and nothing
could be done without him. He brought the rain and health to the people,
strengthened the army and defended the people. He administered the law and saw
that every person received justice. He held much of the wealth
of the morafe and saw that no one was in need. Although he was the leader, he
was also the voice of the people. lie led discussions in the kgotla and then
summed up the general view.
The Batswana have always kept cattle. Probably, at one time nearly all the cattle
were the property of royal families and common people owned few if any stock.
The kgosi controlled the use of cattle by allowing his relatives to keep large herds.
In their turn, they controlled the distribution of their stock amongst their relatives
and the common people. The people knew that if they offended a royal person he
might take their stock from them and give them to another. This system made sure
that people obeyed their leaders. When a person allowed another the use of his
stock he could expect much in return. People who received cattle herded for him,
helped with agriculture, brought skins and meat, supported him in trouble, fought
for him and even provided domestic service in his home. Cattle separated the rich
from the poor. Tbose-who-
4"
Fig. 48 Part of a village drawn by the traveller and artist Daniell. This type of
sefalana (granary) is no longer made

owned cattle were rich. Those who did not own attl"Eto 560perate with the rich to
obtain the use of the cattle. It was impossible to live without cattle, they were
needed to celebrate every important occasion, birth, initiation, marriage, health
and death. The giving of cattle between members of a family or a morafe showed
and strengthened the relationships which existed between them. The slaughtering
of a beast and the communal eating of meat kept people living happily together.
The Batswana were very careful to make.ce_taiQct -e - family. They might
be
lent by way of mafisa, but they were never given away. Even in marriage people
made certain that the animals given in bogadi to the bride's parents never left the
family. This was done by the custom of a man first marrying his mother's sister's
daughter, and then his mother's brother's daughter. He knew that when his
children married their cousins the cattle given for his wife would come back to
him.
Social relations
.4
Batswana merafe are divided by many social levels. At the centre and most
important are those people who trace their ancestry back to founder (first)
members. They are known by their ancestral seboko or praise name. Amongst the
Bakwena and Bangwaketse this is 'Kwena' (crocodile). Amongst the Bangwato it
is 'Phuti' (duiker). Amongst the Bakgatla ba ga Kgafela it is 'Kgabo' (monkey).
These people form the ruling-lops. Most important amongst them is the Vgosi and
his family. They can trace their ancestry back to the founder of the Batswana,
Mogale, together with the rest of the members of their immediate group.
Next in importance come Batswana from other merafe who have broken away
from their kgosi and now become members of the morafe. Their wards in the
central village are usually placed close to those of the ruling people. After them
come people of non-Batswana merafe, people such as the Babirwa, Batswapong,
Ovambanderu, Balozi, Amandebele, Bakalanga, etc. Historically, these peoples
usually had their wards on the edge of the village, or lived in separate villages
well away from the capital. Among the Bakwena, for instance, the lowest peoples
were usually the Bakgalagadi, although j their position has changed from time to
time depending on the circumstances of the morale. During the 15th and 16th
centuries, when the Bakwena were small and weak, they accepted Bakgalagadi
into the morafe as citizens. The Batawana did the same in about 1805 when they
were weak. At other times when the morafe has been strong the Bakgalagadi have
been treated as very inferior.
Finally there were the San. These people were generally made to live away from
the village and were never considered as members of the morafe. However they
were sometimes attached to a family for whom they had to hunt, carry out
domestic work, clear agricultural fields and occasionally herd cattle.
One way this class structure was maintained was through marriage. People
normally married only within their own social class. In particular r dikgosi tried to
strengthen their ties with other merafe by marrying hidau hters to their royalty.
Normally akMotswana,-would only marry another Motswana,-not someone he
considered inferior to himself. However Khama III married his daughters to the
royal families of the Bakaa and Batalaote to try and strengthen the morafe. No
Motswana would marry a Mokgalagadi or a San but they might take a
Mokgalagadi as a second wife when the morafe was weak. Normally the children
of marriages and unions between Batswana and either Bakgalagadi or San were
brought up as servants, (also serfs) alata. Miy never attained membership of the
m '_ They could not inherit any of their fathers' property. The kgosi was in final
control of all the proper-\\ ty in the morafe. The real wealth consisted of cattle and
sheep which were kept in a number of common herds, usually some distance from
the capital. The kgosi had the power to give these into the care of members of his
morafe, both to

Fig. 49 Daniell's painting of Dithakong. Daniell was to the outside world in about
1802
royalty and to common people. This system again showed clearly the different
social levels since the kgosi had under his own control large numbers of stock. He
distributed these mainly to his own relatives. They, in turn, could distribute,"
them to their children and to members of their wards, makgotla. Any commoner
who received cattle became important in the morafe.
When a ward was formed it normally consisted of the sons of a kgosi from one
mother and families put with them to be their supporters and servants. These
people were known as batlhanka. These batlhanka were ordinary members of
the morafe, free to own cattle, keep their own homes and grow their own crops:
At the same time they were expected to work for the senior families in their ward,
to do domestic and
the first white man to bring pictures of Batswana
agricultural labour and to support them in the
affairs of the morafe.
All royal Batswana, many common Batswana {-and even some non-Batswana
were entitled to
the services of Bakgalagadi. Whole Bakgalagadi-"
families were permanently attached to Batswana families and had to work for
them whenever required. These people were treated extremely badly. They were
not allowed to own property of their own, often not allowed to live in the same
area as their masters and not allowed to marry without their consent. They were
not even allowed to eat from the same food dishes after their masters had fed.
They were forced to become serfs, malata, little better than slaves and to do
anything their masters asked. They were not free to move away and could be sent
to

work for other Batswana. In this way Bakgalagadi families were divided and
children were taken from their parents.
Traditionally, most of the Bakgalagadi lived on Bakwena land. The Bakgwatheng
managed to retain some independence and grew their own crops. They moved
from Molepolole to just south of Letlhakeng in the early 1800s. They wanted to
win the favour of Moruakgomo, the Kwena kgosi who had stolen the bogosi from
the rightful heir, Segokotlo. So in 1824 they sent some ivory to Moruakgomo. At
the time he was desperate for goods to trade for guns. He wanted to arm himself
for defence and to fight Segokotlo. He saw the opportunity to obtain ivory and
furs and also to rid himself of the Bakgalagadi.
Moruakgomo took all the property of those Bakgalagadi who were not already
serfs, malata, and drove them out into the Kalahari. He forced them to hunt for
him. He appointed important Bakwena to keep a permanent watch on them in the
desert and take from them anything they hunted. Many Bakgalagadi hid
themselves deep in the desert. Eventually they learned to trade their ivory and
skins with the Bateti to the north, from whom they got some stock and guns. But
most of the Bakgalagadi were forced to live a desperate life in the desert,
constantly being chased by Bakwena. This went on for 60 years, until they were
freed by Sechele I.
Other merafe such as the Bangwaketse and Bangwato also treated the
Bakgalagadi extremely badly, but they did not take all their property from them.
Some people argue that the Bakgalagadi received many benefits from being
servants of the Batswana. In fact their only benefit was protection by their masters
from other Batswana who also wanted to exploit them.
A typical morafe Let us look at a typical group (morafe) which may have existed
some time during the 18th or 19th centuries. At the head was the kgosi with the
members of his family, his brothers, uncles,
cousins and children, all with their families. Attached to them were other
Batswana families and numbers of people who acted as servants and were
commonly known as Batihanka. This was the central part of the morafe and was
known as kgosing. They lived clustered together although each family and its
servants occupied an area separate from other families. A little away from this
village, but still within sight, was another village very similar in layout. A Here
lived another group of Batswana which Mhad left its paoErt Zroup te4-iats one. It
had ts own leader and his family. However they all held a lower status than the
kgosi and looked to him for government.
Some distance away, and possibly out of sight,
was yet another village composed of kgalagadi, either Bakgwatheng or
Babolaongwe,
_howorked- for the Batswana. As time passed, so these villages grew larger. This
was usually by the addition of other groups which joined them and then
recognised their kgosi as their own ruler. Some of these villages grew very large
with many sections or wards in them. As they grew bigger, so the kgosi put
members of his own family into the junior sections to rule them on his behalf. By
about 1800 some of these villages probably had about 10 000 inhabitants. With
the steady increase in size and wealth of these merafe, so the army became more
and more important. The army was made up of age regiments. When the son of a
kgosi reached about 16',years__f age, the kgosi announced the holding o
.ag''d.rIhis was an initiation school through which all the young men had to go. It
was held every four or five years and lasted for about five months. The boys were
taken into a remote place, circumcised and then taught how to behave as men.
This involved learning the law, customs and history of the morafe, learning how
to fight and cooperate with each other, learning respect for older people, and
learning how to undergo great hardship. When bogwera finished the boys were
brought to the kgotla, formed into a regiment (mophato), and given a regimental
name. In future they remained in that regiment and must be available at all times
Fig. 50 Bojale, or female initiation. A photograph of Balete girls taken in the
1880s. The bundles of sticks were a form of test causing much discomfort and
also identified the group as a whole: a kind of uniform
Fig. 51 Bogwera or male initiation

I~
Fig. 52 A village painted by Burchell. Pack oxen were used for transport before
sledges were introduced
for duty. Sometimes the kgosi called them to go hunting, to raid cattle, to clear
lands, fetch reeds, build fences or even just to eptrtain. A little later the kgosi
announced bojale ahd all the girls were formed into a similarregiment. They went
through a similar period of training although it was neither long nor harsh. These
important institutions (customs) have their origins many hundreds of years back.
In each instance it was the kgosi's son or daughter who became the leader of the
regiment with which he or she was initiated. Thus, each regiment, was led by a
son or close relative of the kgosi. This gave him great power over his army. For
the first few years after the formation of a regiment it was kept very busy. But
when a new regiment was formed, so the duties of senior regiments were relaxed
and the men were allowed to marry.
Regiments spent a lot of time hunting, particularly during the winter The groups'
hunting
grounds could be a long way from their village. In the 18th century the Bangwato
hunted in the hills around Serowe and north-westwards to the Boteti. The
Bahurutshe hunted around the Nata River and the Bakwena hunted as far to the
west as Lake Ngami. The Bangwaketse hunted in the Kalahari around Tshane and
Kang, and the Batlharo and Barolong hunted down the Molopo westwards to
Bokspits. They went equipped for a long journey, taking oxen with them to carry
provisions and to bring back meat and skins. In those days there were no
waggons, sledges or donkeys and everything was carried on the oxen's backs.
Hunting was generally a communal affair. Usually one or more regiments took
part, although individuals and families sometimes hunted for themselves. The
kgosi would order a hunt, letsholo, and say which regiments should take part in it.
It was the duty of all called to take part. Anyone who did not do so might be
sy,

Fig. 53 A Motswana carrying meat. Note the sunshade

severely punished or even killed.
Hunts were of two types. The mephato sometimes went out for long or short
periods into areas where there were large herds of game. The soldiers slowly
encircled a herd and closed in, stabbing the animals as they tried to break through
the circle. This type of a hunt was often held just before a battle to make the
soldiers ready for fighting. Sebego, kgosi of the Bangwaketse, held such a hunt
just before he attacked the Bakololo at Dithubaruba (see page 106).
The other type of hunt involved a special trap called hopo in Sekgalagadi. Men,
women and children went to a place where large herds often grazed or came to
drink. Here they dug a deep hole about twelve metres wide and four metres
deep. This was covered with branches and earth to hide it. From it, two fences of
bushes were built in the shape of a funnel. These were about a kilometre long and
a kilometre wide at the mouth. The regiments surrounded or sometimes used grass
fires to drive a herd or herds of game into the funnel and so into the pit (see Fig.
54, page 79). Other soldiers hid behind the fence. If any game jumped out of the
pit they stabbed it
with spears.
Ij The animals killed belonged to the kgosi who
kept or divided them as he considered best.
These hunts were very important in Batswana life. The kgosi called them at
special times, before raids and battles, during bogwera, and before an important
meeting when he expected disagreement. Sometimes the kgosi called them when
he and his secret advisers, the !, khuduthamaga, wished to kill someone
without a
public execution. The person was killed on the \ hunt and all knew that no
questions could be
asked.
The most important aspect of the- matsholo
was to unify the morafe, to make people cooperate with each other in a dangerous
undertaking. This gave the morafe strength and helped the kgosi to make his own
position as leader very clear. Such hunts were also carried out by the Bakgalagadi.
Possibly amongst them they were even more important than they were to the
Batswana. This was because they helped to hold together a people who did not
have the same strong political organisation as the Batswana.
They would stop individual families from straying far from the main group.
Boys, who had not been initiated into regiments, and servants looked after the
cattle. The cattle were usually kept some distance from the village. Close to the
village were the agricultural lands. The men looked for patches of loamy soil
because they knew these were the most fertile.
Here they cleared off brush which they burnt.
When the rains came the kgosi gave the order to plant. Both men and women
worked on the lands digging the soil and planting the seeds of sorghum, melons
and beans. Often the tool they used consisted of a fairly heavy stick with a

Fig. 54 The pit, a part of the hopo hunting trap drawn by Livingstone. Batswana
hunted communally; many people were needed to drive the animals and dig the
pit
pointed end. They did not all use metal hoes. The kgosi then gave the order to
weed and later to harvest. Each family had to keep to this schedule, neither
planting, nor weeding, nor harvesting before or after his command. In this way all
people worked at the same pace and all reaped the same harvest. This was
important in maintaining a happy society since no one could do better than
another and no one could be idle and rely on another for help later.
For the Batswana who lived in the drier areas in the west the collection of wild
food was more x important than grW crops.- Often they moved t1eir villages as
the soil became poor or wild food became more plentiful elsewhere. Because the
men were the hunters and the herders, they were the main producers of food. They
brought meat for food and skins which could be traded eastwards for grain. They
also brought milk which formed an important part of their diet. The milk was
soured in a skin container (lekuka) and called madila. This was brought in from
the grazing areas to the central village. For much of the year they ate meat,
madila, wild foods such
as honey, fruit, roots, caterpillars, tortoises, hares, nuts, fungi and rodents, and
what crops they could either grow or trade. Because they moved often their homes
were not constructed like those of the Batswana living in the east. Often their
villages were built on\ high ground, even on the tops of hills. The houses they
built when they first crossed the Ngotwane were called moth ibelafatshe. They
consisted of branches with the thick ends sunk in a circle into the ground and the
thin ends bent \iwards and tied together. Clumps of grass were 'laid over these
branches and tied down with bark. Later, they built better houses known as
moraro because of their three parts: roof, supports and walls. The roof was made
of rafters, thatched and supported on poles. Under this an inner circular wall was
made of bushes bound tightly together. These homes were easy I to make and as
easily abandoned (left) as the group moved.
Although the Western Batswana mined specularite (sebilo) it is not certain that
they were iron miners as well. Many oral traditions say the

Bakwena and the Bangwato traded their iron from the Barolong, Balete and
Batlokwa. Certainly they were great skin workers. They collected the skins of the
animals they hunted and made all their dependants and batlhanka bring them the
skins of fur-bearing animals such as jackal, fox, genet and caracal. Skins of lion,
leopard and cheetah belonged to the kgosi who paid the man who brought them
with a calf or sheep. An important part of a man's life was spent in sewing skins
into blankets. This was something which he might do in the kgotla. These fur
blankets were traded with the Bakgothu for sheep and with other Batswana for
iron, and possibly grain.
The Western Batswana of 200 or more years ago had an ordered society. The
kgosi ruled on behalf of the people. He brought the rain an health. He controlled
all the property through a. complicated system of politics and relationships, both
of blood and servitude. He controlled the
activities of the year; planting, weeding, harvesting and hunting. He organised
the army and ordered its activities. Everybody knew their exact position in
society, what they should do at any time and even who they should marry. Such a
system ensured that the rich remained rich and the poor remained poor. It also
meant that the political structure remained virtually the same, as nobody could
fight to change it.
Questions
1 List the rights and duties of the kgosi, as
described in this chapter.
2 Describe the main social levels found in a
Batswana morafe.
3 Imagine you are writing to a friend in
another country. Try to describe the main features of Batswana traditional life as
it was
200 years ago.

3 Origins of the Bakalanga

The Torwa period
It is impossible today to sort out all the early Cs o f the peoples who call
themselves
(Bakalaenga.Thre is little doubt the ancestors of
em have lived in the area of the upper Shashe River for more than a thousand
years. It is very probable that some of their ancestors come from the Toutswe and
Mambo peoples who occupied a part of eastern Botswana as early as AD 800.
During the 600 years between 1300 and 1900 so many changes took place and so
many immigrants arrived, that it is now difficult to separate one group from
another. During the period from about AD 1100 to 1840 three separate states or
kingdoms emerged in what is today called the Republic of Zimbabwe. Each of
these states overlapped into Botswana. The first of these was Great Zimbabwe
(see page 54). The second state was formed in about 1450 under a dynasty of
rulers known as the Torwa and lasted until 1680. The third state was that of the
Barozvi which was destroyed in 1840. These latter states probably had even more
influence on north-eastern Botswana than the Zimbabwe State.
Soon after 1400 the Zimbabwe State began to lose its power. This was probably
because the land was over-used and crops, grazing, wildlife and firewood were
declining. Suddenly, Khami in the west, situated close to modern Bulawayo,
began to increase in power. It became far more important than Great Zimbabwe in
the east. Exactly what happened is unknown. Perhaps a
district governor became so rich he was able to take the control away from Great
Zimbabwe. Perhaps the king at Great Zimbabwe moved to Khami or some of his
senior people went to establish an opposition state. Whatever happened, Khami
became powerful because of its location (place). It is in the centre of some of the
best grazing lands and richest gold reefs on the Southern African plateau.
In many ways Khami was a continuation of the Zimbabwe State. The whole
country was ruled by the Torwa Kings from Khami. 'Torwa' means 'foreigner' in
Chikaranga (a Chishona dialect spoken in south-eastern Zimbabwe and different
from Tjikalanga spoken in the west). The name emphasises the way they ruled.
The general population continued to support themselves as they had in the past,
mainly by growing crops, hunting, collecting wild food and keeping some stock.
The Torwa were like colonial rulers. They established their homes throughout the
country, but held themselves above the general population.
They remained a close-knit society marrying only amongst themselves. Their
magnificent homes were built mainly on hills and rocky outcrops. Like the
Zimbabwe villages, their homes consisted of enclosures built of stones. The walls
were highly decorated, the stones being laid in herring-bone, chevron-shaped (v-
shaped) and check patterns. Within the enclosures were massive homes with
elaborate courtyards sometimes mounted on artificial platforms. Clay daga was
used for wall and courtyard
400 km
Fig. 55 The approximate limits of the Torwa State about 1550
construction. These interior walls were often very thick and beautifully moulded.
The houses were round or oval with a diameter of up to eight or nine metres (see
Fig. 56, page 83).
The Torwa rulers or district governors were each known as mambo. They wore
woven robes made of spun cotton sometimes dyed blue, and jewellery made of
gold, copper and ivory. Beads imported from the coast and coming from Europe
and India as well, were common, so were sea shells. There were local dishes
made of soapstone and beautiful decorated clay pots. Ceramic bowls from as far
away as China and glass from Persia could also be found.
They lived in great splendour and had many servants. The men spent much of
their time in special meeting places adjoining their homes. Their wives had
similar buildings a little below and closely connected to the men's. They
controlled most of thexattle-and all the trade in the area, and so had all the wealth.
The locl population was expected to work in the mines digging gold, copper and
iron. They were also expected to forge tools and jewellery, spin cloth, bring in
skins and ivory from their hunting and pay regular tribute in grain and stock. In
addition, they had to build the beautiful homes of their masters and be ready to
serve

Fig. 56 Naletale, a Khami-type settlement inhabited about 1500 to 1650. It is well

known as the most highly decorated settlement: note the designs
them at any time.
Some th produce of the area was sent by
the mambo the king at Khami where it was sorte7-rom here gold, ivory,
copper, furs, precious woods and possibly slaves were sent to the coast in
exchange for glass beads, sea shells, ceramics, glass and dyed cloth. These district
governors controlled the Bakalanga although the latter had their own system of
traditional leaders. The mambo probably took little interest in local affairs
provided work was done and sufficient cattle, gold, grain and other goods were
produced.
The remains of their homes have been found at many places in eastern Botswana.
The best known are at Leswingo, Vukwe and Serule although many others exist
stretching from the
confluence of the Lotsane and Limpopo Rivers along the Shashe and Motloutse
Rivers to west of the railway line. Their influence on the area must have been
considerable. They controlled nearly all major trade to the area a little south of
modern Mahalapye.
At first they had little to do with the local population. As time went by they
became more and more involved with them and, in doing so, began to lose their
rigid control. By the 1680s their language was Tjikalanga, the same as that spoken
by the people they had ruled. By 1650 gold was becoming much more difficult to
find and the population had grown. Probably the same droughts which had helped
to split the Batswana in the south affected the lands of the Torwa. Much of their
means for obtaining

wealth had gone. So in 1683 they were easily conquered by the Varozvi.
The Varozvi
The Torwa were defeated without much fighting. The name 'Varozvi' means
'Destroyers'. They came from the north-east, from the headwaters of the Hunyani
River. Like the Torwa, they were also descendants of the original rulers at Great
Zimbabwe. Their king (changamire) moved the capital from Khami northwards to
Danangombe (now known as Dlhodlho) some 120 kilometres away.
They occupied the old Torwa homes. Then, to make sure they kept their new
power, they married into the Torwa families. They, in turn, began to speak
Tjikalanga. The new rulers probably never managed to become as wealthy as the
Torwa. They never established any new
stonewall capitals although they may have extended the ones they took over. The
move to Danangombe, about three days' journey further from the Botswana
border, meant that they lost some of their power in Botswana. By 1696, the
changamire had spread his control over much of modern Zimbabwe. But his army
was drawn only from Varozvi families, common people were not recruited. As a
result, the changamire had little strength. It was not long before his sons were
fighting each other for parts of his huge kingdom. Realising they had little real
power, the Varozvi used others to do their ruling for them. In the first place, they
allowed the Torwa to continue to carry out the general administration of their
areas. This probably involved making people work, keeping the peace and
obtaining goods as tribute for trade. Like the Torwa, the Varozvi let the
Bakalanga hereditary rulers, vaishe, govern their own people.
Fig. 57 Majojo, the Khami-type settlement is at Serule in Botswana. Note the
blocked doorway and herring-bone designs

Although they allowed others to rule for them, the Varozvi insisted on three
things in order to keep control.
1 They had to approve all new rulers.
Sometimes they chose a ruler who was not the heir if they thought he would be
more
loyal to them.
2 They allocated (gave out) all land.
3 They collected all tribute from the original
district governors' homes.
At first they were successful, but gradually they lost their control. This was
because many Vakaranga started to move into the area from eastern Zimbabwe
and there were big increases in population. Also the gold trade had declined and
some of the traditional population moved away to look for more fertile land.
As control slackened, so more and more immigrants began to arrive. Babirwa
crossed the Limpopo from Nareng in the northern Transvaal, settling on the
lower Shashe and Motloutse. Bakhurutshe came northwards from Shoshong to
settle first at Serowe and then on the upper Shashe. Groups of Bapedi, Balete and
Batswapong crossed through the tsetse areas of the upper Limpopo and settled
around the Tswapong Hills. Even Bavenda from the northern Transvaal began to
work their way up the Limpopo and Shashe Rivers. At first the Varozvi tried to
protect their Bakalanga subjects. But after a while they helped whichever group
they thought would help them. Sometimes they helped Bakalanga against the
immigrants and sometimes the reverse.
All these movements had a great effect on the Bakalanga. With loss of Varozvi
power, so Batswana merafe like the Bakaa and Bakhurutshe, began to rule the
Bakalanga. In some instances the Batswana absorbed the Bakalanga. In others the
Bakalanga absorbed small groups of Babirwa, Bapedi and even Barolong.
By 1835 the Bakalanga consisted of many different peoples who had come to live
with the original inhabitants and now spoke their language and practised their
customs. There was no longer any single powerful leader although people such as
Ndumba had many followers. A
succession of invasions between 1830 and 1840 finally broke the Varozvi power.
The Varozvi were attacked first by two separate groups which had been chased
from their homes during the wars of the Difaqane (see Chapter 15). First came
Mpanga's Basotho (people from the area of modern Swaziland) and then
Ngwamamaseko's Amanguni from the south. Both were defeated, but the Varozvi
army was badly damaged.
Next came Zwangendaba with another Amanguni army. After the battle he
moved northwards and settled near modern Harare. But he returned to attack
again before he finally crossed the Zambezi in 1835.
Next the Varozvi were attacked by Nyamazana, Zwangendaba's cousin. Her first
attack was beaten off, but she returned, this time attacking the capital at
Danangombe. The changamire was driven from his home and killed. Nyamazana
left the Varozvi State intact, but without a leader.
Finally the end came for the Varozvi in 1838-40 with the arrival of the
Amandebele. Without a leader and their army broken they were unable to resist
the Amandebele army. The first to arrive was a section under Gundwane who
settled in the country of Ndumba, one of the stronger Bakalanga leaders. In
1840 Mzilikazi came from the north-west with the remainder of the army. He
systematically drove the Bakalanga and the Bakhurutshe out of the country. They
fled south to the lands of the Bangwato. This left the area of the headwaters of the
Shashe River more or less unoccupied.
The Varozvi appointed a new changamire and made one last effort to regain
power. In about 1850 they rose against the Amandebele but were totally defeated.
The Bakalanga had no powerful leaders. They had lived under colonial rule for
600 years. On the defeat of the Varozvi they simply changed one master for
another. The Amandebele allowed the Bakalanga rulers to continue to look after
their own people. Mzilikazi claimed all the land in the north stretching
southwards to the Motloutse River. The Bangwato claimed all the southern lands

stretching northwards to the Ramokgwebane. Neither Khama of the Bangwato nor

Mzilikazi of the Amandebele was anxious to start a war over the land they both
claimed. Slowly the Bakalanga began to return and re-establish themselves on the
Shashe. They were forced to pay tribute to Mzilikazi and some of the young men
were taken for his army. Khama also sent his tax collectors to the area and they
paid tribute to him as well.
The Bakalanga have probably lived in the same area for a thousand years. For the
last 600 years they were ruled by foreigners. Each set of rulers kept to themselves
at first, but finally they married into the Bakalanga society and adopted their
language. Although Bakalanga leadership has always been weak, the society must
have been strong. Nearly all the immigrant groups who came to live with the
Bakalanga slowly adopted their language and customs. The Bakalanga culturally
conquered their conquerors.
Bakalanga life about 1700
The Bakalanga were agriculturalists growing many crops in their fertile lands.
They also kept cattle, sheep and goats. They did not live in large villages but in
small interrelated settlements around a particular landmark such as a hill, a valley,
a small river or a clearing in the forest.
Bakalanga rulers were hereditary the eldest son inheriting from his father, but
thgy...ba, irztla reapower as they were all governed by the Varozvi. The Varozvi
kept their power over the Bakalanga in two ways. Their God, Mwari or Mwali,
was the creator of earth and life. He brought the rain to make crops grow. The
Varozvi appointed the priests of Mwari and so controlled the rain that watered
Bakalanga crops. They also approved a Mukalanga ruler b giving him black beads
of symbolic power whicill came from Mwari. If they did not want the traditional
successor as the new ruler, they gave the beads to someone else whom they
thought would cooperate with them.
Amongst the Bakalanga it was not the nation which was important, but the
community living together. Because they were ruled by the Varozvi, Bakalanga
rulers had little power. They were unable to unite their people or even to form
their own army. These communities consisted of interrelated families, which
owned all the arable land, and foreigners who had joined them and been given
rights to use some of the land. To gain control in a community a man and his
family married only into families which owned land adjoining their own. Often a
man would marry not just one wife from such a family but two or even three. As a
family became powerful through ownership of land, so the community established
a shrine to the family ancestor on the land. The whole community recognised the
power of this shrine. They carried out
ceremonies at the shrine to ensure health and happiness. In this way, it was the
heads of landowning families who held the real power amongst the Bakalanga,
not the traditional rulers.
The Bakalanga used property and rights as means of gaining control in their own
families and communities. When a man received the loola (bridewealth) for his
daughter, he divided it amongst his relatives giving it to those whom he thought
would give him the strongest support in return. The same happened when a man
died. His heir divided the property and gave it to those from whom he needed
help. The division of property was never final. There were always arguments
which could result in property being redivided. However, communities were
generally strengthened by these arguments rather than divided.
Powerful families had another way of securing support. If a man was too poor to
give loola for his wife he went to live permanently at her parents' home. When his
children were born they belonged to their grandfather. The grandfather sometimes
gave the man one of his daughters so that when she married the man could take
the bridewealth. He could use it to obtain another wife, but he could never use it
for his first wife and so free himself.

Let us try to imagine how the Bakalanga lived about 200 years ago. At the centre
was the Murozvi and his family, living in splendour in a village on a hill. It had
stone walls and large homes built with thick daga walls. The Murozvi controlled
the many small settlements of Bakalanga living around him, through the
hereditary rulers. This control mainly consisted of collecting tribute. This was
used to provide the Varozvi with many cattle, an easy life and goods to trade for
imported articles such as dyed cloth, beads and ceramic dishes from Asia and
Europe.
A Mukalanga ruler sometimes had many small communities under him, but his
control of them was not strong. His power came from his right to collect tribute
for the Varozvi and his right to settle disputes over property. He had no real rights
over land, these were held by the communities themselves.
These communities were the centre of
Bakalanga life. They consisted of up to 20 or 30 families all living within sight of
each other. Each family owned a few livestock which were kraaled every night in
the settlement and herded during the day. Wherever land for agriculture could be
found it was cleared. Because iron for making tools was difficult to obtain these
lands were often small. Both men and women worked on the lands growing
sorghum, millet, several varieties of pumpkins and melons, cow-peas,j beans,
roots and sweet reed. The men spent much time hunting in the winter. They
particularly hunted elephant since they had to provide their Varozvi masters with
a yearly supply of ivory.
By this time most of the gold in the area had been mined. Only a few families
worked in the mines during the winter to obtain gold for the Varozvi. Each
community also had its blacksmith. There was no secret about iron-working. The
furnaces, zhamba and tjida, were built in sheltered places but anybody including
women and children could watch. Usually people dug their own ore, sometimes
bringing it from a great distance on ox-back. The iron ore, monkula, was given to
the smith who smelted it in
Fig. 58 A Tjikalanga marriage hoe (height 540 mm). These hoes were used as
bridewealth and symbolically represented the agricultural potential of the bride
his zhamba using a goatskin bellows, imvuto, and then fashioned it in his tjida.
Marriage hoes were made by the blacksmith. They were huge iron hoes, made in
two pieces and then fired together with ground slag, zhaya. Often a part of the
loola consisted of a number of these big hoes. They were given to replace, to
some extent, the agricultural work the bride would have performed in her own
home.
When men were not working in the fields, or hunting, or mining, they spent much
of their time sitting in the family or community meeting place discussing the
distribution of property. If these arguments could not be settled locally, they were
taken to the local ruler, ishe, who tried to settle them. He would often settle them
to his own advantage.

The Bakalanga had no army and looked to the Varozvi, their masters, to defend
them. Because they had no strength of their own they were unable to stop the
large numbers of immigrants who entered their country. All they could do was to
bind the immigrants to them so as to increase their own local power.
Questions
1 Describe briefly the home of a Torwa
mambo.
2 List the various groups of foreigners who
ruled the Bakalanga. What evidence is there
that the Bakalanga society was strong?
3 Write briefly about the life lived by the
Bakalanga using the following headings.
(a) Leadership
(b) Communities
(c) Hunting (d) Mining

14 Northern Botswana 1600-1850

Northern and north-western Botswana have always been cut off from the eastern
parts of the country by wide areas of waterless country and the forests which
spread south from Zimbabwe and were once infested by tsetse fly. The history of
eastern Botswana is closely linked with that of
Zimbabwe and South Africa. The history of the north is linked to Zambia and the
middle Zambezi area.
Although much of the north is covered by Kalahari sands, there are three great
river systems which flow into it from the north. The
Fig. 59 Northern Botswana about 1750

most important of these for Botswana are the Okavango and Chobe. The Zambezi
merely touches Botswana at Kazungula. Even so, before colonial powers drew
lines on maps to divide Africa into many separate countries, the Zambezi system
formed a part of the homeland of the peoples who now live in northern Botswana.
These large waterways, which spread out in places to form lakes, swamps, flood
plains and the Okavango Delta, provided a very different type of country to that
of eastern Botswana. These large areas of water rose and fell with the floods
caused by the -iiffnual. rains. They contained many areas of fertile land 'and
carried huge populations of fish-and water animals such as hippopotamus,
lechwe (letswee), sitatunga (naakong) and crocodile. During times of the year
when there was no rain many other animals such as elephant and buffalo came
from the surrounding country to live on the river banks. Although they were
fertile and full of wildlife there was a major problem. Much of the area was
infested with tsetse fly which brought death to cattle, and mosquitoes which
carried malaria.
The fertile land, the wildlife and abundant fish kept people tied close to the river.
Tsetse and mosquitoes controlled where they lived and what livestock they could
keep. Most history books tell us that northern Botswana was only occupied by
Khoesan peoples until about 1750 when the Bayei began to settle the Okavango
Delta. We have already seen that farmers with a knowledge of metal working
were living on the Chobe and Thamalakane Rivers by about AD 600 and on
the west of the Delta at Tsodilo by AD 850. The pottery made by the Bayei and
Hambukushu today has many similarities with the pottery we have excavated
belonging to a thousand years ago. This strongly suggests that the people living in
the Delta area today are the descendants of the early settlers of the first millenium
(thousand years).
The oral histories of the Bayei and Hambukushu give their place of origin as the
middle Zambezi and Chobe areas. This appears to contradict the archaeological
evidence. However, it
is possible that the ancestors of the Bayei and Hambukushu did live in northern
Botswana in the remote past and then moved back into the Zambezi/Chobe area,
perhaps during the 14th or 15th centuries. Later we will see there is some
evidence for this.
In northern Botswana there were a number of unrelated groups of people. There
were San foragers who lived in small camps throughout the area. There were
Khoe pastoralists who kept cattle and sheep and lived on the Boteti, Nchabe and
Okavango Rivers. The Hambukushu, Bayei and Basubiya lived in the
Zambezi/Chobe area. The Ovaherero lived in what is now called Namibia. The
Bangologa lived in the Matsheng area of the Kalahari and the Batswana lived in
the south-east.
There was a great increase in population by about 1500 and then a series of
droughts. Because of this many populations began to expand and look for new
areas. Among these were the Batswana who were steadily moving westwards into
the edge of the Kalahari. In the north, on the middle Zambezi, the Balozi Empire
was also expanding taking in areas to its south. These were occupied by
Hambukushu, Bayei and Basubiya, many of whom escaped by moving out of the
area. In the west the Ovaherero were moving steadily south and south-eastwards.
They moved into the country of the Khoe pastoralists who then occupied much of
central Namibia. The Bangologa came from the area of Matsheng in the west.
They were well established and had probably spread to all the pans around. They
were visited by Barolong and Batlharo hunters from south of the Molopo. For
some time they had been in contact with the Khoe, possibly both to the north and
west. From them they had obtained long-horned cattle which they bred with their
own. Groups of Bangologa began to move northwards over the hard ground of the
Ghanzi Ridge to settle the land to the south and east of Lake Ngami.
Other Bakgalagadi, probably Baphaleng, began to leave the country around
Shoshong and to head north-westwards towards the Boteti

River. Here they found the cattle-owning Khoe, the Bateti, with whom they
settled. Years later they were joined by Bashaga, another Bakgalagadi group, who
had followed the edge of the desert northwards from the rocky country around
Molepolole.
The Bakgalagadi probably learned from the Bateti how to build fences along the
bank of a river leaving gaps in places where wild animals came to drink. Here
they dug deep holes in which they put sharp sticks facing upwards. They covered
the holes with branches, grass and
earth so that animals coming to drink stepped on the covering. They fell through
and were stabbed in the pit below.
Ovaherero and Ovambanderu
The Ovaherero and their cousins the Ovambanderu were true pastoralists. They
kept large herds of cattle, sheep and goats, but did not grow any crops at all.
Today most of them live in Namibia, but there are also many Ovaherero and
particularly Ovambanderu living in Botswana.
Fig. 60 Omuherero woman in Botswana today making the staple food, omaere, a
type of sour milk
WI 'AJ

They have two stories which explain their origin. The first tells how they once
lived in a country, to the north-east of their present home, a country full of water
and wide reedbeds. This country was called the Reed Land, Ehi raruu. Even then
the Ovaherero owned large herds. For some reason connected with these, perhaps
because of the spread of tsetse fly, some of them, under Huru, the son of
Mangava, decided to leave their home and travel south-west. Eventually they
reached the open plains of northern Namibia. The second story tells of an
omumboronbongo tree which grew near the Etosha Pan. Out of this tree came
Mukuru, the first man, bringing wild animals, cattle and sheep.
Historians believe the Ovaherero crossed the Okavango River and settled in
Namibia about 1500. They were once closely associated with the Ovambo who
live just to their north. However, the Ovambo are agriculturalists and the
Ovaherero are pastoralists. Perhaps it was their different ways of life which
caused the groups to separate. Soon after the arrival of the Ovaherero in Namibia
they were followed by the Ovambanderu. They are also pastoralists with similar
customs and language to the Ovaherero. The Ovaherero immediately fought the
Ovambanderu, taking most of their cattle. Another party of Ovambanderu coming
from the north joined the first group and they moved eastwards to settle near the
present Botswana border.
During the 17th century these people increased their herds and started to spread
southwards. They spread into the lands of the Nama, a Khoe people with large
herds of sheep. Droughts and steady increases in population caused them to move
eastwards and southeastwards trying to avoid the lands of the Nama. We do not
know when they entered Botswana, but some of them were grazing their cattle on
the western shores of Lake Ngami by the end of the 18th century. Others had
crossed the Ghanzi Ridge and were living at Monnyelatsela when Sebego's
Bangwaketse found them there in the 1830s. Others moved even further south and
eventually settled in the Tshabong area at places such as Omaweneno.
Today most Ovaherero and Ovambanderu live a settled life, but this was not so in
the past. Traditionally, the nation was divided into oruzo or religious clans. All
men belonged to an oruzo of which there were about 20. Each oruzo was headed
by a leader/priest who was the wealthiest man in the clan. All families belonging
to one oruzo lived close together. Their homes were made of large branches with
the thick ends buried in a circle in the ground and then the ends bent inwards and
tied. Other branches were tied round these and then the whole structure was
coated with a mixture of clay and cow dung. These huts were built by the women.
The leader/ priest was always very wealthy. He owned many cattle (sometimes
more than a thousand) and sheep. He also managed a huge herd of cattle which
belonged to the oruzo. This herd could only be used for the benefit of its
members. The Ovaherero were ancestor worshippers. They believed that all
trouble was brought by their dead relatives. Only the leader/priest could sacrifice
to the ancestors and this had to be done at the grave. Consequently, they knew the
names of their ancestors and the position of their graves going back for more than
200 years. The leader/priest was also the only person who could light the holy fire
and his eldest daughter was the only person who could look after it. This holy fire
was a gift of Mukuru, the first ancestor, and had to be kept lighted. All decisions
were taken at the holy fire. If the decision was important, then a beast was killed
and an offering to the ancestors made beside the fire. If a man wanted to set up a
village of his own, he had to obtain living coals (coals which were alight) from
the leader/priest's fire. Everybody also belonged to another social group called an
eanda. There were six omaanda. No man could marry a wife who belonged to the
same eanda as himself. Also, when he died, all his livestock were inherited by his
brothers from the same mother, not by his own children. When the leader/priest
died, between 50 and 100 cattle were killed over a period of a month or more and
the skulls piled on his grave. Once the funeral was finished, the village was
abandoned

and the holy fire carried to a new pasture where a new village was built. Men
spent most of their time looking after the cattle and sheep. The village huts were
placed in a circle inside which were kraals for the calves and lambs. The herds
were bedded down next to the village at night. The men also went out hunting
using heavy bows and arrows, spears and traps. They had no iron except what
they could trade from the Batswana in the east, so their spears were made of
wood.
The women went out collecting wild food, milked the cows and prepared omaere,
a type of sour milk which was their main food (see Fig. 60, page 91). They lived
on this milk, the game they could kill, cattle when they died or were sacrificed,
and wild plants.
When the first European travellers met the Ovaherero and Ovambanderu they
found that, as well as those who owned cattle and lived in large villages, there
were many small groups who owned no livestock. They lived by hunting and
collecting. The Europeans believed that these people had lost their livestock to the
Nama who often raided them. Such small groups would live like the San for long
periods until they could raid livestock and start to build their own small herds
again.
The peoples of the river
Probably the most important farming peoples to live in northern Botswana during
early times were the Bayei, Hambukushu, and Basubiya. These peoples came
from Central Africa and at some time in the remote past made their way down the
Zambezi River. They may have occupied parts of northern Botswana for a
thousand years or more.
Little archaeological work has been done in northern Botswana so most of our
information has come from oral history. This means that the time taken for events
to occur may have been shortened.
Sometime before 1600, a group of people known as the Aluwi (later called
Balozi) were pushed down the upper Zambezi. They settled
on the wide flood plains north of Katima-mulilo in what is now western Zambia.
They began to build a strong nation by gathering all the peoples they found
already living there and developing their skills in agriculture, boat building,
fishing, hunting and metalwork. By about 1700 they had become very powerful.
They had also begun to expand southwards again looking for more people to take
into their state.
Meanwhile, to the south of the Chobe River another movement had started to take
place. About 1600 the Bayei and Basubiya (who call themselves the Bekuhane)
were living together in the area of the Mababe. The Hambukushu were living just
to their north. According to tradition an argument arose over the ownership of a
lion skin. This skin belonged to the greatest leader and showed his importance.
The Bayei fought the Basubiya and were conquered. They moved to the Linyanti
River and settled the lands of Ngasa. They established a capital at Diyei. The
Basubiya moved to the Chobe River and established their capital at Luchindo
(which is near the modern bridge at Ngoma). They called this land Itenge. The
Basubiya grew very powerful. Their state stretched westwards to the Okavango
and included the Bayei. It stretched northwards to Siomo, eastwards to the
country of the Batonga who lived to the east of the Victoria Falls, and southwards
to Nunga where tsetse fly infested the forest.
By about 1680 the Balozi had spread their state southwards. They did this mainly
by allowing royal relatives to take control of weaker peoples living on the borders
of the state. One royal relative who did this was Mwanambinyi. He went south in
about 1680 and conquered the Basubiya, Hambukushu and northern Bayei. The
Bayei, who now had two masters, the Basubiya and the Balozi, began to move
southwards into Botswana. Small parties moved down the waterways following
the Magqwegana River to the Okavango Delta. Then they moved south-eastwards
towards the Boteti and Lake Ngami. Others drove their small herds of cattle
overland, avoiding areas of tsetse fly, to meet at Toteng. One of the early
migrants, Hankuzi,

married the daughter of a Bakakhwe (Khoe) leader. This formed a friendship

between the Bayei and the Bakakhwe who already kept cattle in the area.
In about 1720 the Balozi king or litunga, Ngalama, had managed to spread his
power through the kingdom. He asked for much more tribute and wanted vassals
(people who worked almost as slaves). They were needed to build the earth
mounds on which the Balozi constructed their villages on the flood plain. By
about 1750 Ngalama's successor, Ngombela, controlled the whole of the
Zambezi/Chobe area and ruled it with a hand of iron. Soon most of the Bayei had
fled southwards and were living in the Okavango Delta. Groups of Hambukushu
began to move westwards to the Kuando River. Some Hambukushu, the Hamashi,
stayed behind and became a part of the Balozi State, but most of
Fig. 61 A mokoro in the Okavango Delta. This form of hunters and fishermen
them left. Even at Ku ohey were not safe as the Balozi came after them, so they
then travelled far to the west. Eventually they settled on the Okavango River near
modern Andara. Even here they were not safe however. They were visited by
Mambari or Ovimbundu traders from the northern Angolan coast. Many of these
Mainban traders were the sons of Portuguese men and African women. They
came to trade old guns for ivory and slaves. The Hambukushu leaders became
greedy and tried to sell some of their own people to the Mambari. Soon the
Hambukushu left their leaders and travelled down the Okavango River to settle
the whole area as far south as Seronga, Gabamukuni and Sepopa.
The Basubiya had a fairly strong political organisation under a central leader. This
kept the group united and helped them to conquer'
river transport opened up the region to black

other, less well-organised, peoples. The Balozi state had reached a peak under its
great ruler, Mulambwa, when he died in 1830. Arguments started as to who
should succeed him. While these were in progress the Balozi were attacked by the
Bakololo of Sebitoane (see page 106). The Bakololo easily defeated the Balozi
(whom they called Barotse). Then they turned on the Basubiya defeating them
also. Although the Basubiya were allowed to keep their leaders they became a
part of the new Balozi Empire and remained so until the fall of the Bakololo in
1865.
The Basubiya, Bayei and Hambukushu had many customs in common showing
they had lived together. The main one was the custom of a man inheriting both his
position and wealth through his mother's brother. These were all river peoples
although each had a different way of life to the others. This helped each of them
to live in a slightly different type of country.
The Basubiya
The Basubiya were mainly agriculturalists although they kept a few cattle and
some sheep and goats. The hoed the wide flood plains in autumn and then waited
for the winter flood. After it had passed they planted their crops, mostly millet,
sweet reed and melons, in the wet soil. By the time the rains came their crops
were tall and it was rare for them to suffer from drought. They were also great
fishermen and travelled through the shallow water in their mekoro (canoes, see
Fig. 61, page 94). The men hunted, usually by chasing wildlife into the water and
then driving their mekoro close to the swimming animals and stabbing them with
spears.
The Bayei
The Bayei were also agriculturalists. They owned a few livestock and also hoed
the flood plains like the Basubiya. Their political organisation was not nearly as
strong as that of the Basubiya. This meant there was no central control to keep
them in one place. They had many minor leaders
Fig. 62 A Seyei fish basket
each of whom had a number of villages under his control. These villages were
often very temporary. Huts were made of a few poles dug into the ground, the
spaces between them being filled with reeds. The roof consisted of a number of
woven reed mats which were laid over bent sticks tied to the walls. Often large
groups rolled up their mats, put all their property in their mekoro and moved
through the waterways of the Okavango Delta to remote islands. There they spent
several months hunting, catching fish and collecting wild food. They particularly
liked the bulb of the water-lily, tswii, and the old stems of papyrus, koma.
The Bayei liked to live in areas of shallow water, particularly where there were
narrow waterways and many flood plains. They stood

up to push their mekoro along the channels and through the reeds using a long
pole. They fished in shallow water using two main techniques. The first involved
building a long fence, nteta, made of very thin sticks tied tightly together and
reaching from the bottom to above the surface of the water. This stretched from
one side of a water channel to the other. In several places in this fence they would
fix a basket-trap, mcwii, with its mouth facing in the direction from which the
water was flowing. Fish, unable to get through the fence, entered the basket-traps
and were caught. The other method involved a basket shaped like a funnel with a
hole in the side. See Fig. 61. This was carried in shallow water. When the carrier
saw a fish, he thrust the basket over it and down to the bottom. The fish was then
removed by hand through the hole in the side. They also used nets made from
mogotse (sansevieria) which were either laid in the rivers parallel to reed beds, or
dragged between two canoes.
The Bayei were great hippopotamus hunters. A man gained great prestige or
honour by killing a hippopotamus, which was considered the lord of the river.
Two general methods were used. The first could be carried out by one or two
men. See Fig. 63. A path was selected down which hippopotamus (A) went to the
water. A very large spear (B), usually weighted with rocks
(C), was hung in a tree pointing downwards. Often the blade (D) was poisoned. A
rope was stretched across the path (E). The rope went up the trunk of the tree to a
small stick which stopped the spear from falling. When the hippopotamus walked
into the rope the small stick was pulled out and the weighted spear dropped,
stabbing the hippopotamus deep in its back.
The second method required the cooperation of a group of people and was very
exciting. See Fig. 64 on page 97. A large raft, huzhenje, was made of papyrus
reeds. Mekoro were placed on this and the hunters hid in the middle of the raft
behind them. The raft was allowed to drift down the channel until it was amongst
a group of hippopotamuses. Then the men stood up and drove harpoons (diira)
into the animals. Immediately
the mekoro were pushed into the water and the hunters tried to reach the bank
while holding on to the ropes attached to the harpoons. If they reached the bank
they tied the ropes to trees and later, when the hippopotamuses were exhausted,
stabbed them with heavy spears. Often the hippopotamuses turned on the mekoro
biting and upsetting them. Sometimes the hunters were killed. The harpoons had
heavy wooden handles and these dragged behind the hippopotamus until they
became stuck in the reeds. When the hippopotamus was weak the hunters would
approach it in their mekoro and kill it with spears.
The Hambukushu
The Hambukushu were a river people and expert fishermen, but were more
involved with agriculture than the Bayei. They cut the scrub
Fig. 63 A Seyei spear trap. An effective way of hunting large and dangerous
animals. Can you see how it works?

Harpoon (chira)
- -F----------------Fig. 64 Bayei hunting hippopotamus
on the dry river banks, burnt it and planted a wide variety of millet, cane,
pumpkins and roots. They liked the deep water areas where the floods rose but the
water did not spread over their lands. They sat down in their mekoro to paddle
them rather than standing as the Bayei did. They made nets out of sansevieria
plants and stretched these in the river to catch the fish.
Like many other peoples, the Hambukushu have stories about their origin. Most
of these suggest they come from the Zambezi River. But there is one which says
that they always lived on the Okavango. It says thai Nyambi, their first ancestor,
who became God, climbed a spider's web to heaven because his people were
always fighting. Another story says that Nyambi lowered the first Hambukushu
on a rope on to the Female Hill at Tsodilo. After lowering the people on a rope he
lowered their cattle. The Hambukushu still point to some grooves in the rock of
the hills. They say these were made by the hooves of their cattle when the earth
was still soft.
Like the Bayei, the Hambukushu learned to live, during times of drought, on what
they gathered from the river and surrounding country. Fish was their staple diet
during droughts. Whole families fished. The men used their canoes and the
women and children worked in the shallows with large baskets. These were laid
side by side in shallow water. Then the fishers walked down the water beating it
with their hands or a stick and driving the fish into the baskets. They also made
long journeys into the forest to gather three particular fruits. The mungongo has a
kernel which does not rot and can be kept for more than a year, the motsaudi is a
red, sweet fruit, and the mabola can be dried and made into porridge or beer. The
Hambukushu had a clever means of hunting elephant. They took the blade of a
spear which had a barb in it and fixed this into a heavy piece of wood. They dug
shallow holes on paths used by elephants and then set these spear blades facing
upwards. The elephant stood on this, driving the blade deep into the bottom of its

foot, after which it could not walk. When it was weak, men came with axes and
slashed the tendons in its back legs so that it fell down and could be speared.
The Hambukushu, throughout northern Botswana and northwards into Angola
and Zambia, are famous for their great rain-making powers. They say that one of
their great leaders, Mashango, was the first rain-maker. The story goes that it was
during the time when the Balozi ruled the Hambukushu. They were living at
Mashi on the Kuando River. Mashango found a strange white object like a huge
egg in a springhare hole. Each time he shook it the skies thundered and rain fell.
He made rain for his masters, the Balozi, and they were so pleased that they gave
the Hambukushu many gifts. Mashango's fame spread, but after a while, when
rain fell every year, the Balozi stopped giving gifts. Then the Hambukushu left
the Kuando and moved westwards to the Okavango River which they called the
Ruare. Many people still believe in the power of the Hambukushu to make rain
and think that if they are offended there will be no floods in the Okavango Delta.
This is one reason why more powerful neighbours did not attack the
Hambukushu.
The coming of the Batawana
Probably Batswana had been hunting in northern Botswana for 150 years or more
before the first groups settled there permanently. Sometime early in the 18th
century a group of Bakhurutshe moved north-westwards to the Boteti River and
settled on an island near Xhumo.
About 1790 there was trouble amongst the Bangwato. Their kgosi, Mathiba, had
married a Mokwena and had had a son by her called Tawana. This was before he
married his chief wife (mohumagadi. At a kgotla he announced that Tawana
would succeed him rather than Khama, the son of the mohumagadi. Immediately
the morafe was split and it looked as if there would be a civil war. Mathiba took
advice from the Bakwena who told him to send Tawana and
his followers to Khwebe. Mathiba refused to do this. Khama attacked Tawana,
and Tawana and his father took refuge with the Bakwena at Lephepe.
The Bakwena did not want them and soon persuaded them to leave. They were
led by Thogo, a Mokwena, to the Boteti where they stayed for a short period near
Kedia Hill. They did not like having the Bakhurutshe near them and so they
moved westwards through the desert to Khwebe. Mathiba wanted to return
home and after arguing with his son, left the group and returned to Lephepe. From
that time they were called the Batawana.
At Khwebe they found scattered groups of Bangologa. They had already suffered
malaria at Boteti and did not want to live near Lake Ngami where malaria was
very common so they asked the Bangologa to join them. Some Bangologa did join
them and the Batawana started taking Bangologa women as second and third
wives. In this way the Batawana started to rebuild a morafe.
By 1824 the morafe had become well established and moved north to settle at the
east end of Lake Ngami where they came into close contact with the Bayei.
Because their customs were so different, they did not marry Bayei women,
although they lived peacefully near them. At this time a few Bayei families who
were very poor began to attach themselves to the Batawana more or less as
servants. They worked for the Batawana and in return received some benefits
from their masters. The Batawana had a strong army and political organisation
which soon dominated the Bangologa, Bayei and the few San with whom they
came into contact. They herded their cattle to the west of Lake Ngami where they
found and fought with the Ovambanderu and drove them away.
In about 1830 they learned of the approach of Sebitoane and his Bakololo who
had stayed at Kedia for a short time on their journey north. Moremi I, now kgosi
of the Batawana, moved westwards along the south shore of Lake Ngami. His
younger brother, Motswakhumo, took another group south to Ghanzi where they

rounded up many of their cattle and fled northwards up the west bank of the
Thaoge River. They stayed for a short period in the northern areas of the Delta but
then moved on into Angola.
Moremi's army rounded the west end of the Lake and met the Bakololo on the
Xautsa plain. The Batawana were defeated and lost many of their cattle. They
followed Motswakhumo. Then, using the mekoro of the Bayei, they hid
themselves on the islands around Gabamukuni.
Sebitoane went south-west towards Ghanzi where he attacked the Ovambanderu
and some Khoe. He moved into waterless country and became lost. Then he lost
most of his cattle and his ten-year-old son was killed. He decided to return to
Lake Ngami. The Bakololo eventually reached Gabamukuni to find the Batawana
had left for the north-east. They travelled first up the Magqwegana and then
settled on the Linyanti.
The Bakololo surrounded the Batawana one night and, attacking at dawn, again
defeated them. Moremi's wife, her son, Letsholathebe, and a few others, escaped
and went to the Basubiya. But most of the Batawana were taken by the Bakololo
to the Chobe River.
The Batawana remained with the Bakololo for some years even intermarrying
with them. Sebitoane made some of the Batawana his councillors. After a while
the Bakololo became jealous of this and told Sebitoane the Batawana planned to
kill him. Sebitoane decided to kill the Batawana men, but they were warned and
fled.
They were led by Mogalakwe southwards towards their old home. On the way
they met Letsholathebe and his mother who accompanied them to Toteng. On
their arrival they had no cattle and food. They invited the Bangologa and Bayei to
become members of their morafe and help them to become re-established. When
they ignored the Batawana, the Batawana turned on them. The Batawana took
many of their cattle and their property and demanded food from them. The Bayei
did not fight, believing the Batawana had a special medicine, pheko, which made
them strong.
After this, the Batawana soon established
themselves as the rulers of Ngamiland. Some of the Bangologa, who had similar
customs to them, were brought into the Batawana capital and given a ward. Most
of them became servants of the Batawana. But the Batawana continued to marry
Bangologa women. The Batawana took all the Bayei's stock and forced them to
give tribute in grain and furs. Apart from that they ignored the Bayei at first.
Later, they placed Batawana dikgosana in charge of various areas to control the
Bayei. Those Bangologa and Bayei who were not prepared to accept the
Batawana rule were allowed to move away, either into the desert or into the
Okavango Delta.
During the next ten years the Batawana slowly spread their power to cover much
of Ngamiland and southwards to Ghanzi. They divided this wide country into
areas. Members of the Royal Family were put into these areas to rule them
directly. The Batawana no longer tried to administer them from Toteng. The
Bayei were allowed to keep their leaders. They became directly responsible to the
Batawana and had to provide tribute. Later they also had to supply children to act
as servants in Batawana homes. Around Toteng and at the homes of district
governors, Bayei families became attached to Batawana. Whole families would
live with their masters, who treated them like children. They worked for their
masters and were not allowed to own any property nor to represent themselves in
the kgotla. Their children were sent to the Bayei initiation schools after which
they were put into a Batawana regiment. In this way the Batawana made their
army strong, but denied the Bayei any rights. They treated them as batihanka. By
1850 when the first European traders began to arrive in the area, Letsholathebe
ruled the area from Maun to Tsau. Like other Batswana dikgoii, he tried to control
all outside trade by making the Europeans establish their trading centres in his
village. But, like elsewhere, the traders soon found it was much more profitable to
trade direct, particularly with the Bayei. They would give much more for far less
than the Batawana. As trade began to make local produce more valuable, so
Letsholathebe

_I
~
Fig. 65 Letsholathebe at Lake Ngami, selling ivory. Dik (painting by Thomas
Baines)
spread his state to cover much of the Okavango area. Even so, apart from the
visits of tribute collectors about twice a year, many of the Bayei and Hambukushu
escaped from the Batawana rule. It was many years later that Moremi II spread
Batawana rule to Shakawe and Ghanzi. Later still Sekgoma Letsholathebe spread
it even further southwards to the Okwa, eastwards to the Makgadikgadi,
westwards into Namibia, and northwards into Andara.
Questions
1 Give an example from this chapter of a con-
gosi retained personal trading rights in ivory
tradiction between archaelogical evidence
and oral history.
2 Name the different groups of people living
in northern Botswana between 1600 and
1850.
3 Using one sentence for each, write down the
six most important facts about the life of the
Ovaherero.
4 What customs did the Basubiya, the Bayei
and the Hambukushu have in common?
What were the main differences between
them?
5 How did the Batawana rule Ngamiland?

15Difaqane, a Time of Troubles: 15 te 1820s

Fig. 66 About 1800, population explosion which led to the Difaqane

In the 18th century many small groups established themselves into merafe. They
spread out and conquered weaker peoples. See Fig. 66 which shows the way in
which populations expanded. Towards the end of the century much of the more
fertile land throughout Southern Africa was populated by agriculturalists. Some of
these farmers owned large herds of livestock. In the south-east the Amanguni
peoples had occupied the whole area between the Drakensberg and the coast.
To their north the
country was populated by Basotho and Batswana peoples. The whole of the
inland eastern plateau provided a home for the Sotho-Tswana peoples. Their area
stretched westwards into the drier country of the Kalahari. The Varozvi Empire
extended in the north-west from the edges of the Kalahari almost to the Indian
Ocean. In the north the Balozi Empire had expanded south and westwards to take
in much of the Zambezi/Chobe area and westwards almost to the Okavango. In
the west the Ovaherero were
Fig. 67 The position of Batswana groups at the start of the Difaqane, about 1820,
and the direction of the main invasions

steadily pushing the Ovambanderu southeastwards into Botswana. The pastoral

Khoe occupied the lands south of the Ovambanderu, far south of the Orange
River.
Finally, there were Europeans who had settled in the Cape 150 years earlier. They
were now rapidly spreading out, taking the Khoe's traditional grazing lands and
pressing against the Amanguni in the east. There was no space left for expansion,
yet populations continued to increase. More land was constantly needed. Small
groups were already finding it difficult or impossible to maintain their
independence. Often they lost their land and cattle to larger and stronger peoples.
By 1800 Botswana was beginning to receive refugees from south of the Molopo
River. These people were leaving the countries of the Barolong, Batlharo and
Batlhaping. They were making for the area around Molepolole where they joined
the Bakgwatheng and Babolaongwe. Although they said they were of Batswana
stock, they were probably Bakgalagadi in origin. On their arrival in Botswana
they were called Bashaga.
In the first years of the 9th century fighting began. This was to grow until the
whole of Southern Africa was affected. Nations were destroyed or lost their food
and cattle. They had to travel throughout the country, attacking whoever they met
in an attempt to find food and a new home. The Basotho and the Batswana
suffered the most as many groups were broken up and others fled across the
Kalahari. Fig. 67 shows the position of the Batswana groups at the start of
Difaqane.
Fighting amongst the Amanguni in 1818 was caused by the expansion of the Zulu
state under Shaka. This resulted in the Amahlubi losing all their grain and cattle
and being forced off their land. They turned on their neighbours, the Batlokwa, a
large morafe ruled by a regent, Mmanthatisi. In turn, the Batlokwa moved west
attacking the Bafokeng. They were followed by the Amahlubi who had already
eaten the food they had taken from the Batlokwa. The Amahlubi also attacked the
Bafokeng. The Baphuting and Bahlakoana were also attacked.
All these groups began to move north-westwards seeking a new home, more
cattle, better food and peace.
Soon the whole country between the Drakensberg and the Vaal River was in
chaos. Bands of armed soldiers accompanied by women and children searched the
area for food. Soon these bands formed into three major hordes ,(large groups).
Mmanthatisi led the Batlokwa, * Mpangazita led the Amahlubi, and Matiwane led
the Amangwane. These hordes moved back and forth across the land attacking all
they met and driving them into the north and west. Many of the peoples attacked
by these hordes fled to the north-west. They crossed the Vaal River and in turn
attacked the Batswana living there. They formed themselves into four major
Fig. 68 A Motswana warrior during the Difaqane. The shield was designed to
protect the man from spears which were thrown

hordes: the Baphuting under Ratsebe, the Bahlakoana under Nkgaraganye, some
Bafokeng under Mangwane (later to be called the Bakololo), and the Bataung
under Moletsane. In 1822 a further group set out for the area north of the Vaal
River. Mzilikazi, Inkosi (King) of the Amakhumalo, defied (went against) his
king, Shaka, over the ownership of some cattle. He fled northwards with 300
people and gathered others on the way. They first attacked the Bapedi and drove
their kgosi, Sekwati, and his followers to the north. Still close to Shaka, they
moved south-westwards and settled to the south of the Vaal. But a year later they
had crossed the Vaal again and settled at Majwanamatshwaana, the old home of
the Bakwena. Here they established a number of military towns. From these they
attacked those people to the west and north who were left after the Basotho hordes
had been through the area. Men were killed and
women and children brought into the new state. Chaos raged in the area between
the Vaal and the Drakensberg for many years. However, three groups of people
are important: Mzilikazi and his Amandebele, Ratsebe and Tshwane with their
Baphuting, and Sebitoane (the younger brother of Mangwane who took over from
him when he was killed by a lion) and his Bafokeng.
The Baphuting
Of the three groups the Baphuting are the least important, although for a short
while they attacked one group of Batswana after another causing terrible damage.
In January 1823 they crossed the Vaal and attacked the Barolong under Sefunelo.
They then turned northeastwards and drove the Bahurutshe from their walled
town of Kaditshwene, destroying it. Moving westwards they attacked Makaba, the
*4
I,
Fig. 69 A Setswana homestead showing similar construction to that of today
(Ii
4 4.
~K
r
Fig. 70 Batswana warriors being strengthened by medicine before battle
strongest kgosi in the area. Although Makaba and his Bangwaketse retreated from
Kgwakgwe they managed to turn the Baphuting southwards. There the Baphuting
conquered the Barolong at Khunwana and settled in their ripe fields of corn to
feast and recover.
The Baphuting then moved southwards intending to strike at the Batlhaping, but
the missionary, Robert Moffat, hurried to Griquatown. He persuaded the
government agent to enlist the help of some armed Griqua on behalf of the
Batlhaping. As the Baphuting approached Dithakong, the Batlhaping capital, they
were joined by Nkgaraganye and his Bahlakoana. The Batlhaping fled from their
town which was immediately occupied by the Baphuting and Bahlakoana. A
European traveller called Melville who was present estimated the combined horde
at about 50 000 people.
On 26 June 1823 about one hundred Griqua, carrying guns and mounted on
horseback, attacked the Bahlakoana who were camped just outside the town, and
drove them into it. The Griqua followed, shooting all they saw. Terrified by the
noise, the Bahlakoana and Baphuting fled. They left about 500 women and
children behind in the town and they were butchered by the Batlhaping who had
followed the Griqua. Also present in the area of Dithakong were Sebitoane with
his Bafokeng and Moletsane with the Bataung. They probably did not take part in
the battle though. The Bahlakoana lost their leader, Nkgaraganye, in the battle.
They fled to the north-east where for some years they continued to fight the
smaller Batswana merafe. Sebitoane and Moletsane moved northwards pushing
their way through the Barolong, defeating the Bahurutshe and Bakgatla. Finally

they were attacked and driven westwards by the Amandebele. At some point
Moletsane split away and moved southwards again. In August 1824 he was
attacked by a combined force of Barolong and Griqua at Pitsane. He then
retreated southwards into the modern Orange Free State, although 17 Barolong
dikgosi were killed.
Sebitoane attacked the Bakwena and drove them from their fortified town of
Dithubaruba in the Dithejwane Hills. Here he settled while the Bakwena went
south to join the Bangwaketse. Robert Moffat, standing on Kgwakgwe Hill, was
able to count 14 separate divisions of Makaba's Bangwaketse capital and
estimated the total population at about 70 000 people. Had the Batswana
combined earlier, they would have lost their crops, but they might well have
defeated all the hordes of the Difaqane and saved many of their cattle. They did
not combine, probably because they lived in separate communities. They were
accustomed to joining each other against another Batswana enemy, but were not
used to fighting powerful foreigners.
From the last months of 1824 the situation in south-eastern Botswana changed.
Two powerful leaders were both trying to establish new states. In the east
Mzilikazi was establishing his Amandebele State with its capital at
Majwanamatswaana. In the west Sebitoane had settled at Dithubaruba and was
attempting to do the same. Mzilikazi had well-established regimental towns and
used the Amazulu method of fighting at close quarters with a large shield and
short stabbing spear. Consequently he was much more successful than Sebitoane.
Sebitoane and the Bakololo
Sebitoane now called his followers 'Bakololo' after the name of the clan, Kollo, of
his favourite wife. He set out to conquer his Batswana neighbours (see Fig. 71).
First he went north attacking the Bangwato and taking some of their cattle. The
Bangwato moved to the Kutse Hills where they thought they could better
defend themselves. But Sebitoane attacked again severely defeating them and
taking most of their cattle.
The Bangwato moved to the north attacking the Bakalanga. Eventually they were
defeated by the Bakalanga in the Matopo Hills and their kgosi, Kgari, was killed.
Sebitoane turned south and attacked the Bangwaketse and Bakwena at
Kgwakgwe. The Bakwena stood aside during the battle, some of them even
fighting on Sebitoane's side. Makaba was killed, betrayed by the Bakwena. The
Bangwaketse were defeated. The next year Sebitoane attacked again, this time
defeating Makaba's son, Sebego. The Bangwaketse moved away from Kgwakgwe
and the Bakwena, now homeless, fled across the desert, many of them eventually
settling for a short period near Lake Ngami.
Sebitoane now ruled the eastern Kalahari. However, he had only a small
following and one town, so his position was not strong. In 1826 he attacked the
Bangwaketse again, and again defeated them taking most of the cattle they had
left. Sebego decided to revenge himself. He got the help of two European
travellers, Bain and Biddulph, and some Griqua who were accompanying them,
and set out for Dithubaruba. The two whites only reluctantly agreed to take part
on the conditions that Sebego took only his own cattle and that they loaded their
guns with powder and no shot. At dawn on 29 August 1826 they surrounded
Dithubaruba, drove out the Bakololo, burnt the town and seized all the cattle.
Sebitoane then settled in the hills just to the north of Molepolole, and remained
there for the next two years.
In about 1829 Sebitoane again raided the Bangwato, splitting the morafe. Many of
them fled to the Makgadikgadi while others hid in the surrounding hills. The
Bakololo followed them to the Makgadikgadi and then moved westwards to the
Boteti. They seized the long-horned cattle of the Bateti and then settled at Kedia.
About three years later they moved westwards again. This time they attacked the
Batawana on the Xautsa plain. After travelling down to Ghanzi and being
defeated by the Ovambanderu they moved northwards. Eventually they conquered
the Batawana and settled in the Balozi Kingdom.

0 200 400 km
Fig. 71 The route taken by the Bakololo 107
Mzilikazi and the Amandebele
Mziiikazi wanted to make a home for himself and his Amandebele and planned
this in the same way that Shaka of the Amazulu built his kingdom in the south-
east. He needed people to build a state large enough to defend itself, land on
which to live and peace in which to develop. When Mzilikazi settled near present-
day Magaliesberg (Mogale's Mountain) he found the country more or less
deserted. The people had been driven from their homes by the Basotho hordes
which had swept through the country a
Fig. 72 An Indebele warrior. The large shield and short stabbing spear were
designed for close fighting. This method of fighting was invented by Shaka
year earlier. To gain people, land and peace he decided on a policy of ruthlessly
clearing the land of anyone who could be an enemy. He sent his regiments
(izimpz) to the south, west and north. All settlements were destroyed and
resistance broken. He took captives. The young men were put into his army and
the women and children were included in his state (isitshaba). Because of the
strength of his army he was feared and so he gained peace for his people. Those
years were terrible for the Batswana. Already most of the smaller merafe had been
scattered and their homes burned. Their
Fig. 73 Mzilikazi, who became the Amandebele King. He led the Amakhumalo
clan away from Shaka's state and then ruled much of the Transvaal and south-east
Botswana

Fig. 74 A hillside Batswana settlement, probably in north-east Botswana, a refuge

from the Amandebele, about 1880
political and economic organisations were broken. The whole land was filled
with small groups of people moving from place to place, hiding in the hills,
unable to grow crops and left to live by collecting wild food or stealing from their
more fortunate neighbours. Only Sebego, with his huge following, managed to
keep his morafe intact, and even he lost most of his cattle.
When Mzilikazi heard how Sebego had defeated the Bakololo, he sent his izimpi
to Sebego to demand tribute. Then he attacked the defeated Bakololo and took
their remaining cattle. At first Sebego paid tribute to Mzilikazi, but later he
became more confident and refused. The Amandebele attacked the Bangwaketse
and drove them from their home. First they settled near Letlhakeng, but hearing
the Amandebele were coming they moved westwards to Luze (Dutle). Mzilikazi
sent an impi after them. But
the Batswana guides who led the impi to Luze took them into country full of thorn
trees where the Bangwaketse attacked and defeated them. Fearing revenge,
Sebego took many of his Bangwaketse westwards into the Ghanzi District and
finally southwards to Lehututu. There they remained, out of reach of the
Amandebele. The Amazulu attacked Mzilikazi at Magaliesberg. He decided to
move westwards out of their reach. He moved his capital to Mosega near modern
Zeerust and built his own home a little distance away at Egaba. He now came into
close contact with the remnants of the Batswana who were living west of the
Ngotwane River. They were in no position to defend themselves. By this time
Sebitoane had realised he could not fight with Mzilikazi and had taken his
Bakololo north. In 1830 Mzilikazi ruled the whole land from the Vaal River in the
south to the junction

of the Ngotwane and Odi Rivers in the north, and from the Ngotwane in the west
to Magaliesberg in the east (see the map, Fig. 77).
The arrival of the Voortrekkers in 1836
The Cape was ruled by the British although most of its white inhabitants were
Dutch, French or German. Apart from Cape Town in the south-west there were no
other real towns. Most of the white population lived as pastoral farmers although
they grew a few crops and some vegetables.
Many of these farmers did not establish permanent homes. They moved eastwards
with their herds of cattle and flocks of sheep, staying for a few years in one place
and then moving eastwards again. They took with them their ser-
vants, Khoe, Blacks from Malagasie and some Malays who had been imported as
slaves. These farmers believed they had two rights. Any ad-ult Wh.......itemight
takeaduse asmuch land as he heeded for his livestock, and no one had the fright to
interfere with his servants. Many of 4these servants were either slaves or treated
as slaves.
The British Government in Cape Town tried to control the steady expansion of
these farmers. They also tried to free the slaves and allow them to own property
and receive wages. The Boers (the Dutch word for a farmer) were opposed to this
so they moved steadily away from British control. There were two reasons for
this: the land was becoming crowded and overgrazed, and they felt that the further
they were from the centre of government in Cape Town, the freer they would be
to live as they wished. This in-
Fig. 75 A Voortrekker camp. Constantly on the move, these people hunted for
food during the winter, but settled for a short time during the summer to grow
crops

cluded keeping slaves and continuing inequality between Whites and non-Whites.
They did not expect to escape the Government forever, but they wanted freedom
for as long as possible.
By 1830 many interrelated groups of these mobile Boers (Trekboers) had spread
far to the north-east and were crossing the Orange River to settle amongst the
Griqua. They were to have a considerable effect on the migration that was shortly
to follow.
In 1834 and 1835 advance parties of Trek-
boers reported back to the Cape that the area on either side of the Vaal River was
deserted of people and a suitable place for farming. They did not realise two
things. Firstly, until recently the land had been inhabited by Batswana who,
although chased out by the Amandebele, still considered it their home. Secondly,
Mzilikazi was keeping it free of people so that he had no neighbours to interfere
with his developing state.
In 1835 a few more prominent Boers began to
Fig. 76 The Boer Trek and the distribution of tsetse fly about 1836
*A A*AAAA*AAr AAAA*A**AAAAA A
A* AA AAAAA*AAtA*AAAAA
AAA A**AAA, AAAAA
AA AA AtA%,qiv,.kAAAAAAAAn~AA
AA4AAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAA4AAAA~ ,
AAonnAAAAeAAatAAAeAAAA A0AtAAAAAAAAAAAAAA
A~ Majo AmaAeel routesAAAAAAAA
A AA AAAAA Minor AmneAl routesA
AD AAkAAAAatlhAAongAAAA
0AA 200AAAAA 400km AA
AAAAA-~ ,IAA AAAA
Fig. 77 Amandebele states from 1832 to 1837 and from 1842 to 1885

collect their relatives around them and move northwards in separate parties
heading for the Orange and Vaal Rivers. This was the beginning of the Boer Trek
or Afrikaner Difaqane. See Fig. 76. Once across the Orange River many of the
smaller parties formed into larger ones and proceeded together towards the Vaal
River.
One of the first of these parties led by Potgieter and Cilliers settled along the Vaal
River early in 1836. They spread out and began to herd their cattle and sheep over
a wide area. Mzilikazi heard of these farmers arriving on land he considered to be
his and settling without permission. In August 1836 he sent two izimpi to
investigate. They attacked two parties of Boers before returning. The Boers,
realising they would be attacked again, came together at a place south of the Vaal
River (later called Vegkop). They put their wagons in a circle and withdrew
inside, waiting for the Amandebele who attacked in great force on 16 October.
Although the Amandebele were unable to break through the ring of wagons they
took nearly all the Boers' livestock.
Shortly afterwards a new party of Boers arrived under Maritz. Potgieter had been
helped by Moroka, a Morolong kgosi, who had taken his party to Thaba Nchu and
fed them. Now 107 Boers and about 40 well-armed servants set out to attack
Mzilikazi. With them went a party of Barolong to herd any livestock captured.
They attacked Mosega, killed over 400 people and recaptured all of Potgieter's
livestock.
Later in the year Mzilikazi was again attacked by the Amazulu and then in
November another party of Boers attacked him. A running fight continued for
more than a week with the mounted Boers chasing the Amandebele and shooting
from horseback. Mzilikazi crossed the Limpopo and moved northwards to settle
in Tswapong. See Fig. 77. In an effort to obtain food and cattle he attacked the
Bangwato driving them to the Makgadikgadi. In 1838 he moved again, this time
to Nata. Here his isitshaba split. One party entered what is now Zimbabwe.
Mzilikazi and the rest struck west and north looking for a new home. Two years
later he join-
ed the first party near the area of modern Bulawayo.
Having driven the Amandebele from the land, the Boers considered it to be theirs
by right of conquest. Once more they spread out and started their pastoral
farming. Tsetse fly in the north and malaria in the east kept them mainly to
southern and western Transvaal.
Once Mzilikazi was gone the Batswana were free to return to their homes and re-
establish their merafe. Soon numbers of Batswana were moving back into the area
occupied by the Boers. The Bangwaketse and Bakwena returned to their old
homes. Smaller groups who lived just outside Boer lands began to rebuild and
reestablish themselves. As a united, armed force the Boers had been able to defeat
the most powerful ruler on the Southern African plateau. Once they were
scattered again they were unable to stop Batswana resettling in their lands. Also
they could not control the stronger merafe on their borders. During the following
years large numbers of Batswana returned and settled. The Boers could not stop
them, but they allowed them to remain on the Boer farms only if they worked for
them.
Conclusion
This period of conflict is known as the Difaqane. For almost twenty years the
Batswana had lived under war or the threat of war. Most merafe had been split
and many people driven into the desert. For long periods of time dikgosi had been
forced to live together in exile. When the merafe began to re-establish themselves
their old members did not always come together again. Sometimes they continued
to live with people of a different morafe. This is one of the reasons why every
morafe now has wards of foreigners. The Difaqane gave rise to three new states or
kingdoms.
1 The Amandebele established themselves in
tihe We- stern Transvaal and then moved to
Zinabz-we>-.,,
2 TlkBakololo,t'hrst established themselves in
easterft---R6tswana and then moved to

western Zambia.
3 The Boers replaced the Amandebele in the
Transvaal and brought a new threat to the
Batswana.
Questions
1 What were the chief causes of the fighting
that occurred all over Southern Africa in the
19th century?
2 List the various groups of people attacked by
Sebitoane and the Bakololo between 1824
and 1829.
3 What effect did Mzilikazi and the
Amandebele have on Sebego and the Bangwaketse, and on Sebitoane and the
Bakololo?
4 Why did the Voortrekkers want to settle
around the Vaal River? What did they not
realise?
16The Batswana after the Difaqane
At the end of the Difaqane the Batswana merafe were scattered. Some groups had
taken refuge in the Kalahari. Others, sometimes broken into very small sections,
had remained in the general area of their homeland. The dikgosi had lost much of
their control because they were unable to defend their people or even to feed
them. Many royal relatives, younger brothers and uncles, were trying to seize
power.
The Batswana had also lost much of their land in the western Transvaal where
Mzilikazi had first established his new state and had then been replaced by the
Voortrekkers. Apart from land, the merafe had also lost a large part of their cattle
herds. These were traditional wealth upon which a kgosi had relied for keeping
his people as a single unit.
The reconstruction started, not at morafe level, but at the level of minor groups or
segments (parts). The Bakwena were split into two major groups under Sechele
and Segokotlo and several minor groups. The-Bangwato were also split into
several groups living between the Mhalapswe River and the Makgadikgadi Pans.
The Bangwaketse were split into three major groups under Sebego, Bome and
Segotshane and several minor groups.
The importance of guns
One of the first steps the dikgosi took was to arm themselves with guns. They
obtained these from Griqua and European traders who started to enter their
country in the 1820s. They had seen
how a few men mounted on horseback and armed with guns could put huge
armies to flight. (This was shown by the battles at Dithakong and Dithubaruba.)
They also recognised the use of guns in hunting for ivory and skins to trade for
more guns.
As the traders arrived, so each kgosi tried to prevent them from going further
north and to get them to trade with him only. At first this worked and the northern
end of the trade route
Fig. 78 Horses and guns made hunting much easier, but led to great reductions in
wildlife

Fig. 79 Kgosi Sechele and his wife, MmaKgari. Sechele

was established first on the Orange River. (See Fig. 81, on page 119.) Then, as the
elephants were finished, the northern end of the trade route was established
successively at the capitals of the Barolong, Bangwaketse, Bakwena and
Bangwato. In each instance dikgosi were able to control trading amongst their
people so long as elephant were plentiful. Once they became scarce so individuals
began to trade at night behind the kgosi's back. Then the traders moved north
iOthe next morafe. Guns gave the dikgosi even more power than! they had
previously had through the use of cattle. As the only people in the merafe with
guns they were able to hand these out to trusted people and so gain their support?
Horses were k another important item of trade. A man
mounted on a horse with a gun could kill several elephant in one day. Before it
had taken many people a lot of work to kill one elephant. Guns were to play a
very important part in the future in establishing Batswana independence.
was installed as K si in 1829
Kgosi Sechele efused to accept Boer control. In
-Augws 1852- Commandant P.E. Scholtz took 300 Boers to Dimawe to teach
Sechele a lesson. There was a battle. The Bakwena lost, with 60 dead and 200
women and children captured, but with their guns they killed 36 Boers. This was
the first time the Transvaal Boers had been fired upon by Batswana and the
incident made them realise that if they wanted to take more Batswana land they
would have to fight for it. Without guns the Bakwena could never have killed so
many Boers. This incident more than any other up to this time helped the
Batswana to save their land.
The dikgosi recognised the need to have many peo ple in their merafe. Otherwise
they would hav no chance to defend themselves in the future.\ Land was short
because the Boers had taken \ much of it. Therefore they needed to establish\
themselves firmly on the land they still owned. The possibility of moving to new
land no longer existed.

One of the first moves was to consolidate the morafe, to bring the group firmly
together and to reorganise the political system. This was started by Kgari amongst
the Bangwato as early as 1824. The pattern of reorganisation among the
Bangwato was the same as that for other merafe.
Before looking closely at the restructuring of the Batswana merafe it is important
to understand how they were traditionally organised.
Traditional merafe organisation
Traditionally, the Batswana of the ruling morafe considered they had rights over
the use of a large area of land and rights to tribute and respect from other groups
on the same land. They lived in one village often set near hills for defence. This
village consisted of a number of wards (makgotla). These wards were formed in
two ways.
1 If a kgosi took three wives, then he created
three new wards and put the sons of each wife into a separate ward to rule it. To
them he also attached common families to act as
supporters and servants.
2 Other wards usually consisted of groups of
Batswana of different merafe who had split away and come to accept him as their
kgosi.
With each generation new wards were
created.
Batswana of other groups might also live in the same area under their own ruler.
While in the area they were expected to pay respect and tribute, but they could
move away. There were also non-Batswana who were left very much to
themselves. They had to pay tribute and respect, but did not have to live in the
central village and were not considered members of the morafe.
Finally, there were some subservient groups, usually Bakgalagadi. They either
lived in their own ward in the central villlage, or were attached to royal houses.
They acted as servants, were not generally able to own property and had few
rights. They were not considered to be members of the morafe.
A kgosi appointed trusted commoners to head wards in central villages which
were not under
his immediate relatives or traditional royalty. These ward heads were known as
basimane ba kgosi.
The reconstruction of the Bangwato State
To reconstruct the Bangwato State, Kgari used various methods. First he
instituted the kgamelo system. Kgamelo were cattle, usually the spoils of war,
which belonged to the kgosi. They were given to a commoner to look after on
behalf of the kgosi. The commoner was not allowed to eat or trade them without
permission, and he had to send regular supplies of madila to the kgosi. Otherwise
he could use kgamelo for himself. Kgari gained a lot of support from the common
people through this system. Kgamelo-holdefris1 were careful not to offend him as
the kgameloj and everything else they owned could be take away from them.
r
Kgari gave kgamelo to his basimane which added greatly to their power. This
gave Kgari a balance in his kgotla. Those royals who had had the support of all
the common people before now found their strength in the kgotla weakened. This
created much greater unity in the morafe.
Then began a systematic campaign to drivell out of the area any peoples who
might be a threat or who could not be brought into the morafe. In 1849 Sekgoma
I, who was the kgosi, attacked the Bakaa near Shoshong and drove them from the
area. He attacked the Babirwa and Balete living north and south of the Tswapong
Hills and conquered all the Batswapong peoples except the Baseleka. They
remained unconquered until the time of Khama III because they lived on a hill
surrounded by tsetse fly near the Limpopo. The Bakalanga, trapped between the
Amandebele in the north and the Bangwato in the south, submitted without
fighting. In this way the Bangwato made all the weaker groups living on their
land pay tribute and respect to them. The next move was to make subject peoples
more closely allied to the central m'rafe. Basimane-Were appointed to look after
the subject

Fig. 80 Khama III, a major figure in 19th century politics

people and to repres'me'them. They were known as'basimane ba mafatsh . They
had the duty of making regular visits to their people, allocating land,, collecting
tribute (some of w15h- they could keep for themselves), stttling disputes between
minor groups and hearing appeals, The country of the Bangwato wadMde-dinto
four
sections anu CigIlL ILbti, dAL UL. wI,,., ".14 under a mosimane. At first the
basimane remained in their own wards in the capital, but eventually they moved
to their districts and established their homes there. This provided the subject
groups with a much closer association with the morafe.
Traditional subject leaders such as the rulers M0f the Baphaleng, Batatote and
Batswapong rere allowed to look after their own people and to rule them by their
own custom. They collected the tribute and were allowed to keep some of it.
However, they were not allowed to hold their own initiation, bogwera, which was
held only by the kgosi. Young men of subject groups were initiated in Bangwato
regiments and so became much closer to heoi@ngagwato.
What Kgari had stariKhama III completed. He spread his control over all the
country from the Limpopo to the Boteti and from Bukalanga in the north to
Lephepe in the south. Other merafe were re-established in the same way. When
the Batawana escaped from the Bakololo and returned to Toteng they tried to
incorporate the Bangologa and Bayei into their nation. When the Bangologa and
Bayei refused they took their cattle from them and made them serfs. However,
with time they too were given wards although, for the Bayei, this was not until the
1940s.
Political, social and economic reconstruction followed a similar pattern amongst
other merafe. This resulted in more consolidated (strengthened) states.
Questions
1 List four effects the Difaqane had on
Batswana merafe.
2 Why were the dikgosi now anxious to obtain
guns and horses?
3 Describe the ways in which Kgari built up
the power of the Bangwato using the following headings.
(a) The kgamelo system
(b) Defeat of enemies
(c) Basimane ba mafatshe
(d) Treatment of subject rulers

Trade and Changes 17 7in the Economy

Fig. 81 Trade routes developed between 1800 and 1860

Before 1800
Even before the long-distance traders came with their wagons early in the 19th
century, the Batswana were great traders. They traded both amongst themselves
and with their neighbours. Occasionally they traded for goods made outside
Africa which had come all the way from the coast, things such as beads, cloth and
sea shells. Mainly they traded for things they produced themselves such as iron
and copper tools and ornaments, specularite (sebilo), furs, tobacco, grain, dogs,
stock, salt, iron ore, ivory and wild food.
The Batlhaping were trading iron and copper implements with the Khoe on the
Orange River before 1700. The Bangwato were trading tobacco from the
Bakalanga and taking it south to trade with the Bakwena. The Batlokwa, Balete
and Barolong were mining iron and making iron
tools which they traded to the Bakwena, possioly in exchange for specularite and
furs. Trading was very important as it kept communications alive over great
distances. It gave people a chance to meet on friendly terms. It also meant that
people could supply their own needs when they could not make or grow things for
themselves.
Trade routes stretched all across Botswana and far into neighbouring areas. Long
before the Griqua and European traders arrived people were travelling from
Molepolole to Lake Ngami and southwards to the Orange River. When
Livingstone went to Lake Ngami in 1849 he was not opening a new road. He was
travelling along a trade and hunting route which had been used for hundreds of
years.
We have already seen how the dikgosi traded ivory for guns. Gold and slaves had
both been important exports from Africa. By 1600 the gold
.- -r
Fig. 82 Ivory and fur sale in Grahamstown in 1850. Ivory, hunted and traded in
Botswana, was transported by wagon to the coast where it was sold at much
higher prices

*
I.
ii
Fig. 83 Griqua men riding oxen (from a drawing by Andrew Smith). The Griqua,
a mixture of Khoe and White, spoke Dutch and were the first long-distance
traders to enter Bostwana.
trade was beginning to die out and the ivory trade took its place. By 1800 ivory
was probably the largest and by far the most important export from Africa. Much
of it went to India where it was used for making Hindu marriage bracelets,
jewellery and carved ornaments. Some of it also went to China and Europe. It was
much more valuable than other produce such as furs and feathers because it could
be easily transported. It did not rot or otherwise suffer through age. Ivory was the
one item the wagon traders wanted and in exchange the dikgosi wanted guns.
The Griqua were the first wagon traders to reach Botswana. They lived on the
Orange River where they had come from the south to escape the rule of the Dutch.
Mostly they were Khoe people with some white ancestry. They had kept their
links with the south. They traded with the Dutch for guns, ammunition, and
manufactured goods such as woven clothing, ironware, trinkets and mirrors.
Many of them spoke Dutch as their home language.
After 1800
Once elephant became scarce on the Orange River the Griqua started to come
north to hunt and also to trade for ivory. By 1805 Bangwaketse were carrying
ivory to the Orange River to trade with them. This was the start of the ivory trail
into Botswana.
The Griqua, more than anybody else, opened Botswana to wagon travel. By 1847
they had crossed the edges of the Kalahari to Ngamiland. By 1850 they had
reached the Chobe River. By 1852 they had travelled right up the west side of the
Okavango Delta to reach Andara on the Angolan border. They were followed by a
few Batlhaping and Barolong who also bought wagons and became hunter-traders
like the Griqua, travelling throughout Botswana. Travelling by wagon was very
difficult and expensive. In the first place, a wagon in the Cape cost, in 1820,
between £30 and £40 or, in today's money, about P65. But money was worth
much
Fig. 84 Wagons often broke down on the rough roads. The wheels were rimmed
with iron
more then than it is now. £30 was the amount a European soldier of that period
earned in two years. The earliest European travellers to Botswana said that a
journey lasting a year could cost about £600 or P1 000. This was what a common
soldier of that time earned in 30 years in the army.
After crossing the Orange River there were no roads, only footpaths. Often wagon
travellers had to use people to cut roads through thick thorn bush. Sometimes
wagons had to be unloaded and taken to pieces and carried over rocky country or
floated over rivers. Travelling was very slow and 20 kilometres was a good
journey for one day.
There were long stretches of country, sometimes 50 kilometres or more, where
there was no water. Water was carried on the wagons. Sometimes the wagons
were left and the oxen driven to the nearest water and then brought back to pull
the wagons a few kilometres. Then they were again taken to drink and brought
back again to pull the wagons a bit further. Wagons were made of wood and had
iron tyres
on the wheels. Often the wheels or the wooden axles broke and had to be repaired.
Oxen died of thirst, from drinking bad water or from tsetse fly bites. Horses died
of tick bite. It was not easy to travel by wagon in those days. Wagons made long
distance trade for ivory possible. A good wagon could carry 3 000 kilograms or
about 200 elephant tusks. When this ivory was sold in the Cape it was worth
about £1 200 or P2 000. This meant that a year's travel could show a good profit.
European traders
As we have already seen, the early traders were Griqua, Batlhaping and Barolong,
not Europeans. The Europeans who started to c to Botswana after 1810 were
mostly venturer They wanted to see new lands, new peopie'and to hunt animals
they had never seen before. Other Europeans who came at this time were
missionaries who wanted to change Setswana life to make the Batswana believe
in the Christian God and live according to the Bible.

Travel was very expensive so the Europeans came with goods to trade. By trading
and hunting elephant they could take back enough ivory to pay for their whole
journey. As these first European visitors to Botswana began to return to the Cape
and tell stories of what they had seen and hunted, so the traders began to move
into Botswana. They brought coloured cloth, strong trousers, salt, cotton blankets,
cheap clothes, brass wire, snuff boxes, iron hoes and cooking pots, knives and
axes, ox-drawn ploughs, metal spoons, mirrors, china plates and cups, patent
medicines, coloured beads, guns, lead and bullet moulds, powder, tinder-boxes for
making fire, wine and brandy. See Fig. 85. Most of these trade goods were almost
wor-
thless. The type of gun sold to the Batswana cost about P1.20 at the Cape. This
could be sold for a large tusk weighing 30 kilograms and which could be sold at
the Cape for P35. Europeans were not the only people to make huge profits. The
Griqua often brought sheep for sale as they had difficulty in buying trade gods on
the Orange River. In those days one sheep, worth about 70t, was exchanged for a
tusk worth about P16. When Barolong traders first went to Lehututu with their
wagons they exchanged a tinder box worth 20t for a tusk worth P16. With the
traders came money. At first the' Batswana-di-d-ft-h' for money as they
did not know what it was. But later they saw European hunters and traders paying
their
Fig. 85 Trade goods such as guns, beads and clothing were brought by Europeans
k:::: I

Fig. 86 A simple ox plough, similar to those used in the 1800s

Griqua, Barolong and Batlhaping servants with money and they began to
understand how it could be used.
All Batswana wanted guns, but the dikgosi controlled the trade and other people
had nothing they could use to buy them. Soon they learned that people from the
south, mostly Griqua and Batlhaping, would work for a hunter or trader for a year
and receive as payment a gun and ammunition. Some Batswana as early as 1840
walked to the Orange River to work on Boer farms for money so they could buy
guns. This!/; was the start of migrant labour. //
Changes brought about by trade
The introduction of long-distance or wagon trade and the goods traded resulted in
many changes in Botswana.
The power of the dikgosi
One of the most important changes affected the position of dikgosi. They tried to
control trade by making the traders deal only with them. They insisted the traders
camped, and later built their stores, in the capital village. They also insisted on
receiving presents such as clothes and brandy before they would trade. At first
trade gave them
a new way of gaining power amongst their people. But soon the traders found
ways to deal with commoners. Once commoners had guns they were able to hunt
for themselves ank become rich. This meant that thtedikgasi- sarte& to lose their
new power. Common people were able to-ifake themselves rich through trade.
Now dikgosi could no longer say who should be rich and who should be poor.
The new class of rich commoners owed nothing to the dikgosi. They were
therefore able to some extent to become independent of the traditional system.
Expansion of states
Guns helped the Batswana to keep the Boers out. Guns also helped the Batswana
to unite.. their countries. Khama HI hada small mounted and-armed force, a
cavalry, which he used when he attacked minor merafe which refused to obey
him. It was this cavalry which enabled him to defeat the Amandebele in 1863.
The need to get ivory to trade made the dikgosi try to expand their countries.
Although the Bangwato claimed the Boteti and other distant places as their
hunting grounds, they took little interest in these areas. This changed when the
value of ivory was realised. Soon they were

sending not only their hunters, but also their tribute collectors to distant places
such as Boteti, Motloutse and Limpopo to claim their sehuba in ivory. Because of
ivory hunting the Batawana State increased in size until it reached right into the
Caprivi.
Communications
Wagon travel ogened permanent roads where only paths had been and provided a.
means of enmmrfi-iihon. Even in the Okavango where wagons could not go, the
mokoro began to be used to transport trade goods into remote areas and to bring
ivory out. It made the whole country seem much smaller because it was so much
easier to reach distant places. People began to travel much more.
Shoshong: a trading centre
Trade and wagon travel helped Khama III to turn Shoshong from a small village
into an important trading centre. Because of its position Khama managed to make
it the trading centre of the north for more than 40 years. Most traders saw
Shoshong as a place to stop before making the final journey. They would set off
on the great distances to Lake Ngami, to Bulozi and to Matabeleland. First
Sekgoma I, and later Khama III, did everything they could to prevent the traders
going on. They did not want to lose their control over the trade.
In fact, the traders themselves found it convenient to settle in Shoshong. They
could trade there with the elephant hunters, both European and Batswana, who
came in from these distant places. Traders working in Ngamiland, Bulozi and
Matabeleland found it convenient to buy their goods in Shoshong. They preferred
to pay higher prices rather than make the journey to the Cape which could take
six months. Shoshong soon had a small European community including
missionaries, traders and a few hunters who made it their headquarters. Their
square houses with tin roofs, wooden furniture, wagons and ploughs set a new
pattern for living.
The import of manufactured goods
Before the import of manufactured goods (iron pots, axes, cloth, ready-made
clothes), people made everything they needed themselves (clay pots, baskets,
leather clothes, iron tools and copper jewellery). If they did not have something,
they traded for it with their neighbour. The import of European goods had two
direct effects on the traditional economy. People began to stop making things
because it was easier to buy them. They stopped mining and smelting iron and
copper because it was easier to buy a metal hoe or a length of brass wire to make
a
Fig. 87 Pottery from Manyelanong, made in about 1800

Fig. 88 A beautifully decorated Sengwato belt, the only item that still remains of
all those collected by Andrew Smith. At that time there was much fine
craftsmanship in clothes, jewellery, weapons and ornaments
bracelet. The traditional type of trade slowly died.
The import of manufactured goods had another effect. It became important to be
seen wearing European clothes, to carry a gun and to use things such as tinder
boxes and matches to make fire rather than using two sticks. Whether people
wanted to buy these things or not, if they wanted to be recognised as important
people, they had to have them. So the old trade in necessities and a few luxuries
such as tobacco, jewellery and salt changed. People had to buy luxuries such as
clothes, guns, and brandy. People did not want to sell their stock so they had to
hunt to obtain goods for trade.
The destruction of wildlife
The last important change was the destruction of the wildlife. Before 1800
elephant, buffalo, rhinoceros and zebra could be found all over eastern Botswana
and far into the Kalahari at places such as Letlhakeng, Kang, Lehututu, Bokspits
and Ghanzi. Everybody hunted: the European adventurers, the dikgosi, the
Griqua, Barolong and Batlhaping traders, the Batswana and the Bakgalagadi.
Soon most of the wildlife had been killed in those areas where there was no tsetse
fly, and therefore it became difficult or impossible to find ivory, skins and ostrich
feathers to trade.

Fig. 89 Knives, exquisitely decorated

-aIflLqACS I
Fig. 90 Highly decorated spoons

Fig. 91 The mail coach north of Francistown in about 1897

Migrant labour
This was the time when money became important in trade. To get money people
either had to sell something or work. More and more people / were forced to look
for work and few of them/' could find it in Botswana. By the time the diamond
mines opened in Kimberley in the 1860s large numbers of Batswana were already
looking for work outside the country. The mines were one of the most important
employers for many years.
Questions
1 Imagine you are part of a Griqua trading
expedition to Botswana. Describe your
journey.
2 List the goods that were brought into
Botswana by the traders. List those goods the traders took away in exchange.
Who
made the best bargain?
3 Explain the effects of long distance trade on
Botswana, using the following headings.
(a) The power of the dikgosi
(b) Expansion of states
(c) Communications
(d) Shoshong
(e) Changes in the economy
(f) Wildlife

18The Missionaries
During the 19th century missionaries were active in Southern Africa. Some of
them extended their work to the land of the Batswana. Missionaries came to the
Batswana because they had heard about the Batswana from travellers to the
interior.
At that time missionaries went all over the world to preach the gospel. They
believed that people would not be saved unless they were Christians. In order to
convert people to Christianity, Christian churches in Europe and America formed
Missionary Societies (groups) which sent missionaries throughout the world. One
of these societies was the London Missionary Society (LMS), which ThmIi dn
1795-'irst missionaries settled at the Cape Colony in 1799. By 1801 they had
contacted the Griqua. In 1807, J.M. Kok and W. Edwards were preaching
amongst the Batlhaping. Edwards reached Kanye, the Bangwaketse capital, in
1808, but he spent his time trading in ivory rather than preaching. He later left
missionary work and became a slave-owning farmer in the Cape Colony.
In 1813 the LMS sent John Campbell to select sites for new mission stations in
the interior. He reached Dithakong north of Kudumane (Kuruman), where he met
Mothibi, king of the Batlhaping. In 1816, the Society sent two other missionaries
to preach to the Batlhaping. Mothibi was not interested in Christianity but in
trade. So the king did not show much interest in the missionaries. The Batswana
were generally suspicious of missionaries in those early days
because they spoke about bringing a new way of life. For this reason missionaries
encouraged traders to trade with the Batswana. They hoped that this would
indirectly help the spread of Christianity.
The importance of Kudumane
It soon became very clear to the LMS that they
Fig. 92 John Campbell, the first LMS missionary to reach the Batlhaping at
Dithakong in 1813

Fig. 93 Kudumane (Kuruman) in about 1825, the first LMS mission station
among the Batswana. From there Christianity spread to other parts of Batswana
country
needed a station in the interior from which to spread the gospel. Robert Moffat
was responsible for starting a station. He came to Southern Africa in 1817 and
founded Kudumane where he settled with Hamilton in 1821. The importance of
Kudumane was that it became the centre from which to spread Christianity to the
interior. (See Fig. 93.) African evangelists (preachers) were trained there. These
evangelists spread Christianity among the Batswana. They worked alone or
together with the missionaries.
Moffat
Robert Moffat succeeded in spreading Christianity where others had failed. This
was partly because he was a hard working man. The Batswana regarded him as an
honest man who did not interfere in their politics. Because he was liked and
respected, he made it possible for the other missionaries to be accepted by the
Batswana. But the changes that had taken place in Southern Africa also enabled
him to succeed. At that time traders had brought firearms to the interior and
people who had guns often easily succeeded in battle. The coming of the difaqane
caused destruction all over. An incident happened that made Moffat welcome
among the Batswana. In
1823 difaqane groups attacked the Batlhaping. Moffat brought Griqua gunmen
who defeated the difaqane groups. In 1824, the Griqua horsemen
Fig. 94 Robert Moffat, who started missionary work among the Batswana. It was
he who brought Griqua gunmen to defend the Batlhaping against the Boers

accompanying Moffat drove some invaders from Pitsane and saved the Barolong.
This assistance also helped Moffat to be readily accepted by the southern
Batswana. Every ruler now wanted guns to protect and strengthen his state.
Batswana rulers began to ask missionaries to settle among them. The m~in aim
was to get guns through the presence of missionaries. This was because traders
often went where missionaries worked. Another factor which made Batswana like
Moffat was that he visited Mzilikazi, king of the Amandebele, at Mosega in 1829,
and tried to persuade him not to attack the Batswana. He had little success but the
Batswana appreciated (liked) his attempt.
Livingstone
In 1841 David Livingstone came to Kudumane. By 1842, he had visited the
Bakwena, Bakgatla, Bangwato and Bakalanga. In 1845 he married Moffat's
daughter, Mary, and settled among the ' Bakwena at Kolobeng. He taught Kgosi
Sechelel I how to read and write and converted him to\ Christianity. Sechele's
seeming total conversion did not last long. He soon realised that Christianity went
against Bakwena customs. He therefore accepted Christianity half-heartedly.
Livingstone's real interest was not in missionary work but in exploration. He
wanted to open new areas of Africa to British trade and Christianity. He also
wanted to record new scientific knowledge gained through exploration.
In 1849 he, together with the traders Oswell and Murray, reached Lake Ngami.
They were guided by a Mokwena man and were the first white people to see this
lake. Kgosi Letsholathebe I welcomed them and traded his ivory for guns.
Thereafter Livingstone sent his family to England and went to explore Central
Africa where he later died. The Batswana liked Livingstone because he cured
illness. He was a medical doctor. They also liked him because he was the son-in-
law of the much liked Robert Moffat. His wife, Mary, seems also to have won the
love of the Bakwena because she worked
Fig. 95 David Livingstone, missionary, doctor and explorer. He taught Sechele I
how to read and write
hard among them and spoke Setswana well. Although he remained a missionary
all his life, Livingstone spent most of his time exploring rather than preaching.
In 1859 the missionaries of the Hermannsburg Society, a German Lutheran
missionary society, brought Christianity to the Bangwato at
Shoshong under Sekgoma I. The Hermannsburg missionaries had first settled
among the Bakwena in 1857 after Livingstone's departure. They soon left
because of some misunderstanding with Sechele I. Sekgoma I did not become a
Christian but his son Khama Boikanyo Sekgoma (later Khama III), and his
brother, Kgamane, did so. It was the Lutherans who baptised Khama in 1860
although he later joined the LMS. The Hermannsburg missionary, Heinrich
Schulenburg, left for South Africa in 1862

4%
Fig. 96 Heinrich Schulenburg (far left) a German Lutheran missionary, among the
Balete. (Note the Molete teacher in front of the class.) It was he who baptised
Khama in 1860
because of some quarrel with his Society in Natal. This ended the Lutheran
Church's activities among the Bangwato. In 1862 the LMS sent its own
missionaries led by John Mackenzie to work among the Bangwato. The Bangwato
Lutherans such as Khama then became LMS followers.
The Bangwato church undertook to spread Christianity to the interior as far as
Ngamiland. After Livingstone's visit to Ngamiland, Letsholathebe I continually
asked for missionaries to come to his land. For a long time the LMS was
unwilling to send missionaries because Ngamiland had malaria. Also it was
distant and the sandy Kalahari made travelling there difficult. Moremi II,
Letsholathebe's successor, asked Khama III to send missionaries. Finally the
Bangwato church sent Reverend James Hepburn and some Bangwato Christians
to start church work in Ngamiland in 1877. Hepburn
Fig. 97 Khukhu Mogodi, who with Hepburn and African evangelists, started
missionary work among the Batawana

left and missionary work was done by African evangelists led by Khukhu
Mogodi. Mogodi was later dismissed because he engaged in trade. He had to trade
in order to earn a living because the LMS did not give him much financial
support. After many years of service Mogodi retired and was awarded a certificate
of merit by the LMS. He died in 1925 at the age of 96. He was replaced by
evangelist Somolekae. Missionary work was done mainly by Africans with very
little European help in the early days.
Other missionary bodies worked among other Batswana groups. The Dutch
Reformed Church worked among the Bakgatla, the Lutheran Church among the
Balete, and the Anglican Church mainly among the Bakhurutshe in the Tati
District. By the 1880s every major village had a resident missionary. From the
major villages in each morafe, church work spread to the outlying areas.
Missionaries and politics
Although missionaries stated that they were not interested in politics, they
sometimes found themselves involved in Batswana politics. Missionaries
generally supported Christian rulers against non-Christian ones. For example,
the LMS missionaries secretly supported Khama III in his dispute with his
father, Sekgoma I, in the 1870s. This was because Khama was a Christian and
Sekgoma had rejected Christianity. They hoped to be able to work more freely
and successfully under a Christian king.
The early missionaries were more careful, however, not to interfere in Batswana
politics because there was no Colonial Government to protect them. They had to
try to please African kings in order to be allowed to preach. But the missionaries
who came later had the protection of the Colonial Government. So they were not
always very careful in dealing with African rulers. They did not respect African
rulers as much as the earlier missionaries had done. Quite often they appealed to
the Colonial Government to remove kings who resisted Christianity. For
example, in Ngamiland Reverend Wookey supported the removal of Sekgoma
Letsholathebe from the kingship (bogosi). He did this because Sekgoma defended
Setswana culture against the influence of Christianity. Sometimes missionaries
engaged in politics because the rulers requested them to do so. Those missionaries
who were trusted by Batswana rulers were asked to act as interpreters, secretaries
and advisers in relations between the Batswana and Europeans. But the
missionaries had to be careful not to get too involved in domestic politics. If they
did, they could be expelled. For example, Khama III expelled Hepburn from his
country in 1892 for this reason and later he removed Lloyd from Shoshong in
1913.
Missionaries played an important part in bringing Bechuanaland under British
rule. They encouraged Britain to colonise the land of the Batswana. This was true
especially of Reverend John Mackenzie. They had the following reasons for
wanting the Batswana to be under British rule.
1 The LMS missionaries were British citizens
and so they wanted their own country to rule
the lands of the Batswana.
2 They feared that if Britain did not rule the
land of the Batswana, the Boers would colonise it. The LMS would then be
replaced by the Dutch Reformed Church. So they wanted to use British power to
protect their spiritual empire. They also knew that the
Boers hated them.
3 They believed that under British rule the
Batswana rulers would be powerless to resist
Christianity.
4 They wanted Britain to change those
African customs they considered 'heathen'.
In this way, they believed that Africans
would then accept Christianity readily.
5 The missionaries also wanted to prevent
African lands from being taken away by the Boers, and to protect Africans from
Boer attacks. Reverend Mackenzie, in particular, criticised the Boers for ill-
treating the
Batswana.

For these reasons the LMS missionaries advised Batswana to accept British
protection. In fact, John Mackenzie urged Britain to take over the land of the
Batswana. Mackenzie accompanied General Warren when he came to declare a
protectorate over the Batswana. In short, the missionaries supported British rule
as a way of spreading Christianity. This is an important difference between
missionaries and traders. Traders supported British rule in order to make profit.
Missionaries and Setswana
culture
Most missionaries despised and disliked Setswana customs, especially the
most important ones such as bogadi (bridewealth), rain making, polygamy,
bogwera and bojale (male and female initiation schools, see Fig. 50 and Fig. 51,
on page 76) and beer drinking. They worked hard to destroy these customs. On
the other hand the Batswana valued their customs and therefore
wanted to protect and preserve them. This is what caused conflict between the
Batswana and the missionaries.
But why did the missionaries dislike Setswana customs? Firstly the missionaries
wrongly believed that European culture was superior to all cultures of the world.
Therefore, they respected only those people who adopted (took) European
culture (western culture). Many missionaries believed that a true Christian was
someone who adopted western culture. To them Setswana culture was a sign of
heathenism. This, of course, was incorrect. All customs or cultures are important
to people who practise them. The other reason was that missionaries found out
that the stronger the customs, the more difficult it was to convert the people. This
is why they wanted to destroy the most important Setswana customs. They
thought these prevented Batswana from becoming Christians. The people the
missionaries disliked most were the dingaka (medicine men) because they were
Fig. 98 Khama III, about 1882. He had some success in ending some Sengwato
customs which were disliked by the LMS. He was not entirely successful however
because of the strong belief in Setswana culture

Fig. 99 An independent church baptism. This was done by completely

submerging the person being baptised
the defenders of customs. They also worked closely with the rulers to make rain.
Did the missionaries succeed in the battle against customs? There were some
minor successes. For example, such dikgosi as Khama III stopped bogadi, rain
making, bogwera, bojale, and beer drinking. But in most merafe Setswana
customs continued to exist. Even among the Bangwato, Khama did not manage
completely to end all the customs which the LMS disliked. This is why today
some Setswana customs continue to flourish. Customs only disappear entirely
when the people themselves no longer find them useful or when they have found
something to replace them. For example, in most Batswana states missionary
education replaced the initiation schools.
Independent churches
One problem which faced the missionaries was the rise of independent churches.
They were
started and run by Batswana Christians who left missionary churches. The
independent church movement was sometimes called Ethiopianism. The name
Ethiopianism came from the Biblical name Ethiopia which meant Africa. So all
Africans were referred to in the Bible as Ethiopians. The followers of independent
churches were proud to be associated with Ethiopia or Abyssinia. This was
because it had a very ancient Christian Coptic church which was run entirely by
Africans. The Coptic church was older than European churches. Later, the name
Ethiopia was associated with independence because that country was the only one
in Africa not colonised by outsiders. It was ruled completely by Africans. Like
Ethiopia, therefore, independent churches were controlled by
Africans. Independent churches were most common in countries where Africans
or black people were oppressed most by Europeans such as in South Africa and
America. Because of white domination (rule) in church matters, black people
started their own churches to get rid of this domination.
Mothoagae's Church
In Botswana, the independent church movement was small. It started because
missionaries sometimes interfered in domestic politics. So some rulers were
happy when Batswana started their own churches as this reduced missionary
influence. The unhappiness with missionary education also made some Batswana
start their own churches. Some African evangelists started their own churches
because the European missionaries did not allow them to have important positions
in the church. Europeans always supervised Africans and not the other way round.
The Europeans despised the Africans. Sometimes missionaries practised racism.
For all these reasons, Batswana started their own churches.
One example of an independent church among the Batswana was the church of
Mothoagae, a Mongwaketse evangelist. He became unhappy with the LMS
because it wanted to transfer him

to Lehututu in the Kalahari. He refused to go because of his wife's ill health. He

also disagreed with the local missionary about how the church was run. He was
dismissed from the church. In 1902 he formed his own independent church. He
had the support of Kgosi Bathoen I. The church grew and won some followers.
The church ended its work in the Bangwaketse area when Mothoagae was
banished. Kgosi Bathoen I did this because he believed that Mothoagae supported
his rival, Kwenaitsile. Mothoagae died in banishment.
There were other independent churches in other areas. In general, independent
churches did not become widespread because the Batswana rulers still preferred
the LMS. But their existence caused the LMS to try to reform in order to stop
Batswana from leaving the church.
Benefits brought by missionaries
The missionaries did some bad things. For example they tried to destroy Setswana
culture. But they also did some good things. They brought education and printed
books in Setswana.
The Bible and Setswana literature (books)
Before the missionaries came knowledge was passed on by the spoken word.
There was no writing or reading. The missionaries wanted the Batswana to know
how to read so that they could read the Bible. In this way Christianity would
spread quickly. We do not know exactly who wrote down the first Setswana. But
in 1819, the missionary, James Read, wrote a small spelling book which was
printed at Griquatown. John Campbell wrote the Lord's Prayer in Setswana. It was
poorly written Setswana but it was a useful start. The prayer, for example, began:
'Hara a Chuna' (Rara Wa Rona - Our Father). Robert Moffat, assisted by
Hamilton, made the first serious effort to produce Setswana
literature. He translated Saint Luke's gospel and had it printed in Cape Town in
1830. He then established a printing press in Kudumane in 1831 and began to
translate and print the Bible. This was the beginning of the press which continues
to produce Setswana books today. J. Archell followed with the first Setswana
grammar in 1837. By 1838 Moffat, helped by the other missionaries, had
completed translating the New Testament. In 1841, William Ashton joined Moffat
and played a major part in translating the Old Testament. This work was
completed in 1857. By 1850, the printing press had grown so much that it
employed a full time printer. The LMS did not print religious books only. They
also printed newspapers in Setswana. In 1857, Ashton started a newspaper which
he called Mokaedi oa Bechuana le Muleri ea Mahuku (The Instructor of the
Batswana and Announcer of the News). Although the paper did not last long, it
was the beginning of non-religious Setswana literature. Other newspapers
followed later and many Batswana wrote in them. Other missionaries also
published books in Setswana. This literature helped to spread education and
Christianity. Each missionary body published in the Setswana dialect of the
people among whom they worked. The LMS published in Setlhaping, the
Methodists in Serolong, the Lutherans in Sekwena, and later the Dutch Reformed
Church in Sekgatla. They each used different orthography (spelling). This is why
a single Setswana orthography did not develop for a long time. Even today
attempts are being made to have one Setswana orthography.
Missionary education
One of the most important contributions made by the missionaries to the life of
the Batswana was education. The first schools were started by missionaries. The
most important of the missionary groups in the field of education, especially in
the early days, was the LMS. In order to understand the kind of education given
by the missionaries, we must know what their aim was. Missionaries mainly
aimed at saving

Fig. 100 An early LMS church and classroom at Thamaga

souls and not at improving the economic or social life of the Batswana. This was
especially true of the early missionaries. They wanted to convert the Batswana to
Christianity. One of the ways to do this was to enable the people to read the Bible.
This was the reason why the missionaries translated the Bible into Setswana.
From this aim it is clear that missionary education would not concentrate on
practical worldly subjects such as building, carpentry, etc. They stressed instead
reading, writing and scripture. This aim of the LMS missionaries lasted for a long
time and caused misunderstanding between them and the Batswana. They wanted
practical education like that given at the Presbyterian school at Lovedale in South
Africa, and the Paris Evangelical Missionary Society school at Morija in Lesotho.
This shows that there was some difference between church schools. Some of them
gave very good education. Because of complaints by the Batswana the LMS
missionaries later slowly tried to give a better education. In short then, education
was seen as a means of spreading Christianity.
Early stages in education
The history of education among the Batswana begins with the founding of
Kudumane. Kudumane trained evangelists. These were Batswana men whose
main duty was to preach the word of God. In addition to preaching, they also
taught in the schools. These men were sent from Kudumane to the interior. So the
spread of Christianity and education among the Batswana was done mainly by
these young Africans rather than by the missionaries themselves. One of the
earliest evangelists was Mebalwe. He, together with David Livingstone and
Edwards, started mission work at Mabotsa near Zeerust among the Bakgatla ba ga
Mmanaana in the 1840s. This was the first school among the Batswana north of
Kudumane. After this other schools were started among the Bakwena by
Livingstone. Schools were also started among the other merafe in later years by
the LMS. The LMS was not the only denomination which started education
among the Batswana in the early years. Heinrich Schulenburg, the Hermannsburg
missionary, taught Bangwato

children. Among his first pupils were Khama, his brother Kgamane and Elizabeth
Godisang who later became Khama III's wife, MmaBessie. When the Lutherans
left, the LMS took over the schools and built new ones. By the 1860s most
Batswana merafe had schools. Only the Batawana were left behind, mainly
because Ngamiland was far away and had malaria. So, there, the work of the
church was left to African evangelists. The first was Khukhu Mogodi from 1877
to 1905 and then Somolekae joined him in the 1890s. They taught the Batawana
but their education was not very successful during that early period. Teaching
materials such as books, paper and pencils could not easily be transported to
Ngamiland. The LMS did not give Khukhu enough support in money and in other
ways. As time passed, it was felt that the evangelists educated at Kudumane were
not properly trained as school teachers. So a new school to train teachers was
started in 1871 at Shoshong by Reverend Mackenzie. The school was moved to
Kudumane in 1876 and was called the Moffat Institution in memory of Robert
Moffat. The main weakness of the school was that it did not
place enough emphasis on the practical subjects which Batswana parents wanted.
There was, though, an attempt to introduce agriculture. However this failed
because Batswana students revolted against manual labour. In 1897 the school
closed down mainly because of misunderstandings between the missionaries
and the Batswana.
By 1880 every major Batswana village had some schools. All the schools were
primary and most teachers were Batswana. Although the emphasis was on
religious education, some other subjects were taught. Most schools taught
reading, writing, arithmetic, Setswana, domestic science such as sewing, baking
and ironing for girls, a bit of history, some geography and, of course, scripture.
This was an improvement over the earlier years when reading, writing and
scripture were usually the only subjects. Except for domestic science, education
was largely not practical. Very little English was taught. All teaching was in
Setswana.
Problems of early education
Education often conflicted with the Batswana way of life. Parents did not always
want to send
Fig. 101 The Moffat Institution built by the LMS for training evangelists and
school teachers
I ..::N
Fig. 102 An outside class at a mission school: in those days this was very
common
their children to school when there was important work to be done at home. This
was especially true for boys who had to go to the cattle post (moraka) to look after
cattle rather than attend school. Missionaries even tried a system of cattle post
schools. The boys would be allowed to take books to the cattle post and teach
each other. This system was unworkable because there were no teachers there and
the cattle posts were very scattered. This meant that there was no supervision. The
girls also did not go to school during the ploughing and harvesting seasons
because they had to work on the lands. But they were in the village most of the
time. So there were more girls than boys in the schools.
In the beginning only children of royalty and other important people went to
school. This was partly because the poor could not afford school fees. But the
main reason was that until later, Batswana rulers did not want the children of the
other merafe under their rule to be educated.
Batswana rulers felt that education would give subject people more or less the
same social status as themselves. They also feared that Christian teaching about
the equality of all men might cause the subject people to revolt against their rule.
For example, the Batawana did not want the Bayei to learn. This attitude changed
later when, for example, Khama III sent Bangwato teachers to teach the
Bakalanga of Nswazwi in 1899. It is interesting that the children of these merafe
were more interested in education than those of the ruling groups. This was
because they saw education as the only way to advancement. This was especially
true in the later years of the Protectorate when they could join the civil service.
Another reason why many Bakalanga were educated was that they attended
school in Southern Rhodesia where education was much more developed than in
the Protectorate. Another problem was the shortage of funds.

Missionary societies were not generally rich. Whatever money they had, they
spent on spreading Christianity rather than on good education. Until 1904, the
Protectorate administration did not grant any money for education at all. So,
because of poor pay, the mission schools could not attract good teachers. It was
not possible to buy good teaching materials. So the standard of education was
poor.
Misunderstanding develops
This poor education together with the lack of practical subjects led to
misunderstanding between the missionaries and the Batswana. Part of the reason
for lack of practical subjects was that most young Batswana preferred academic
subjects. Young Batswana felt that manual work lowered the high social status
which they believed education brought. The Batswana parents were opposed to
what they called 'book learning' (not practical). They wanted their children to be
builders and carpenters. They wanted their children to be taught English so that
they could understand the secrets of the white man. They wanted education for
real life. Some parents showed their opposition by sending their children to better
schools in South Africa. But when these young people returned, the LMS refused
to hire them in their schools because they were taught by different missionary
bodies. They probably feared that they would not teach religion as the LMS liked.
They also felt that these young people were too radical (not tame). Another reason
for the opposition to mission schools was that the Batswana felt that
missionaries gave better education and more attention to traders' children than to
Batswana pupils. In spite of these complaints, Batswana continued to send their
children to these schools which were jointly run by the merafe and the church.
This misunderstanding led the Batswana to call for more control of the schools by
the dikgosi and the merafe. Some merafe actually started their own self-help
(ipelegeng) schools. These were called kgotla or ward schools. These schools
usually did not charge any fees because they were built
140
Fig. 103 Simon Ratshosa, seated, left, at his wedding, one of the first Batswana to
start merafe schools. Later he became a nationalist, critical of the Protectorate
administration and the dikgosi
with merafe money. The teachers were young Batswana volunteers or they were
Batswana paid by the merafe. The schools were under the control of the dikgosi.
These schools were popular and competed with LMS ones. One such school
among the Bangwato was called Serowe Public School and the Principal was
Simon Ratshosa. They were also found among the Bakwena and the
Bangwaketse. Some merafe even introduced a special education tax to pay for the
running of these schools. The Bangwaketse and the Bakwena were the first to
introduce a tax of two shillings (about 20 thebe) in 1901. The other merafe did
this later. Then the colonial government copied this idea. The tax was paid by
every taxpayer. The establishment of independent non-church schools showed
clearly that the LMS education system was not satisfactory. In spite of all these
weaknesses, however, the missionaries had laid the foundation for education
among the

Batswana. By 1900 there were about 20 primary schools with about a thousand
pupils in the Protectorate. The credit for this goes to the different missionary
bodies: the LMS, the Dutch Reformed Church, the Anglicans, the Lutherans, the
Roman Catholics, and to the dikgosi and the merafe, but not to the Protectorate
administration.
Education was not the only good thing brought by the missionaries. They brought
useful tools such as the ox plough and the wagon. Roger Price introduced the
plough among the Bakwena. They also taught Batswana new forms of vegetable
gardening and how to irrigate crops. They brought new items of European
clothing and food such as bread, tea, coffee and sugar. The wives of some of the
missionaries did a lot of useful work such as teaching sewing, baking and nursing
the sick. Quite often they made friends with royal women and so made it easier
for
their husbands to work smoothly with the rulers. Most missionaries would not
have been successful without the very considerable assistance of their wives. For
example, the Moffat daughters, brought up among the Batswana, and speaking
fluent Setswana, did much to further their husbands' work.
Questions
1 Give three reasons why Robert Moffat was
popular among the Southern Batswana.
2 Hold a class debate on the issue, 'The missionary could only succeed if he
destroyed
Setswana customs.'
3 Give three reasons for the development of independent churches in Botswana.
4 Make a list, numbering your points, of the
criticisms made by Batswana of missionary
education.

9 British Rule in Botswana: 19 The Beginning

Background
During the 19th century, European countries such as Britain, France and Germany
had be-
come rich because of the industrial revolution which had begun in earlier years.
The industrial revolution led to the building of many factories in European
countries. Businessmen owned
Fig. 104 Cotton mills in Manchester, about 1870. Cotton (and other raw
materials) was imported from colonies and processed into clothing

these factories which produced goods of different kinds such as clothing and iron
articles. They wanted to export these goods to other countries so a§ to make a
profit. These businessmen or manufacturers also wanted to import raw materials,
products used to manufacture goods, such as cotton, rubber, tea, iron and other
minerals from other countries. So in the 19th century many European traders and
miners went to non-European countries such as Africa, to look for:
1 new markets for their goods,
2 raw materials for their factories. This desire of Europeans to go to other lands to
make a profit is called imperialism.
Soon there was great competition among Europeans for markets in foreign lands.
In order to have safe markets, traders and mineral seekers, who were called
concessionaires, actively supported their governments in colonising those
countries in which they were interested.
It is important to note that most foreign lands were colonised because of their
wealth in raw materials. But sometimes, even if there was no wealth which
Europeans knew about at the time, a country was colonised because it might have
wealth in the future. Other countries were colonised not because they had wealth
but because they were in an area through which a European country wanted to
expand to reach rich countries.
The activities of European businessmen abroad were so profitable to their
countries that European governments supported them by colonising foreign lands.
In Africa this colonisation took place in the last quarter of the 19th century,
especially between 1880 and 1900. This period is called the scramble (rush) for
Africa. The land of the Batswana, which was not called Botswana at that time,
was colonised during this period.
The competition for African colonies was so great that European countries were
ready to fight each other. To avoid war, they met at the Berlin Conference in
Germany in 1884 to decide how to divide or partition Africa among themselves
peacefully. It is important to note that the Africans did not know that their
independent
countries were being shared among Europeans. After the Berlin Conference, the
expansion of European imperialism in Africa became very fast and soon all
African countries except Ethiopia had lost their independence.
Europeans carried out colonisation by different methods.
1 The most important method was conquest.
Because of the industrial revolution which began in Europe, Europeans made
powerful guns before other people had them. So they easily defeated people who
used old weapons such as spears or bows and arrows. Europeans also possessed
steam ships which enabled them to travel to distant places and
attack from the sea.
2 Europeans also sometimes tricked rulers of
foreign lands into giving away their lands.
The most common method was to get a ruler who could not read or write to sign,
usually by putting a cross, an agreement called a treaty. This gave away his land.
In most cases these rulers did not understand what
the treaty meant.
3 Sometimes rulers placed themselves under
the protection of a European power because they feared enemies who wanted to
destroy their state. Although they believed that they would remain independent
under such protection this did not happen. The protecting power gradually took
away the powers of the
protected rulers.
The Boers attack the Batswana
The fall of the Amandebele state with its capital at Mosega must have caused
delight among the Batswana. They believed that they could now live in peace. But
in fact the fall of Mzilikazi brought new troubles from the Boers. See the map,
Fig. 105. They regarded themselves as the inheritors of Mzilikazi's kingdom.
Trouble began when the Boers told the Batswana rulers that their lands were now
under Boer control because they had defeated the Batswana's Amandebele enemy.
The Batswana rejected this claim and the Boers made preparations to attack them.

Fig. 105 Boer expansion and the route to the north

For some time the Boers had noticed that the Batswana were getting guns from
traders. They feared that these guns would make the Batswana states difficult to
defeat. The British Government still regarded the Boers as being under British
control even after they had left the Cape. The Boers wanted to be free from
British control so as to deal with the Africans as they liked. In 1852
representatives of the Boers and the British met on the Sand River and signed an
agreement called the Sand River Convention.
They agreed as follows.
1 The Boers were allowed to rule the
Transvaal, the young Boer State, according to their own laws and without British
interference.
2 The British Government would not ally
itself with Africans north of the Vaal River. 3 Britain would control the sale of
arms and
ammunition to Africans. But the Boers could buy as much ammunition as they
wanted.

The Sand River Convention allowed the Boers to deal with the Africans as they
wished. In fact Britain had allied herself with the Boers against the Africans.
By the time of the Convention some Batswana groups were already under Boer
control, for example the Bakhurutshe and the Bakgatla ba ga Kgafela. But the
Batlhaping, Barolong, Bakwena, Bangwaketse and Bangwato were independent.
After signing the Convention the Boers called a meeting of the Batswana rulers to
inform them that they were now under Boer rule. As we have seen rulers such as
Sechele I rejected Boer rule. This resulted in the battle of Dimawe in 1852 (see
page 116).
The Boers managed to capture about 200 women and children, destroy crops and
burn down Dr Livingstone's house. After this the Boer commando (raiding party)
then attacked the Bangwaketse and the Barolong of Montshiwa who had refused
to help the Boers to fight Sechele. Sechele appealed to the British Government at
the Cape Colony for protection. In those days 'protection' to the Batswana rulers
did not mean placing themselves totally under colonial rule. It meant an alliance
of independent states for the purpose of fighting a threat from outside (see page
151). Protection was refused because at that time Britain was not interested in
colonising the lands of the Batswana. The scramble for this area had not yet
begun. The Barolong, Bakwena, Bangwaketse and Bangwato formed an alliance
to fight the Boers. The alliance was strengthened in the 1880s when the Bakgatla
and the Batawana joined it.
The Bakgatla ba ga Kgafela had come under Boer domination after the fall of
Mzilikazi's state. They lived on Boer farms and were forced to provide free
labour. Kgosi Pilane and his son Kgamanyane tried to soften the burden of Boer
rule by helping the Transvaal Boers in their wars against some African groups
such as the Basotho in 1865. Boer oppression, however, did not end. In 1869
Kgamanyane told his people not to give free labour to the Boers. The Boers
replied by having him flogged (beaten) publicly. Kgamanyane and some of his
people left the
Transvaal and settled at Mochudi in Bakwena country in 1871. In 1874
Kgamanyane died as a result, it is believed, of the beating. The Batswana
further north were also threatened by the Boers of the Transvaal. They
considered all land north, east and west of them to belong to them. They wanted
the country of the Bangwato. The discovery of gold in the Tati area in 1866 made
the Boers claim this area. The Bangwato ruler, Macheng, refused to give them this
area which the Amandebele also claimed as theirs.
In the 1870s some Boers who were unhappy with their government in the
Transvaal wanted to travel across Bangwato country to create a new settlement
somewhere in the Kalahari, Ngamiland or Angola. In 1876 King Khama III, ruler
of the Bangwato, appealed to Sir Henry Barkly, the British Governor at the Cape
Colony, for protection. However the Governor was unwilling to grant this
protection.
In 1878 Khama warned that he would fight the Boers if they tried to take his
country. In the end Khama allowed the Boers to pass through his country on their
way to the west, but he did not allow them to settle in his country. Most of the
Boers died of thirst in the Kalahari. This saved the Batawana because only a few
of them reached Ngamiland and then passed on to Angola. A small number
returned to South Africa.
Because of these constant attacks, threats, and expansion of the Boers, all the
Batswana and indeed, all Africans in Southern Africa hated the Boers whom they
called maburu. The Boers also took by force young African boys and girls to
work for them as cheap labour on the farms. This was a form of slavery. Given a
choice between the Boers and the British, the Batswana preferred the British. This
is why Batswana rulers asked for British protection from the Boers.
Declaration of a British Protectorate over the Batswana
Although the Batswana dikgosi had asked for

Fig. 106 John Mackenzie in 1884: missionary and statesman who opposed Boer
colonisation of Batswana territory
British protection from the Boers from the 1850s until the 1870s, it was not given.
Missionaries of the LMS such as the Reverend John Mackenzie, tried to get
Britain to protect the Batswana, but did not succeed. Mackenzie. wanted the land
of the Batswana to be ruled by Britain for various reasons:
1 So that the Boers could not interfere with
missionary work. He knew that the Boers hated missionaries because they taught
Africans skills such as reading and writing.
They also taught that all people were equal before God. The Boers believed that
white people were superior to black people. They still believe this even today in
South Africa.
This is one of the reasons why there is apartheid there. Apartheid means sep-
arateness or unequal treatment of people.
2 So that British traders could trade without
Boer competition.
3 So that Britain could protect the Batswana
from being attacked by the Boers and their land taken away by force. Mackenzie
thought Britain would develop the land of the Batswana and spread European
civilisation. Mackenzie is an example of a missionary who encouraged
colonisation.
The British, however, did not want to spend money protecting the land of the
Batswana. They did not consider this area important enough to them at that time.
In fact, at that time the British Government did not want to spend to m money
on colonies generally. (In 1885"By tain suddenly declared that it had put theiands
of all the Batswana under its protection. See Fig. 109 on page 149. This
announcement surprised the Batswana rulers because Britain had refused to
protect them in earlier years. This time the Batswana had not asked for protection
but it was given to them. In fact, the German Government was told about the
Protectorate by Britain even before the Batswana were informed. What made
Britain change its mind and declare a Protectorate over the Batswana in 1885?
The main reason why Britain declared a Protectorate in 1885 was not because
they now wanted to protect the Batswana. The real reason was that the land of the
Batswana had now become very important to Britain.
Why was Botswana now so important to Britain? In the 1880s, the trade in animal
products such as ivory, ostrich feathers, skins and trophies still existed but it was
not as important as in earlier years. There were some British traders in all large
Batswana villages. But these economic activities alone did not cause Britain to
declare a Protectorate.
In the 1880s, however, the land of the Batswana suddenly became important
because of the competition among the British, the Germans and the Boers in
Southern Africa. For many years British traders and missionaries had used the
road from the Cape through Mafikeng,

Vryburg, Ga Ngwaketse, Kweneng to Shoshong where it branched to Bulawayo,

Ngamiland and Bulozi or Barotseland (western Zambia). It was called the road to
the north or the missionary road. It was used by the missionaries, hunters and
traders. It was very important for British trade and expansion northwards. The
economic importance of the road was increased by the discovery of diamonds at
Kimberley in 1867. British capitalists owned the diamond mines and recruited
labour from everywhere in Southern Africa. Already in the 1870s, Batswana
sought work in Kimberley. Labour recruiters and the labourers used the
missionary road. When gold was discovered at the Witwatersrand in 1884-85, the
road became even more important for labour recruitment. Cecil John Rhodes, the
wealthy Cape Colony politician, and one-time Prime Minister, also wanted to use
the road to the north to expand to the lands of the Amandebele and the Mashona
(Zimbabwe). The country was rumoured to be rich in gold and other minerals
and so Rhodes and Britain wanted it. In the meantime conflict between the Boers
and the Batswana was continuing. The Transvaal was now a powerful state
because of the wealth from gold mining. It was, therefore, able to expand
forcefully. John Mackenzie went to England where he tried to get the British
Government to agree to declare a Protectorate over the Batswana. He finally won
the support of such important politicians as Joseph Chamberlain.
The anger of the British against the Boers was aroused by the murder of
Christopher Bethell in 1884. Bethell belonged to an important British family. He
was a relative of General Charles Warren who was later sent to declare a
Protectorate over the lands of the Batswana. He was a friend of Montshiwa, was
married to Tepo Boabile, a Morolong, and lived at Sehuba, the Barolong capital.
In 1884, he was murdered by some Boers when they attacked the Barolong.
Mackenzie used the murder of Bethell to show
Fig. 107 Diamond mining at Kimberley in the late 19th century. The area was
divided into hundreds of small claims. Lines of claims were separated by roads as
shown in the picture
why it was necessary for Britain to take over the area before the Boers grabbed it
all. This incident caused the British public to call upon their Government to stop
Boer filibustering (grabbing land).
It became quite clear to the British Government that the road to the north was in
danger of being cut off. See Fig. 105, page 144. This would endanger British
interests in the interior. There was a scramble for this area. The Boers threatened
the road from the east. Some of them seized the Batlhaping land ruled by
MankurFig. 108 Montshiwa, hero of the Barolong. Despite his strong resistance to
Boer colonisation his country near Mafikeng was seized by Boers and made into
the Republic of Goshen
wane and created the independent Republic of Stellaland around Vryburg. They
also took Barolong land near Mafikeng ruled by Montshiwa and called it the
Republic of Goshen. In 1884 Paul Kruger, ruler of the Transvaal, tried to make
Goshen part of the Transvaal. These two republics threatened to cut the road
because it passed through their territory.
In 1884 the German Government declared a Protectorate over the southern part of
Namibia (German South West Africa). They had already colonised Tanganyika.
The British feared that the Germans and the Boers would unite against her and
form a colony which would join the German colonies in Namibia and Tanganyika
and the Boer republic of the Transvaal. This would cut the road permanently. The
British Government had to act to protect the road.
In April 1884 the British Government declared a Protectorate south of the
Molopo River over the lands of the Barolong and the Batlhaping. John Mackenzie
was appointed Deputy Commissioner to rule the area and drive the Goshen Boers
back to the Transvaal. He was so to settle the land question in Stellaland. Soon the
High Commissioner, Hercules Robinson, thought that Mackenzie favoured the
Africans. He replaced him with Cecil Rhodes. Rhodes gave the Stellalanders the
land they claimed but he failed to expel the Goshenites who continued to attack
Montshiwa and defeated him. The British Government decided to send a military
force to expel the Boers.
General Warren advances
In January 1885 General Charles Warren reached Bechuanaland with a force of
about 4 000 soldiers. He was to clear the area of the filibusters. He met Kruger at
Fourteen Streams and they agreed to fix the western border of the Transvaal. The
Boer filibusters fled to the Transvaal. They feared to fight the strong British force.
This ended the Republics of Goshen and Stellaland. In March 1885, the British
informed Germany that they were extending their Protectorate to the area north of
the

Molopo Kiver up to 22 degrees of latitude south. This included the states of the
Bakwena, Bangwaketse and the Bangwato. The whole area was to be called the
Bechuanaland Protectorate. General Warren was sent to inform the Batswana
rulers that they were now under British protection. Ngamiland was not included in
the Protectorate until 1894. Britain had succeeded in protecting the road to the
north. Later Warren quarrelled with the High Commissioner, Robinson, who
favoured white settlers. Warren was dismissed and his soldiers withdrawn in
August 1885.
Britain wanted to transfer the Protectorate to the Cape Colony. The Cape
politicians did not want to take over Bech~ianaland at that time. On 30 September
1885, the British divided the Protectorate into two parts. The part south of the
Molopo known as British Bechuanaland-became a Crown Colony with its capital-
at Vryburg In November 1895, this colony was annexed to the Cape Colony. The
area north of the Molopo remained a Protectorate also administered from Vryburg
until 1895 when the capital was moved to Mafikeng.
Response of Batswana rulers to protectorate
Sir Charles Warren did not know how the Batswana dikgosi would react to the
declaration of the Protectorate over their lands without their knowledge. He
therefore decided to treat this matter carefully by visiting Khama III first and then
the other rulers. He knew that Kgosi Khama was more friendly to the British than
the other dikgosi. He also thought that if Khama accepted protection the others
would follow his example. The British believed that Khama was respected by
other Batswana rulers.
Warren and his party arrived at Shoshong, the Bangwato capital, and addressed a
large crowd of about 2 000 at the kgotla. He informed the Bangwato that the
Queen of England had decided to protect them from the Boers, the Amandebele
and the Germans. The Bangwato must have been surprised because they had
Fig. 109 General (later Sir) Charles Warren in about 1890. It was he who declared
the Protectorate in 1885
Khama's statement to General Charles Warren at the kgotla on 13 May 1885
regarding the Protectorate:
'I have to say that there are certain laws of my country which the Queen of
England finds in operation and which are advantageous to my people and I wish
that these laws should be established and not taken away by the Government of
England. I refer to the law concerning intoxicating drinks, that they should not
enter the country of the Bangwato whether among black or white people. I refer
further to our law which declares that the lands of the Bangwato are not saleable. I
say this law also is good. Let
it be upheld and continue to be law.'

never had trouble from the Germans. As for the Amandebele, Khama had
defeated them in 1863. The Boers were the only real threat and even they were
not as threatening in 1885 as in the earlier years. But Khama feared that the Boers
might cause trouble in the future. He remembered that he had always wanted
British protection. So he, together with his counsellors and brothers, accepted
British protection on 13 May 1885. The King told Warren that his country
stretched northwards up to the Chobe and Zambezi Rivers. Eastwards it stretched
to the area between Motloutse and Shashe Rivers. This area was also claimed by
Lobengula, ruler of the Amandebele. These opposing claims later caused a
dispute. Westwards, Khama claimed parts of Batawana territory. This later caused
a quarrel with Sekgoma Letsholathebe, the Batawana ruler. To the south Khama
claimed the Lephepe Wells which the Bakwena regarded as part of their country.
This again later resulted in a dispute between him and Sechele I of the Bakwena.
It is quite clear that the clever kgosi wanted to use British protection to his own
advantage. Warren, however, refused to extend the Protectorate to all of Khama's
country. Only the area south of the 22 degrees latitude south was protected. 22
degrees latitude is a straight line which runs from west to east passing north of
Serowe and just south of Serule and Bobonong. It cut Khama's country in half.
The Protectorate was extended to the rest of Khama's country in 1890.
In accepting protection, Khama offered the British parts of his country not much
used by his people, especially for grazing and ploughing. He knew that white
people would continue to come to his country. He wanted them to live in an area
away from his people to avoid any problems. He emphasised that he would accept
only good Englishmen and not Boers. The settlers would be carefully selected by
an officer of the British Queen. Khama's intention was to use British settlers to
protect his state. For example, along the Limpopo River they would prevent Boer
penetration from the Transvaal. In the area between the Shashe and Motloutse
Rivers, they
would prevent Amandebele raids. Warren straight away sent an officer to tell
Lobengula of the protection over Bangwato country to avoid future raids.
Although Khama readily accepted protection, he did not want the British to
interfere with his government. He wanted to rule his people according to
Bangwato law and custom. So he told Warren that he would work smoothly with
the British but he did not want the British to take away the laws of the Bangwato.
Some examples of the laws he wanted unchanged are:
1 he did not want any part of Bangwato land
to be sold,
2 he wanted his law banning beer drinking to remain in force.
He was willing to let the British make laws to govern the Whites in his country
and to settle cases between Africans and Europeans. It is clear that Kgosi Khama
did not accept protection blindly. He wanted to benefit from protection without
losing all his sovereignty and independence.
After getting Khama's support, Warren went to the southern rulers. Kgosi
Gaseitsiwe of the Bangwaketse had some doubts about the Protectorate because
he was not sure what the aim of Britain was in wanting to protect his country. In
the end, however, he accepted protection. Like Khama he gave the British some
land to the west and east of his country.
Warren met his first real opposition at the Bakwena capital. At an all day kgotla
meeting \Kgosi Sechele and his son Sebele opposed proection. They were
surprised that Britain wanted ,t0 protect them at a time when there was no longer
any threat, and yet such protection had been refused when they badly needed it.
They were also unhappy that Britain had declared a Protectorate without first
consulting them. They suspected that Britain wanted more than just to protect
them. They thought that perhaps Britain wanted to take their land and end their
independence. They wanted Britain to prove her honesty by recovering the
Bangwaketse cattle stolen by the Boers. This would prove the usefulness of
protection. This was not done.
AM
Fig. 110 Sechele I and his wife. The first Christian ruler of the Bakwena; he was
strongly opposed to the Protectorate declaration
Conversation between Sechele I's eldest son Sebele and Warren at the Kgotla in
1885. The conversation shows clearly that some Batswana rulers questioned
protection because they had not been consulted when it was declared and did not
understand what protection meant.
'Sir C. Warren I have been desired by the Queen's Government to give you the
following notification. The Queen's Government has established a Protectorate
over the part of Bechuanaland and the Kalahari west of the Transvaal, north of
the Cape Colony, and westward towards Namaqualand. Sechele Has the Chief
nothing more to tell us? Sir C. Warren No.
Sebele What in us has brought this on, that the country should be taken from us?
Sir C. Warren Does Sebele know what it means by the country being taken?
Sebele Seeing what I now know, the boundary line running northwards about Tati
and round west in the Kalahari takes us all in, therefore it is that I ask, what in us
has brought this on? Sir C. Warren But does Sebele know what being taken
means?
Sebele I have been told, and I have seen it in the papers, that our country is taken,
and we the Bakwena were never consulted; therefore I ask why it has been taken.
Sir C. Warren I said that a Protectorate had been established, I did not say the
country had been taken from them.
Sebele What is the Protectorate for? Sir C. Warren Does Sebele consider his tribe
requires no protection?
Sebele What is meant by protection? Sir C. Warren The protection may mean
protection from the inside or protection from the outside. Sebele When a man
takes a shield and holds it up, he holds it against something; what is it that we are
to be protected against?
Sir C. Warren Is there nothing you want protection against?
Sebele You may see it, but we the Bakwena do not see it yet.
Sir C. Warren Does Sebele know what has just taken place down to the south at
Montsioa's? [Montshiwa]
Sebele We, the Bakwena, are not Barolong. Sir C. Warren What does Sebele
mean? Sebele A stem-buck cannot protect itself, but God protects it and lets it
live. Sir C. Warren Was it the same with you when you came here as refugees
fleeing from the Boers? Sebele A stem-buck gets into difficulties, but when it
does so it must get out of them, and God helps it to do so.
Sir C. Warren Then does Sebele wish me to tell the Queen that the Bakwena are
strong enough to protect themselves?
Sebele I have spoken of myself. There are others
- Bakwena - who will now speak, but for myself I want no protection.'
Source: Public Records Office.

In the end Kgosidintsi, Sechele's brother and a man of great influence in Bakwena
politics, pursuaded the King and Sebele to accept protection. He argued that the
Bakwena had always wanted this protection as for example in 1852 after a Boer
attack. So in the end the Bakwena unwillingly accepted protection. But Sechele
stressed that in accepting protection he was not surrendering his kingship to the
British. After the three kings whom the British considered to be the most
important rulers in the Protectorate had agreed to protection, the British assumed
that everyone else had accepted their protection. In 1894 when a British officer
was sent to Ngamiland to extend the Protectorate over the Batawana, Kgosi
Sekgoma Letsholathebe expressed opposition. In the end he too accepted
protection.
It is clear that in 1885 no one clearly understood what protection actually meant.
To the Batswana it meant protection from external threat, especially that of the
Boers. The Batswana thought that once this danger had passed protection could be
ended. They would continue to govern their people as before and remain
independent without any British interference. To the British Government
protectorate meant the protection of the road to the north. ,They did not want to
govern the territory )because it would be too expensive. Only Warren wanted
protection to mean someim of government established in the Protectorate, but
Britain rejected his suggestion. So from the very beginning Britain decided to
neglect the Protectorate.
Resistance to British interference
The differing views about what protection meant soon caused some
misunderstanding between the Batswana rulers and British officials. This is how
the trouble began. After the declaration of the Protectorate, the British
Government appointed Sir Sidney Shippard to be Resident Commissioner for the
Protectorate on 1 October 1885. Shippard was a judge of the High Court of the
Cape Colony and a friend of Cecil Rhodes. By 1888, it was becoming clear that
the rulers in
the southern part of the Protectorate were questioning the usefulness of the
Protectorate. They saw the Batswana in British Bechuanaland, the area south of
the Molopo River, being treated badly by the Boers. Some Boer raids still took
place. So, except for Kgosi Khama, the other rulers began to express mistrust of
the British and wanted to know what protection really meant.
The Kopong Conference
In order to end the unhappiness of the dikgosi, Sidney Shippard called a meeting
at Kopong in 1889. Shippard's aim was to introduce some form of administration
in the Protectorate. Among the topics to be discussed were the following.
1 The Batswana to pay hut tax in order to pay
for the administration of the Protectorate.
2 Settlement of disputes among the merafe by
the British.
3 Defence matters.
4 Digging of wells.
5 Communications such as the telegraph line,
the railway and roads.
The Kopong meeting was attended by about 1 500 people. These topics raised
much suspicion among the Batswana because they meant that the British
Government wanted to interfere in their internal affairs. Talk of taxation meant
that the Resident Commissioner would replace the dikgosi as the supreme ruler of
the Batswana. This was not what protection meant to the Batswana. They were
very unhappy and Sechele expressed their unhappiness to Shippard in the
following words.
'When I gave my country to Her Majesty, I
did not give over to her the Chieftainship.
What is meant by the protection of the British Government? What is my position
in my own town and country in relation to the Government?'
Sechele went on to tell Shippard that he did not want to be ruled by anybody and
he would not pay tax to anyone. He wanted no roads to be built in his country.

The other dikgosi, Linchwe of the Bakgatla and Bathoen of the Bangwaketse,
strongly supported the old Sechele and his son Sebele. They all argued that they
did not need protection because the Boer threat had passed. The only item for
discussion they accepted was the digging of wells because they needed them.
Only Kgosi Khama expressed his support for the Protectorate.
Shippard tried but failed to win the support of the dikgosi. The Kopong meeting
ended without any success. The Batswana were strongly against interference in
their domestic affairs. It was clear at Kopong that the Batswana rulers regarded
the Protectorate as protection from outside enemies such as the Boers and non-
interference by the British in their domestic affairs. For many years to come this
was how the Batswana understood the meaning of the Protectorate.
Questions
1 What name is given to the period of African
colonisation between 1880 and 1900? Why was competition for African colonies
among
European countries so fierce?
2 Explain briefly why the Batswana wanted
protection from the British against the
Boers.
3 List the reasons why the British Government suddenly changed its mind and
declared a Protectorate over the lands of the Batswana. The following headings
may help
you.
(a) The missionary (b) John Mackenzie
road
(c) Christopher (d) Boer expansion
Bethell
(e) German
expansion
4 What action was taken by the British on 30
September 1885?
5 What did 'protection' mean to
(a) the Batswana,
(b) the British Government,
(c) Sir Charles Warren?
20 New Threat to the Protectorate
An important immediate result of the establishment of the Protectate was that the
country now called Botswana was saved from Boer attacks or even outright
incorporation (inclusion) into the South African Republic (Transvaal). The
Batswana were now reasonably secure. But
Fig. 111 Cecil John Rhodes (1853-1902), businessman, politician and coloniser,
on the left of the picture
soon a new, far greater threat emerged. The new threat came from Cecil John
Rhodes, a prominent politician in the Cape Colony, and from the Union of South
Africa which was formed in 1910. Both these forces wanted to take over
Bechuanaland and rule it. They had the support of powerful politicians in Great
Britain. These plans failed, however, because the Batswana rulers, assisted by
their sympathisers, vigorously opposed them. How did all this happen? Cecil John
Rhodes was an ambitious and very rich businessman and coloniser. He was rich
because he owned a large share of the Kimberley diamond mine. This mine was
the biggest diamond producer in the world. He wanted to get more and more
wealth by colonising as many countries as possible north of the Cape Colony. In
fact, he often talked of establishing a British empire from Cape to Cairo in Egypt.
In order to colonise areas to the north of the Cape Colony successfully, he created
a commercial company called the British South Africa Company (BSAC) in 1889.
In the 1880s, concessionaires were everywhere in Southern Africa seeking
mineral wealth. They operated as individuals or as companies. Rhodes and his
BSAC were among them. Rhodes knew that the best way to beat his competitors
and win the support of the British Government was to operate through a powerful,
rich company. He succeeded in this and Britain looked upon him as its empire
builder.
It was not difficult for Rhodes or any other strong British coloniser to win the
support of the

Fig. 112 King Lobengula of the Amandebele and a concessionaire. Many such
concessionaires caused African rulers to lose their lands by deceit
British Government in those days. The reason was that the British Government
did not want to spend money on colonisation. It wanted to colonise as cheaply as
possible by using commercial companies like the BSAC. In this way many other
companies extended British power throughout the world. In order to support a
company's colonisation efforts, the British Government normally expected that:
1 the company should obtain an authentic
(true) concession or treaty from the ruler of
the land,
2 the concession or treaty should be signed by
the ruler who should grant it willingly,
3 the treaty should not be obtained by false
means,
4 the ruler should fully understand the contents of the treaty.
In most cases concessionaires obtained treaties by false pretences and the rulers
certainly did not fully understand the true meaning of these treaties. But still they
were used to colonise various countries.
The immediate reason for forming the BSAC was to colonise the land of the
Amandebele and the Mashona, the country which is called Zimbabwe today.
There was great competition for that country because of its wealth. The
Portuguese operating from Mozambique and the Transvaal Boers wanted it. In
fact, it was believed that the Boers had signed a treaty of friendship with
Lobengula, King of the Amandebele, in 1887. Rhodes hastily made a number of
treaties with King Lobengula aimed at colonising the country. The most important
of these was the Rudd Concession. This treaty was obtained in 1888 by Rhodes'
men, Rudd, Maguire and Thompson who deceived the king into signing it. These
men did not follow the guidelines above when they negotiated the treaty. The
concession gave Rhodes the right to all minerals in the land of the Amandebele.
On the basis of this concession which Lobengula later rejected, the British
Government gave the BSAC a royal charter (permit) to colonise the country. It
became known as Rhodesia, named after
Rhodes. Between 1890 and 1893 the BSAC colonised Rhodesia after a bloody
war with the Amandebele. How does Bechuanaland fit into all this?
When the British granted the royal charter to the BSAC, they intended that in the
future the Protectorate would be transferred to that company. The area where the
company was allowed to operate included Bechuanaland.
The only condition for the transfer was that the BSAC should get the consent of
the Batswana rulers in order to avoid a possible conflict. Britain, through its High
Commissioner at the Cape Colony, would assist the company as much as she
possibly could. Thus already in 1889, just about four years after the declaration of
the Protectorate, Britain had already decided to hand over Bechuanaland to a
commercial company.
Rhodes plans to take over Bechuanaland
In the 1890s Rhodes wanted to build a railway line from the Cape Colony to his
new colony of Rhodesia. But the railway would pass through the Protectorate
where African rulers still exercised a lot of power. Rhodes feared that the
Batswana would oppose the construction of the line through their land. They had
already expressed their opposition at the Kopong meeting. So the only way he
could build the line without opposition was to have the Protectorate transferred to
his company. He also believed that the Protectorate might yield some mineral
wealth in the future. Already gold mining was going on at Tati and the Batswana
rulers were granting mineral concessions to several concessionaires. Rhodes
wanted all the mineral rights in Bechuanaland to belong to the BSAC.
Furthermore, Rhodes wanted to settle Europeans in parts of the Protectorate to
take part in agriculture, especially ranching. Rhodes took his first step to annex
(take over) the Protectorate in 1891. He asked for permission to build a railway
from the Cape Colony to Rhodesia via the Tati gold fields. He successfully argued
that the building of the railway would help develop the Protectorate and therefore
save the British Government some money since the BSAC would pay for these
developments. So the British Government approved the railway scheme in 1892.
The railway would, more importantly, be useful in developing the mineral wealth
in Rhodesia for the benefit of Britain and the BSAC. Britain, through its High
Commissioner, would persuade Batswana rulers to give the land needed for the
railway. The agreement was reached secretly without the knowledge of the
Batswana. Soon Rhodes shifted from talking about building a railway through
Bechuanaland to annexing the entire Protectorate. He wanted to make it part of
Rhodesia. This was because of events which were taking place in the Transvaal.
Rhodes now wanted to rule the Protectorate so that he could use it to attack the
Transvaal and

take it over from the Boers. Gold at the Witwatersrand (Johannesburg) had made
the Boer Republic of the Transvaal very rich. The gold mines belonged to British
businessmen including Rhodes. Rhodes did not like the idea of the Boers having
all the political power in such a wealthy state. He wanted the Transvaal to be
ruled by the British. Then they would be able to get all the profits from the gold
mines without interference. He had to find a good reason to justify his attack. He
found a pretext (false reason) in the complaints of the non-Boer white population
of the Transvaal. They were called Uitlanders (outsiders) by the Boers. They
complained of unequal treatment by the Boers. They complained, for example,
that they did not have equal voting rights with the Boers. The real reason for the
attack was that Rhodes wanted the gold mines. The railway would be very
important too for carrying war supplies and soldiers.
Problem of the concessions
Before the BSAC could carry out its annexation (take over) plan, Rhodes and the
British Government had to deal with the many concessions which the Batswana
had already granted. These concessions gave away land in the area through which
the railway would pass. This was also the area from which Rhodes planned to
attack the South African Republic.
Following the declaration of the Protectorate, and especially after the discovery of
gold at the Witwatersrand, concessionaires were everywhere in Bechuanaland.
They were in search of concessions to prospect for minerals, and to trade, settle,
farm or build communications. Some Batswana rulers granted these concessions.
In nearly all cases the dikgosi did not understand that in signing these concessions
they were giving away parts of their lands to European companies. This was
because concessionaires never fully explained the full meaning of the
concessions. Quite often when the full meaning of the concessions was explained,
the rulers were surprised. They denied that they had ever given away their land.
K In Setswana law and custom land could not be
sold or be given away to an individual per\n .anently. Land belonged to the
morafe and the
,king controlled it on its behalf. This is why the Batswana were surprised when
they were told that the concessions they had signed made them lose their land.
Some of the reasons why the
rulers granted concessions were:
1 they believed that they were leasing (lending) the land only for a while,
2 the concessionaires paid the rulers some
money for the concessions,
3 the missionaries who were usually trusted by
the dikgosi encouraged them to sign treaties.
Often the missionaries acted as interpreters as well, and translated concessions
into the Setswana language. But it must be said too that some missionaries
advised rulers not to
sign bad concessions.
In summary, we can say that Batswana kings
granted concessions because they did not believe that they were losing anything
by doing so. In their custom the kgosi could never lose control of
the land.
An important factor which made concessionaires flock to Bechuanaland was that
the Colonial Administration encouraged concessionaires to prospect there. The
reason for this was that the Administration would get revenue (income) by taxing
mining companies if minerals were discovered. They also got revenue from
trading licences.
The following are examples of concessions.
Charles Riley, a trader at Mochudi, the
Bakgatla capital, obtained a trading and manufacturing concession for a period
of 99 years in Bangwaketse country. He also got another concession granting him
a 99 year lease for 200 square miles (51 800 ha) of land. In asking for these
concessions, Riley had emphasised only the building of stores which would sell
cheap goods. The king liked this for it would
help his people.
Another interesting case was that of a
Barolong ruler, Letlogile, who in 1891 leased to Wilkinson 200 000 morgen (171
000 ha) of land.
Wilkinson could buy the land at the end of 1894

for five shillings per thousand morgen (856 ha) and a royalty (a kind of tax) of
£10 per year. There were many other concessions granted in other merafe.
By 1892 the competition among concessionaires was fierce. It was clear that the
Batswana were fast losing their lands to the concessionaires without realising it.
The Colonial Government was worried about the very large number of
concessions. It was worried not so much because concessions threatened
Batswana land, but because they could make it difficult for the BSAC to build the
railway and to take over Bechuanaland.
The Concessions Commission
In order, therefore, to make things easy for
Fig. 113 Sir Henry Loch (1827-1900), who was replaced as High Commissioner
because he opposed Rhodes' plans to take over Bechuanaland
Rhodes and-ie BSAC, the High Commissioner set up a Concessions Commission
in 1893. The British Government's aim was to cancel as many concessions as
possible so as to remove competition against the BSAC. The Commission was
given power to cancel all concessions which were signed after 1889, when the
BSAC was created. Those which were not honestly obtained were also to be
cancelled. During the meeting of the Commission some rulers realised how much
they had been cheated by some of the concessionaires. Other rulers such as Sebele
of the Bakwena regarded the setting up of the Commission as interference in their
domestic affairs. He wanted to do what he liked with his land since he alone was
King of the Bakwena. The Commission succeeded in cancelling many of the
concessions. This cleared the way
Fig. 114 Sir Hercules Robinson (1824-1897), who was a friend of Rhodes,
replaced Loch as High Commissioner. He wanted to hand over Bechuanaland to
Rhodes' BSAC

for tile SAc to take over Bechuanaland. The only real problem left to deal with
was that of the Batswana rulers. They complained that they had lost the royalties
they received from the concessionaires. The BSAC agreed to pay the affected
rulers, namely Sebele, Linchwe, Bathoen and Ikaneng, ruler of the Balete, some
annual allowances. Having crushed his competitors with British help, Rhodes
could now turn his attention to the transfer question.
Before 1894 Rhodes was busy fighting the Amandebele in Rhodesia so he did not
pay much attention to Bechuanaland. After conquering the Amandebele, he
turned his energies to Bechuanaland. At the end of 1894 he formally asked for
an assurance that Britain would transfer the Protectorate to the BSAC. The British
Secretary of State for Colonies, Lord Ripon, replied that this would be done when
the time came. Rhodes was to submit proposals to the Colonial Secretary for his
consideration. It is quite clear, therefore, that by 1894 the British Government was
ready to hand over Bechuanaland to Rhodes. To make the transfer easy, Britain
removed Sir Henry Loch, the High Commissioner, because he was opposed to the
transfer. It replaced him with Sir Hercules Robinson who was Rhodes' friend and
had some shares (a partnership) in the BSAC.
The Batswana meanwhile learned from missionaries and newspaper reports about
the secret negotiations and virtual agreement to transfer their country to the
BSAC. In July 1895 Kings Khama, Bathoen, Sebele and Linchwe sent petitions to
the new Colonial Secretary, Joseph Chamberlain. They requested that their
countries should not be given to the Company. They wanted to remain under the
Queen's protection as agreed in 1885. The Batswana disliked the Company
immensely (strongly) because they saw how harshly it ruled Rhodesia. They
feared that they would lose their political power, land and property to the
Company just like the Amandebele. They, especially Khama, also feared that the
Company would allow liquor into Bechuanaland. Khama in particular considered
the Company an enemy because of a recent en-
counter with it. In 1893 after conquering the Amandebele, Rhodes wanted to
annex the disputed territory (the area between the Shashe and Motloutse Rivers
including the Tati area) and was supported by the High Commissioner. Khama
protested strongly and threatened to go to Britain to put his case before the British
Government. The scheme was dropped. Khama also disliked Rhodes because they
had disagreed on how to fight the Amandebele in 1893. Khama had been asked by
Britain to help the Company. He had agreed because the Amandebele were his old
enemy. The disagreement led to Khama's withdrawal from the war and Rhodes
said bad things about the king.
In general, at this time the Batswana rulers did not trust the British officials in the
Protectorate from the High Commissioner downwards. This was because these
officials tended to side with the BSAC. Because of this mistrust the dikgosi
decided to travel to England to plead directly with the Colonial Office. When
news of this journey became known, Rhodes sent his trusted man Dr S. Jameson,
the Administrator of Rhodesia, to negotiate a treaty of annexation with Khama.
To get Khama to agree, Jameson promised to settle the king's dissident
(quarrelsome) brothers, Raditladi and Mphoeng, in Rhodesia. Khama refused. If
he had agreed, Rhodes would have used the treaty to get the British Government
to transfer the Protectorate to the BSAC.
The dikgosi go to England to protest
The three kings, Khama, Bathoen and Sebele went to England. They took with
them their African advisers and the missionary W.C. Willoughby who was their
interpreter. In Cape Town Rhodes interviewed the kings in an attempt to stop
them from going to England. He feared they might succeed in persuading the
British Government not to transfer the Protectorate. The High Commissioner,
Rhodes' friend, also tried without success to stop the journey. The dikgosi rejected
all those attempts

and went to England.

In London, the kings made the following requests.
1 That they should remain a Protectorate as at
present directly under the Queen.
2 That their autonomy (independence) be
preserved.
3 That their lands should not be sold.
4 That liquor drinking be prohibited in their
areas.
They criticised the Company for bad government in Rhodesia and praised the
Queen's rule over the Protectorate. Joseph Chamberlain, the Colonial Secretary,
told them that there was no danger in being transferred to the BSAC because the
Company would obey the Queen's orders. So to be ruled by the Company was the
same as being under the Queen. He then advised them to negotiate (discuss)
details of the transfer with Rhodes' representatives. He also told them that the
British Government could not break its promise to transfer Bechuanaland to the
Company. Rhodes had sent his trusted man, Harris, to
Fig. 115 The three kings, Bathoen, Khama and Sebele with their adviser W.C.
Willoughby. Pictured here in England, their protest saved the land of the
Batswana from colonisation by Rhodes
London to ensure that the Batswana rulers would not succeed. Having told the
kings to reach an agreement with the BSAC, Chamberlain went on holiday.
Confrontation and settlement
Instead of negotiating with the BSAC, the kings toured England. They sought the
support of the British people against the Company. The London Missionary
Society organised the campaign. LMS respected and loved Khama because he
was a staunch (strong) Christian ruler. The dikgosi, especially Khama, addressed
several well attended meetings. Everywhere the kings emphasised that they
wished to remain under the Queen and that they disliked Rhodes' Company
because it would bring liquor and bad influence to their lands. They emphasised
the protectorate agreement of 1885.
At that time in England there were many people who belonged to the temperance
movement (a group which was against liquor drinking). They included the LMS
and its supporters. They disliked the Company because it brought liquor to
Rhodesia. There were the humanitarians and the anti-slavery groups which
wanted the British Government to protect African rights. They disliked the
Company for the terrible war in Rhodesia and for its harsh rule in that colony.
Then there were those who wanted the British Empire to be ruled by Britain and
not by a commercial company. All these groups supported the Batswana kings
against the Company. They felt also that it would be unfair to break the protection
agreement of 1885. They feared that this would make the Batswana mistrust the
British Crown. There was also fear that a costly war like that against the
Amandebele might break out if the Company were forced upon the Batswana.
When he returned from holiday, Chamberlain found several letters from the
British people, mainly from church and business groups, protesting against the
proposed hand over of the Protectorate. Fearing that the Government might be
unpopular and lose votes at the next election over the transfer issue, Chamberlain
changed his

mind. He announced the following settlement on 7 November 1895.

1 The railway was to be built on a narrow
strip of land on the eastern side of the Protectorate. A fence would be built on
both
sides of the line to protect livestock.
2 Each king would cede (give) the land needed
for the railway so as not to interfere with
people's villages or ploughing lands.
3 The Protectorate status was to remain as
agreed in 1885, and a Queen's Officer would
be stationed at each king's capital.
4 The dikgosi were each given a reserve. This
was an area set aside for use by Africans, in which the king would rule his people
much as before with little interference from the British Government. These
reserves roughly followed the old boundaries of the old states. The areas offered
to Warren in 1885 and refused by Britain were now
declared Crown land (the Queen's land).
5 The laws against liquor were to remain unc angtd.
6 Taxation was to be introduced in order to
pay--r the administration of the Protectorate.
The Africans had in fact won against th powerful Rhodes and his Company.
Rhodes did not get the Protectorate but he did get land for his railway.
It is quite clear that the Batswana rulers got what they wanted. They stopped
Bechuanaland from becoming part of Rhodesia. Rhodes on the other hand lost.
All he got was the strip of land for the railway and a vague (not straightforward)
promise that the BSAC might be given the land outside the reserves in the future.
This promise was not fulfilled as we shall see later. Rhodes rebuked (told off) his
man Harris for being defeated by black men. He did not believe that Africans
could be such clever politicians and statesmen. He was so angry that he told
Khama to receive back the dissidents under Raditladi or else surrender the
Bakalanga area to the BSAC. Rhodes had settled them in Rhodesia because he
thought that Bechuanaland would be transferred to him. Khama refused.
Rhodes nearly wins
While the three kings were busy in England protesting against Rhodes' plan to
take over Bechuanaland, Rhodes was trying to get land from some other
Protectorate rulers. He was supported by the High Commissioner, Sir Hercules
Robinson, in this plan. Shippard and Rhodes' brother Frank, the representative of
the BSAC, visited Ikaneng, ruler of the Balete, to ask for a land concession. After
much persuasion, Ikaneng granted a piece of land. Ikaneng thought that the
Company needed the land only for a short time during the building of the railway.
Encouraged by this success, Shippard travelled to see Montshiwa of the Barolong.
He persuaded Montshiwa to grant a piece of land at Pitsanaphotlokwe close to the
Transvaal border. The High Commissioner recommended that these lands and
areas of the Protectorate near the Transvaal border, through which the railway
would pass, be transferred to the BSAC. The Colonial Office agreed to give the
lands ceded by Ikaneng and Montshiwa to the BSAC. But it rejected the transfer
of other areas. The Colonial Office was already suspicious that its officials in the
Protectorate did not seem to be dealing fairly with the Batswana rulers. The
BSAC quickly appointed Dr S. Jameson to be Resident Commissioner of the
transferred areas of the Protectorate.
Ngamiland threatened
In the 1890s Rhodes wanted to take over Ngamiland and turn it into a colony for
European settlement like Rhodesia. This European settler community could
produce crops using the plentiful water from the Okavango Swamps. He also
believed that Ngamiland was rich in diamonds. The British Government was not
interested in including Ngamiland in the Protectorate. It regarded Ngamiland as a
useless swamp.
But Ngamiland was near the German Colony of South West Africa. The British
feared that

Germany might take over Ngamiland. It could expand from there eastwards
towards the areas Britain considered important. Britain still had the fear that
Germany might want to link up with the Transvaal. There were also frequent raids
into Ngamiland by the Khoe from South West Africa. Britain was anxious to stop
them. For these reasons Britain was ready to give Ngamiland to the BSAC. The
British hoped that a European settlement in Ngamiland would stop all these
problems and protect British interests. The only problem was that the Company
had no concessions there. Also there were already concessionaires in the area who
were opposed to Rhodes' plan to seize Ngamiland.
In 1888 the Batawana king, Moremi II, had granted a trader called Strombom and
his friend Nicholls a prospecting concession over an area of about 600 square
kilometres. In 1889 the king gave Strombom, Nicholls and Hicks another
prospecting concession throughout Ngamiland. Strombom died and Nicholls and
Hicks sold the concession to the British Westland Chartered Company (BWCC).
It sent out a team led by Frederick Lugard to look for gold and diamonds in 1896-
97. But they were not successful. We have already seen how Britain favoured
Rhodes and the BSAC above other concessionaires. Britain, therefore, wanted to
push the other concessionaires out of Ngamiland. But the
%~
Fig. 116 Moremi II. He granted the first concessions in Ngamiland
Z,

BWCC appeared before the Concessions Commission of 1893 to defend the

Nicholls-Hicks concession. Sekgoma Letsholathebe, the new Batawana king,
learned that the BWCC was claiming ownership of land in Ngamiland. He
rejected their claim and cancelled the concession. The British Government
accepted Sekgoma's rejection because it suited their plan to help Rhodes to get
Ngamiland.
Rhodes learned of Sekgoma's rejection of the Nicholls-Hicks concession. So he
sent his man, John Bosman, to seek a land concession from Sekgoma at the end of
1893. The High Commissioner also sent Captain Fuller to Ngamiland to persuade
the Batawana ruler to grant a concession to the Company. It so happened that in
1893 some Boer trekkers from the Boer republics in South Africa wanted to
establish a new republic in the north. Bosman was one of their leaders. Rhodes
wanted to use them to colonise Ngamiland. He had used Whites from South
Africa to colonise Mashonaland in the same way in 1890. He promised to settle
the Boers in Ngamiland.
Bosman was not an honest man. Knowing that Sekgoma would not grant a land
concession easily, he pretended that he was Queen Victoria's officer. He told
Sekgoma that he came to seek a treaty of friendship between Sekgoma and Queen
Victoria. The LMS missionary in Ngamiland, the Reverend James Wookey,
supported Rhodes' plan. Sekgoma granted what he believed to be a treaty of
friendship between two rulers and a prospecting concession in return for £50 per
year. What he had signed were in fact a land concession and a mineral concession.
The BSAC quickly brought the concessions before the Concessions Commission.
They hoped to get permission to colonise Ngamiland. In 1894 the Colonial Office
informed the Company that Britain was ready to approve the BSAC claim on
Ngamiland.
Just at that time Sekgoma learned of the Boer trek supported by Rhodes. He also
learned that the BSAC claimed that he had granted them land to settle the Boers.
Sekgoma protested very vigorously against the BSAC. He stated that the
concessions were obtained by false means.
Sekgoma's affidavit
I, Sekgoma, do hereby certify the following
statement to be true:
I have neither given away the Country or sold any rights to it. These words of
Bosman are
new to me.
When he came up he made himself out as a
representative of the Imperial Government. I believed him, and he went on to tell
me that he had come up to make a treaty of friendship.
When I signed the documents I signed them in the full belief that I was signing a
treaty of friendship and nothing whatever to do with giving away of my Country
or selling it. He offered me a wagon and guns which I first refused, but on his
pressing me I accepted five guns, as he said by my refusing his presents the Chief
at the
Cape would be very displeased.
Bosman urged him to put his name to the
paper as his (Sekgoma) name would appear together with the White Chiefs name
and they
would see how he spelt his name.
(Sd) Sekgoma.
Witness of signature.
(Sd) A.J. Wookey.
C.P. Chesnaye, Sergt. B.B. Police
Bosman had never mentioned to him that he represented the Company. In
addition, the Setswana and the English texts (words) of the concessions were-
different. He made it clear that he disliked both the Boers and the BSAC. He won
the support of many individuals. One of these was an LMS African evangelist,
Khukhu Mogodi. John S. Moffat, a British official stationed at Palapye, was also
opposed to Company rule in Ngamiland. He believed the Boers whom the
Company proposed to settle there would cause trouble. Moffat told the Colonial
Office that he suspected that the Company had used false methods to get the
concessions. When the Bangwaketse and Bakwena rulers heard of the trek they
protested that they did not want Boers to pass through their territories. Britain was
now afraid that the Boer trek could cause an uprising in the Protectorate. The

British Government sent A.E. Walshe to investigate the concessions. He reported

that they were obtained by false means. So Sekgoma was right after all. The
British Government rejected the Bosman Concessions in December 1894. Rhodes
decided to force the British Government to settle the Boers in the Ghanzi district.
He encouraged them to go there without any concession. The British Government
warned against this and told Rhodes to try to get a new concession from
Sekgoma. But Sekgoma refused to grant one. At this time he had learned from the
Bangwato that Rhodes wanted to take the lands of all the Batswana. The BWCC
had obtained another concession from Sekgoma who wanted to use it against the
BSAC. So the BWCC supported the kgosi. The High Commissioner told the
angry Rhodes that the Batawana king could not grant a new concession. But
Britain wanted to settle the Boers in Ghanzi with or without Rhodes' help.
Sekgoma was given a choice either to surrender Ghanzi or lose the whole of
Ngamiland. Sekgoma reluctantly (unwillingly) gave away Ghanzi. It became a
Crown Colony. It was planned that it would be transferred to the BSAC later.
The Jameson Raid causes Rhodes to fail
Events in the Transvaal soon destroyed Rhodes' hope of ever getting the
Protectorate. On the night of 29-30 December 1895, the Jameson Raid took place.
Dr S. Jameson invaded the Transvaal from Pitsanaphotlokwe within
Bechuanaland. Rhodes had got this place from Montshiwa in order to use it for
the raid. Jameson's raiders quickly surrendered to the Boers and the expected
Uitlanders uprising did not take place.
The whole world criticised Britain for allowing its Protectorate to be used for
attacking another country. Britain did not want its name spoilt. The British angrily
told Rhodes that the Protectorate would not be transferred to him. The lands ceded
to him by Ikaneng and Montshiwa in 1895 were taken away. The vague 1895
promise that the BSAC would be given land outside the reserves also failed.
Ghanzi would not be given to the Company but would remain Crown Land. The
Boer trekkers were settled there in 1898 by the High Commissioner and given
farms. Their descendants are still there to-
Fig. 117 Jameson's surrender, 2 January 1896, to the Boers

lv, -
Fig. 118 The Amazulu of Cetshwayo badly defeated British troops at the battle of
Isandlhwana
day. So an important result of the raid is that it saved the Batswana from the
BSAC.
As time passed, the Jameson Raid was slowly forgotten. In 1904 the British
Government transferred the land for the railway strip to the BSAC. The Company
also got some blocks of land in Crown Land. These were the Gaborone, Lobatse
and Tuli Blocks. The Tuli Block was actually the area Khama had ceded to the
BSAC for the railway in 1895. It was later decided not to build the railway line
through the Tuli Block. The area, however, remained the property of the
Company. These together with the Tati District and Ghanzi became the only
European areas in Bechuanaland. This arrangement ended Rhodes' attempts to
take over Bechuanaland.
The Batswana rulers, especially Bathoen, Khama, Sebele and Sekgoma
Letsholathebe, had fought hard to save the lands of the Batswana. They are,
therefore, heroes in the history of Botswana.
The Union of South Africa threat: early attempts at unity and Boer resistance
The hostility the Boers felt towards the British at the Cape Colony continued after
they had established their own states of the South African Republic (Transvaal)
and the Orange Free State. This was because from time to time the British
attempted to annex the Boer republics. This was

especially so after diamonds were discovered at Kimberley and gold at the

Witwatersrand. Britain now wanted a larger South Africa consisting of its two
colonies of Natal and the Cape, and the two Boer Republics. Such a large colony
would be wealthy and more economically beneficial to England. British
businessmen, supported by the British Government, did not like the idea of letting
the Boers continue to rule the mineral rich Boer Republics. Another reason for
wanting a union was that Britain did not want to spend money on its colonies in
South Africa. If the four territories united, they would be economically strong
enough to pay for running their own affairs. A further reason for wanting a union
was that a united South Africa would be strong enough to defend itself against
any threat. Britain was worried about the continued resistance of Africans
against white domination. For example, the British fought a bloody war against
the Amazulu in 1880 after the Amazulu (of Cetshwayo ka Mpande) had badly
defeated them at the battle of Isandlhwana in 1879. There were also memories of
other resistance such as that by the Griqua, the Barolong and Batlhaping in 1878-
79, and the Boer defeat by the Bapedi in 1877.
Britain wanted the Boers to unite with Natal and the Cape Colony into a British
confederation (a loose union). As early as 1870-78, Britain's Colonial Secretaries,
Lord Kimberley and Lord Carnarvon had tried without success to persuade them
peacefully. The Boers under the leadership of Paul Kruger, President of the South
African Republic, defiantly refused. So Carnarvon decided to use force. However,
Kruger was a very stubborn leader and he was quite prepared to fight rather than
surrender to the British.
In 1877 the South African Republic was badly defeated in an uprising of the
Bapedi. The Republic was very weak. So Carnarvon sent Theophilus Shepstone,
Secretary for Native Affairs in Natal, to take it over and rule it. The Boers were
militarily weak and they used peaceful negotiations to try to regain their
independence. They sent their leaders to London
to do this. When this failed, Kruger prepared to fight and in 1881 Boer
commandos defeated the British at the battle of Majuba Hill. The British gave the
Boers limited (not full) independence in 1881. The Boers were unhappy because
they wanted full independence. They continued to oppose British rule.
The new Colonial Secretary, Joseph Chamberlain, and the new High
Commissioner, Sir Alfred Milner, were imperialists. They believed in British
supremacy over all Southern Africa. They believed that the only method left to
achieve a union of the four white states was war. Diplomatic efforts had failed.
They made the British public support war against the Boers by exaggerating Boer
ill-treatment of the Uitlanders. Using the Uitlanders as a pretext, they prepared for
war. The Boers too feared that the British would destroy their independence. So
on 11 October 1899 they went to war against the British. This was what
Chamberlain and Milner wanted. The bloody war dragged on from 1899 to 1902.
Africans in the war
Although the Anglo-Boer War is often described as the white man's war, Africans
were involved in it. Both white groups did not want Africans to join their armies.
Whites were afraid that Africans would learn to use firearms. Later they might
turn these guns against all Whites in South Africa. The Africans throughout
Southern Africa hated the Boers more than they disliked the British because the
Boers were more oppressive. The Africans in South Africa hoped that if Britain
won, they would get some political and economic rights like Africans in the Cape
Colony. They also knew that Africans in the Bechuanaland Protectorate enjoyed
some freedom under Britain. So some Africans such as the Amazulu attacked the
Boers. The Africans in the Transvaal were hostile to the Boers. The Boers were
faced with British superior power and the hostility of the Africans. So they finally
agreed to sign a peace treaty with the British in 1902 at Vereeniging.

Fig. 119 An armed African Scout directs British troops on their way through
Bechuanaland to relieve Mafikeng
Bechuanaland and the war
The Protectorate was affected by the Anglo-Boer War. Some Batswana played a
part in the war even though Britain had told them not to. However, only some
parts of Bechuanaland, mainly in the south, were affected.
In 1899, the Boers besieged (surrounded) Mafikeng, the capital of Bechuanaland.
GouldAdams, the Resident Commissioner (1897-1901) and his staff could not
leave the town. The Assistant Commissioner, Surmon, acted as Resident
Commissioner until Gould-Adams was free. The Boers hoped to destroy the
Government of the Protectorate. This did not happen because, in early 1900,
British forces defeated the Boers at Crocodile Pools north of Mafikeng. In May
1900, they freed Mafikeng. In the Protectorate itself there were rumours that the
Boers wanted to attack the country because it was used during the Jameson Raid.
The Boers feared that it would be used again in
the Anglo-Boer War. It was also stated that the Boers wanted to attack Khama's
country because Africans who refused to pay tax to the Transvaal fled there.
Some Babirwa of Maunatlala and some Bagaseleka had done this. Boer
movements were reported on the eastern border of the Bangwato country. Khama
was prepared to fight them.
On the day the Anglo-Boer War started, the Boers went into Khama's country and
cut the telegraph line near Palapye. They also cut the railway between Gaborone
and Mafikeng. They wanted to stop communication between the British army in
South Africa, Rhodesia and the Protectorate. They thought that this would stop
Rhodesian soldiers and Protectorate police from entering the war. They also
wanted to stop food supplies and war materials from reaching the British army.
The British sent soldiers to expel (turn out) the Boers from Bechuanaland. They
were helped by the Rhodesians. British soldiers guarded important places and
bridges. Their

Fig. 120 Metsimaswana Bridge near Gaborone was destroyed by Boers. The
picture shows British troops guarding the bridge after it had been repaired
Fig. 121 A Bakgatla regiment

main camps were at Gaborone and Lobatse. The Boers attacked both camps and
the British abandoned (left) Gaborone for a while. Khama sent the Maalola
regiment to guard the Mahalapye railway bridge. He had heard that the Boers
were gathering on the eastern border. He sent some soldiers and scouts to guard
the eastern border and watch Boer movements. The Maalola were given £1 728
at the end of the war for helping the British.
The Bakgatla of Linchwe I also participated in the war. In fact, the Bakgatla were
more involved in the war than the other Batswana groups in the Protectorate. The
Bakgatla joined the war when they helped the British and Rhodesian forces to
defeat the Boers near Mochudi. In November 1899, the British asked the Bakgatla
to fight a Boer force at Derdepoort along the Madikwe River (Marico). The
Bakgatla expected British soldiers to help them, but in the end they fought alone.
The British abandoned them. At first they defeated the Boers, but in the end the
Boers succeeded. They attacked the Bakgatla troops at Sikwane village and
burned down Bakgatla villages along the Madikwe. The Boers stole many cattle.
However, they did not succeed in capturing Mochudi or holding on to Bakgatla
territory.
The Boers took revenge on the Bakgatla living in the Transvaal. Linchwe replied
by further attacks on the Boers as far as Pretoria. He took some cattle back to his
country, Kgatleng. As the war went on, some Boers left their farms and Bakgatla
occupied them, especially in the Saulspoort area. Until the end of the war,
Bakgatla captured many Boer cattle some of which had been stolen from the
Bakgatla before. Immediately after the war, Linchwe succeeded in getting British
help to instal his brother, Ramono, as kgosi of the Bakgatla of the Transvaal. He
bought some land in the
Transvaal for the settlement of the Bakgatla. Some of the cattle raided from the
Boers were shared among Linchwe's regiments as a reward for fighting so
bravely.
The Batswana benefited economically from the war. They sold a lot of cattle for
meat to the
.A.
Fig. 122 Linchwe I who led the Bakgatla in resistance against the Boers.
(Photograph by Isaac Schapera)
British soldiers. Reverend Williams estimated that by 1900 they had earned £65
000. Some Batswana earned money by working at the British army camps.
Even though the Boers were defeated on the battlefield they won politically.
Immediately after the war, the Republics were placed under Milner. He was
appointed Governor. But in order to win Boer support for the idea of a union,
Britain granted the Boer republics selfgovernment or responsible government
between 1906 and 1907. This pleased the Boers. But what pleased them even
more was that Britain did not force them to give any political rights to Africans in
the two Republics. The Boers at that time, just as today, did not want the Africans
to vote. So even though the Africans had sup-

- -.
-z~ ~-.*N~ N -- -
frilL! I!
I '(!/i~'I~4~ I/71/U11 fiT~iirr~> __
.-z.
..~
Fig. 123 Potchefstroom Camp: a concentration camp for Boer prisoners during the
Anglo-Boer War
ported the British during the war, they did not get any benefit at all. Instead, the
Boers got better treatment than they did. Throughout the history of South Africa,
although the Boers and the British often quarrelled, they always united against
Africans.
The Union of South Africa
After the war old Boer leaders such as Kruger were replaced by younger men
such as Louis Botha and Jan Smuts who wanted a union of the four white states.
They decided that it was better to win Boer domination of South Africa by
political means rather than through war. Between 1910 and 1948, the Boers
worked hard to control politics in South Africa. Boer nationalism succeeded when
the Boer National Party won the election of 1948. In that year, the National Party
Government made apartheid the law of South Africa.
Fear of Africans also made the two white
groups want to unite. There were African revolts in the region. For example in the
Bambata revolt in 1906, the Amazulu, under their ruler, Bambata, revolted against
paying taxes. The Mashona and Amandebele rebelled against the BSAC in 1896-
97. The Ovaherero and the Nama revolted against the Germans in Namibia from
1904 to 1908.
The leaders of the Boers and the English met from 1908 until 1909 to discuss the
formation of a new united state. In 1910 the Union of South Africa was formed as
a British Colony. The Boers agreed to the Union only after Britain had assured
them that Africans' voting rights in the Cape Province would not be extended to
the other provinces of the Union. In fact it was agreed that if the white Parliament
so wished even the voting rights of non-Whites in the Cape would be taken away.
The Africans in the Cape lost their voting rights in 1936. So the result of the
Union for the Africans was that it ended all their political rights.

The Union of South Africa and Bechuanaland

The formation of the Union of South Africa was opposed by Africans inside and
outside South Africa. The South African Blacks formed a political movement
called the Native National Congress in 1912 to oppose the loss of political and
economic rights. This movement was renamed the African National Congress
(ANC).
In the High Commission Territories of Bechuanaland, Basutoland and Swaziland
there was also fierce opposition to the Union. The reason for this was that the
South Africa Act (Law) establishing the Union provided for the future
incorporation (inclusion) of the three territories and Rhodesia. But the Act also
stated that Britain would transfer the three territories after consulting their
inhabitants.
Britain partly looked upon the High Commission Territories as sources of labour
for the mines of South Africa. She had no other economic use for them and
considered them to be a burden to her. So she wanted to hand them over to the
Union which would use their own manpower and develop them economically.
Britain did not believe that these territories could fully develop economically on
their own. Britain, however, would only agree to the incorporation of
Bechuanaland if Southern Rhodesia also joined the Union.
At the beginning South Africa wanted the Protectorates because they would
provide more land for white farmers. Another reason was that the Whites of South
Africa disliked British policy in these territories because it was different from the
'native policy' of the Union. In the Protectorates Africans enjoyed some political
and civic rights and participated in running their own affairs to some extent. There
were no pass laws in the Protectorates and segregation was mild. The white South
Africans feared that this gave a 'bad' example to the Africans in South Africa.
They wanted Africans in the whole region to have no rights at all. This could be
done only by taking over the three territories. Another reason for wanting transfer
was that South Africa wanted
to secure and control cheap labour for its mines and farms. The migrant labour
system was not good enough because South Africa could not make laws to recruit
and control such labour in the Protectorates.
In the 1950s a further reason for wanting the Protectorates to join the Union was
the introduction of the Bantustan policy. This policy divided the land in South
Africa into Bantu (African) areas, which the Boers called Bantustans, and
European areas. The Africans had only 13 per cent of the land and yet their
number was much larger than that of the Whites. So the Government wanted the
Protectorates in order to add more land to the Bantustans. They feared that land
shortage would lead to revolts. South Africa also saw the Protectorates as markets
for its manufactured goods.
Protest in Bechuanaland
The Batswana knew about the intention to transfer their land to the Union of
South Africa. At that time some Batswana youth were educated enough to read
about the transfer in the newspapers. The Batswana who studied or worked in the
Union also learned about the transfer. The Batswana rulers learned that the
Basotho had sent a delegation to London to protest. In 1906-7 the Protectorate
dikgosi expressed their unhappiness. So in 1910 Lord Selborne, the High
Commissioner, informed the dikgosi at Mafikeng that although Bechuanaland
would be transferred some day, the transfer would be done after consultation with
them. All the dikgosi united as they had done in 1895 to protest against transfer.
King Khama even sent a petition to King George V, but without much success.
The Batswana stressed that they wished to remain a Protectorate as agreed in
1885 and 1895. They disliked the Union because of its oppressive 'native policy'.
They had seen the Africans in the Union lose their land and did not want to suffer
in the same way. Batswana who had studied or worked in the Union told of the
oppression of black people.

Fig. 125 General Hertzog (centre), Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa.
He wanted to extend his racist 'native policy' to include the High Commission
territories
Fig. 124 King Khama III sent a petition to ti English King, George V, protesting
against plans to incorporate Bechuanaland in the Unio of South Africa
In the 1920s General Hertzog, a Boer leader
and ardent racist (person who believes strongly that his race is superior) was
Prime Minister of the Union. In 1924 he put pressure on the Bri- tish
Government to transfer the High Commis" sion Territories immediately. He
wanted to extend his racist 'native policy' to these areas. In he 1922 Southern
Rhodesia had voted not to join
the Union and so Britain was now free to let n Bechuanaland join the Union
without Southern
Rhodesia. The Secretary of State for Colonies

had, however, recently visited the three territories. He had wanted to find out how
the Africans felt about transfer. In Bechuanaland Tshekedi Khama and Bathoen II
put a strong case against transfer and threatened to take their case to London and
fight it in the British law courts. The Secretary was afraid that the dikgosi were so
strongly opposed to the transfer that they might revolt if forced to join the Union.
Britain was also becoming more and more unwilling to transfer the three
territories. This was because of the race laws Hertzog was introducing in the
Union. The British Government and the British voters did not like such strong
racial laws. They thought such laws could only create problems.
Hertzog had the support of white farmers in the Protectorate. They asked Britain
to transfer the Protectorate to South Africa. When Britain hesitated to transfer the
Protectorate, Hertzog used economic pressure against the Protectorate. He banned
the export to South Africa of cattle below a certain weight. This ban badly
affected
the Protectorate's economy which depended on cattle sales. The British
Government and the Batswana did not surrender. Instead the Protectorate
Administration found new beef markets in Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) and
overseas. The cattle ban failed to work so Hertzog threatened to stop migrant
labour from Bechuanaland and to reduce imports further. Britain and the
Batswana resisted all these pressures. The Boers continued for a long time to
press for the transfer. The Batswana resisted, first through their dikgosi and later
through the African Advisory Council. (See page 183.) In 1961 the Union of
South Africa became a Republic and left the Commonwealth. This was the end of
any serious attempt to transfer the High Commission Territories to South Africa.
It is quite clear that throughout most of the colonial period Bechuanaland was not
quite safe because of external threats. It was mainly because of the statesmanship
and resistance of the Batswana dikgosi that the land of the Batswana was
preserved as separate from Rhodesia
/
I
Figs 126 and 127 Tshekedi Khama (left) and Bathoen II (right) who led the
opposition to incorporation of Bechuanaland into South Africa

and South Africa. The dikgosi were assisted by various sympathisers in their
brilliant resistance. This resistance enabled the Batswana to achieve independence
in 1966 with their own country called the Republic of Botswana.
Questions
1 Provide the dates for the following events,
and arrange them in the correct order.
(a) The British Government approve the building of a railway through the
Protectorate.
(b) The Rudd Concession is signed.
(c) Rhodes requests the transfer of the Protectorate to the BSAC.
(d) The Chamberlain settlement is issued.
(e) The BSAC is founded.
(f) A Concessions Commission is set up.
(g) Petitions are sent to Joseph Chamberlain.
2 Explain why the British Government wanted
to hand over the High Commission Territories to the Union of South Africa, and
why
South Africa wanted them.

2 1 Administrative and Political

Developments in the Protectorate
In order to understand fully the administrative, political and economic
developments in the Protectorate we should remember the following. In general,
Britain did not want to spend much money in ruling or developing its colonies.
Colonies had to pay for themselves. In colonies which had many white people
(settler colonies), such as Rhodesia, the Whites administered the colony for
Britain. In colonies such as Bechuanaland there were very few Whites. So Britain
ruled mainly through the indigenous (local) people under the supervision of white
officials. This system was called Indirect Rule.
Britain did not use Indirect Rule because of any real respect for Setswana laws
and customs. It did so mainly because this system of administration was cheap.
Britain also feared that if it interfered too much with Setswana ways of doing
things, the Batswana might revolt. Britain would then have to spend a lot of
money putting down the uprising. We should also remember that Britain did not
want the poor Protectorate. This is why she wanted to give it away. Britain did not
wish to spend money on a country she was going to give away. This is also one
reason why the capital town was outside the Protectorate until 1965 when
Gaborone was built. For all these reasons, the Protectorate was neglected.
Protectorate administration 1885-91
After the declaration of the Protectorate in 1885, Britain felt that her main aim of
protecting the
road to the north was fulfilled. She therefore saw no need to set up a proper big
administration. Warren wanted to establish some kind of administration, but the
British Government stopped him. There was, however, a very small
administration based outside the Protectorate. Bechuanaland, like Basutoland and
Swaziland, was placed under the High Commissioner who was also Governor of
the Cape Colony. This is why the three countries were called the High
Commission Territories. The High Commissioner lived in Cape Town. Later, his
office was moved to Pretoria. When the Union of South Africa was formed, the
High Commissioner also became Governor General of the Union. The first High
Commissioner was Sir Hercules Robinson. Many people, including the dikgosi
and the missionaries, complained about the High Commissioner having two jobs.
Because of this he tended to favour the white people of South Africa. They also
complained that he did not pay enough attention to Bechuanaland. So in 1931 he
ceased to be the Governor General of the Union. The High Commissioner was
under the supervision of the Colonial Office in London. The Government minister
in charge of the Colonial Office was called the Colonial Secretary.
The Bechuanaland Protectorate was placed under the administration of Sir Sidney
Ship pard, Resitnt Commissioner living at Vrybur' (Huhudi). In 1895, the
headquarters of the Protectorate Was--m6ved to Mafikeng. Shippard was assisted
by three Assistant Commissioners at

M
Fig. 128 Basotho were recruited into the Bechuanaland Border Police. Seen here a
group with a white officer
Vryburg, Taung and Mafikeng. None of these officials lived in the Protectorate
itself. Their duties were not clearly stated. They were generally to see to it that
there was law and order. But they were not to interfere in the internal affairs of
the Batswana.
The British Government was still concerned that the Amandebele, and especially
the Boers, \ might invade Bechuanaland. So they created the Bechuanaland
Border Police (BBP). These mounted (on horses) police patrolled the Transvaal
border to protect Bechuanaland and the road to the north. This was the most
important group in the Protectorate Administration. They were the only link
between the Resident Commissioner and the various dikgosi. Later other links
were provided with the creation of such offices as Assistant Commissioner in
1887, Resi-i dent Magistrate and Assistant Resident Magistrate in 1923, District
Commissioner and Assistant District Commissioner in 1936. The BBP were
sometimes sent to settle disputes. The BBP consisted of white men. In 1888-89
they recruited Basotho but they were dismissed because of racism by white
officials it seems. Later the Basotho were brought back and they did well.
Although the British Government did not want to get involved in the internal
affairs of the Protectorate, certain incidents pulled them in. Here are some
examples from the Bangwato state. Clever rulers such as Khama, who was also
very much liked and trusted by the Administration, made use of the British
Government to extend their power and territory. Khama wanted to impose tighter
control over the smaller merafe. In the 1880s the Bagaseleka who lived near
Ngwapa Hill, east of Shoshong near the Transvaal border, were ruled by Kobe.
Kobe did not consider his people to be under Khama. But Khama claimed Kobe
to be under him. Kobe allowed some Boers to live and hunt in his area against
Khama's wishes. In 1887, Khama sent a mophato (regiment) to attack Kobe for
allowing the hated Boers to enter Bangwato country. The Administration did not
want a big, costly war. They sent Bates of the BBP to settle the dispute and to find
out whether the area indeed belonged to Khama. Shippard ruled that the area
belonged to Khama but Kobe refused to accept this decision. He also refused to
be ruled by Khama. Khama ordered an army of 4 000 men to attack Kobe. Kobe,
his
son Seleka, and their people fled to the Transvaal. This incident shows how rulers
of major merafe could use colonialism to extend their rule over smaller groups.
Another incident was that involving a Boer called Grobler. In the 1880s Khama
had problems with untrustworthy Whites who illegally entered his country from
the Transvaal. They came to hunt, sell liquor or look for minerals. He, therefore,
sent a mophato to guard the eastern border. It so happened that on his way from
Lobengula's country Grobler passed through this area. Khama's men shot and
badly hurt him and his men. He later died. The Transvaal Government protested
to the British Government. Khama was asked to pay 1 350 cattle for use by
Grobler's widow. He refused because Grobler had illegally entered his country
and had resisted arrest. The British Government agreed to pay Grobler's widow
£450 per year from Bechuanaland revenues (taxes) for the next fifty years.
It is quite clear that at the beginning there was very little British administration in
the Protectorate. Britain was concerned mainly with external threats to
Bechuanaland. The internal administration was left to the dikgosi. They ruled as
they had always done in the past, and they liked it that way.
Setting up a new administration
The British men on the spot, from the High Commissioner downwards, were
unhappy about the lack of a strong administration for Bechuanaland. Shippard had
tried to introduce it at Kopong in 1889, but the dikgosi had resisted.
A new High Commissioner, Sir Henry Loch was appointed. He believed in a
strong administration. Until 1890 the northern boundary of the Protectorate was
the 22 degrees south latitude. Loch persuaded the British Government to extend
the border to include all of Khama's country. The Order-in-Council (British law)
of 30 June 1890, extended the Protectorate to the Chobe and Zambezi Rivers.
Sir Henry Loch wanted a strong administration in order to stop the BSAC from
taking over the Protectorate. He also argued that such an administration was
needed to control the Europeans in Bechuanaland. Cases among Whites and
between Whites and Blacks needed new courts of law. He believed that the kgotla
could not deal with such cases. He also wanted to control trading, hunting and the
increasing number of concession seekers. He argued that discipline in the police
force and law and order in the country could be maintained only through a new,
stronger administration.
The British Government was worried that the administration Loch wanted would
cost a lot of money. Loch stated that the money would come from the Protectorate
itself. Taxes of different kinds would raise the needed money. With this assurance
(promise), the British Government authorised Loch by the Order-in-Council of 9
May 1891 to set up a proper Administration. He was empowered (given the
power) to appoint the required officers and to do all other things necessary. The
new Administration was to be a parallel or dual (double) one. There was to be a
white man's administration based on British law. This would work side by side
with an African administration based on Setswana law and custom. There was no
Parliament so the High Commissioner would make laws for Bechuanaland by
proclamation (announcement of new laws). In doing all this, the High
Commissioner was to respect those African customs which did not conflict with
(go against) British laws. This meant that the High Commissioner could do away
with certain Setswana customs. The respect of Setswana customs was meant to
prevent African opposition to the new Administration. On 10 June 1891 Loch
issued (gave) a proclamation establishing the new Administration. Sir Sidney
Shippard was the Resident Commissioner for Bechuanaland. He was given
Assistant Commissioners and a police inspector to assist him in his duties. One
Assistant Commissioner was in charge of the southern parts of the Protectorate.
The other was in charge of the northern parts. All these officers, except the
Resident

Commissioner, lived in the Protectorate. Laws were made to control trading, guns
and ammunition by issuing licences. Law courts were set up to try cases among
Whites and between Whites and Blacks. The dikgosi continued to try cases
between Africans at kgotla. The new powers given to the Administration soon
met with opposition from some dikgosi. The new powers of the High
Commissioner enabled him to punish or even depose (remove) some dikgosi.
Here are some examples.
The great Sechele I died in 1892 and was succeeded by his son Sebele I. The
young new ruler wanted to rule the Bakwena without the interference of the
Administration. He wanted to allow whoever he wished to trade and hunt in his
area. He disregarded trading licences issued by the Administration. For example
he allowed a
Fig. 129 Sebele I who succeeded Sechele I as Kgosi of the Bakwena. Sebele
particularly opposed the Protectorate administration interfering in the affairs of
his morafe
Boer trader called Gideon Fourie to trade without a licence. Sebele also told some
Indian traders that he would evict (chase away) them if they obtained trading
licences. The young ruler ignored warnings from the Government. The
administration fined him ten head of cattle for disobeying its orders. Sebele had
many other quarrels with the Administration because he wanted to remain
independent. One of these was caused by a dispute among the Bakwena. Some
wanted Sebele to be the kgosi, and the others wanted his stepbrother Kgari. The
Administration did not depose Sebele because he had more supporters. Kgari was
told to leave Molepolole with his followers. He died at Kolobeng soon afterwards
and his followers went to Bangwato country. They returned to Kweneng in 1920
during Sebele II's time.
In the 1890s the Batawana in Ngamiland were divided. Some wanted Sekgoma
Letsholathebe as ruler. Others chose Mathiba Moremi. Sekgoma was a very
strong ruler who wanted no interference by the Administration in Batawana
affairs. He had displeased the Administration by refusing to give the BSAC a
concession to settle the Boers at Ghanzi. He was disliked by missionaries because
he defended Batawana customs against Christianity. He had also quarrelled with
Khama about the boundary between the two states in the Boteti River area. For
these reasons, the Administration wanted to depose him. The dispute with
Mathiba gave the Administration the pretext (excuse). Sir Ralph Williams was the
Resident Commissioner from 1902 to 1906. The High Commissioner sent him to
depose Sekgoma. Sekgoma went to live at Kavimba with his followers and died
there in 1912. His people later returned to Ngamiland. The way in which the
Administration dealt with Sebele and Sekgoma shows clearly that it was now far
more powerful. It could interfere as it liked in Batswana affairs. The dikgosi were
now not as independent as before.
Boundaries
The Order-in-Council of 1891 empowered the

A Land claimed by both Batawana and Balozi

B Land claimed by both Bangwato and Bakgatla
Land claimed by both Bangwato and Bakwena Land claimed by both Bangwato
and Batawana
E.!7 Land claimed by both Bangwato and Amandebele and,
after the BSAC defeated the Amandebele, land claimed
by both the Bangwato and the BSAC
ZAMBIA
ZIMBABWE
BANGWATO RESERVE
GHANZI CROWN LAND
LI
------- ----- ------- I-
BAKGATLA RESERVE
BANGWAKETSE RESERVE
RESERVE
SOUTH AFRICA
0 100 200 km
Fig. 130 Main border disputes after the Protectorate had been declared
ANGOLA
Mohembo
NAMIBIA
Ghanzi

Fig. 131 Major Gould-Adams who had the difficult task of drawing the
boundaries between the major merafe
High Commissioner to draw the boundaries between the merafe. The High
Commissioner appointed Gould-Adams in 1899 to draw the boundaries. This
established the reserves which Chamberlain had given in 1895. This was not an
easy task because there were many disputed areas. See Fig. 130, page 179. Some
of the boundaries had been fixed in earlier years. The boundary between German
South West Africa and Ngamiland was fixed by agreement between Germany and
Britain. The northern boundary was fixed in 1890. The area between the
Motloutse and the Shashe Rivers was claimed by both the Amandebele and later
the BSAC and the Bangwato. But the African rulers did not
quarrel over the area untii huropean concessionaires such as the BSAC used the
rulers to claim the territory because of the gold at Tati. The BSAC claimed the
area because it had replaced Lobengula. But, in fact, in 1892 High Commissioner
Loch incorporated much of the disputed territory into the Protectorate. This ended
Lobengula's claim to it. Only the Tati District was left as the property of the Tati
Concession Mining and Exploration Company. This Company had obtained the
area from Lobengula in 1887.
Khama's brother Raditladi had quarrelled with the king and gone to live in
Rhodesia with his followers. In the 1890s he claimed the disputed territory. He
had the support of the, BSAC. In 1895 when the three Batswana rulers went to
England to protest against the transfer of the Protectorate, Chamberlain included
the disputed territory in the Protectorate. This ended the BSAC's claim to it.
The boundary between the Bakgatla and the Bangwato at Lokgalo was disputed.
The Administration learned of a rumour that the Bakgatla and the Bakwena
planned to attack the Bangwato because of this quarrel. In 1894 Shippard rushed
to the area and fixed the border at Lokgalo on the Ngotwane River. This formed
the southern boundary of the Bangwato reserve. Between the Bakwena and the
Bangwato states there are the Lephepe wells. These wells were dug by the
Bakwena. But as time passed both merafe used them to water their cattle. In 1886
Khama complained that the Bakwena had taken over the wells and chased away
the Bangwato. Shippard wanted to please Khama. He gave him the wells. The
Bakwena protested and were supported by their missionary, the Reverend Roger
Price. The High Commissioner sent GouldAdams to draw the boundary at
Lephepe. He divided the wells equally between the Bakwena and the Bangwato
Reserves.
The western border between the Bangwato and Batawana was disputed. Khama
claimed that his country ended where the Boteti and the Thamalakane Rivers
meet. Sekgoma rejected this claim. Shippard, however, gave Khama the

area. Sekgoma continued to protest. He was supported by the British Westland

Chartered Company because it had mineral concessions in that part of Sekgoma's
country. The High Commissioner sent Colonel Panzera in 1898 to draw the
boundary. He fixed the boundary between the two reserves at Makalamabedi. The
boundary between the Batawana state and Bulozi (Barotseland in Zambia) was
disputed. Kings Lewanika and Sekgoma quarrelled over the border. Both rulers
claimed the area now called the Caprivi Strip. Sekgoma wanted the area because
it was rich in ivory. Also he wanted the Hambukushu to be under his rule.
Lewanika claimed the area because he wanted to continue to rule the
Hambukushu. They had been under Balozi rule when they lived in Bulozi. The
European colonial powers, Britain, Germany and Portugal ignored these claims.
They gave the Caprivi Strip to Germany in 1890. But the dispute continued and in
1897 Gould-Adams was sent to fix the border. He favoured Sekgoma and gave
him part of Bulozi. Lewanika protested strongly. In 1905 the western boundary
between Angola and Bulozi was fixed. In the same year the High Commissioner
fixed the northern boundary of the Batawana reserve at Mohembo. The Caprivi
Strip became part of Namibia (South West Africa). After World War I it was
ruled by the Protectorate from 1922 to 1929. It was then handed back to Namibia.
By 1899, most of the reserve boundaries were drawn. The Balete boundary was
drawn in 1909 and the Batlokwa one in 1933. Bechuanaland was now clearly
divided into reserves for occupation by Batswana only, and Crown Land and
freehold land in the Tati district and the Gaborone, Ghanzi, Lobatse and Tuli
blocks. Crown Land was unallocated land which could be used for future
European settlement or for game reserves.
Taxation
In general, taxation in the colonies was mainly A "imed at forcingthe
colonised2eople to wrk- for Europeans. This was particularly true in settler
colonies where European capitalists were short of labourers. Tax revenue was also
used to pay for administration.
In the Protectorate the main reason for taxing Batswana was to raise money to pay
for administration. The High Commissioner had promised that Bechuanaland
would pay for its own administration. The dikgosi had already agreed to taxation
in 1895. The High Commissioner introduced hut tax in 1899. Hux tax meant that
every hut occupied by an adult male or males was taxed. If more than two males
lived in one hut, each one paid. This tax was later changed to head or poll tax.
Those who failed to pay tax were fined five pounds or sentenced to up to three
months in jail.
The dikgosi were made tax collectors. They were paid ten per cent of the total tax
collected in their area. This encouraged the dikgosi to make sure every tax payer
paid tax. By 1911 administration was paid for from tax revenue. Britain gave only
a small sum of money to add to the tax income.
In 1919 an additional new tax of three shillings per hut, called the native tax, was
introduced. This money was put-in-io the 'Native Fund'. This money was used for
African education, to fight cattle diseases and for other projects which benefited
Africans. In 1938 the hut tax and the native tax were combined to form the
African tax. Every male of the age of eighteen years or more paid this tax.
Between 1899 and 1965, these were the main taxes paid by Africans in
Bechuanaland.
Results of taxation
Many African men were forced to seek work as migrant workers at the South
African mines and farms. There were only a few jobs in Bechuanaland. As more
men left, the burden of family work such as ploughing fell on the women. In some
cases agricultural production fell. Some homes were broken because husbands
were absent for long periods.
The introduction of taxation also led to the impoverishment (making poor) of
those who had

I Vo 0rG
A I'
+ ++ +i+ 'I'I
,2++ 3G9+++
Fig. 132 Receipts for hut taxes paid. These were small metal plaques. Note the
dates and the spelling of Gaborone
few cattle. Those who did not find work had to sell cattle to pay the tax. Because
the price of cattle was low, they sold many cattle in order to raise money for the
tax and family needs. As time passed fewer and fewer Batswana owned cattle.
Cattle were owned only by a few big cattle owners. There were, therefore, some
Batswana who became very rich and some who became very poor.
The digkosi, of course, got richer from the ten per cent they received. Some used
it for themselves. Others used it for the morafe. So taxation, like the old tribute
(sehuba), was beneficial to the dikgosi. They strongly supported taxation. It is
clear that taxation was very hard on the Batswana. There were no jobs in the
Protectorate and yet they were expected to find money
for taxes. Bechuanaland was one of the poorest colonies, but it had to pay for its
own administration.
New forms of administration
The African Advisory Council
As time passed the tasks of the Administration increased. There was a need to
broaden the Administration to include various interested groups. It was no longer
enough to rule by proclamation alone. In the 1920s there was a growing number
of young educated Batswana, such as Simon Ratshosa, who wanted to take part in
governing their country. Some of these educated men felt that the dikgosi no
longer represented them properly. They also argued that they should

take part in making the laws because they paid tax. For instance Kgosi Isang
Pilane was an educated ruler. He wanted a strong Council which would give the
Batswana unity, political education, and protect their interests.
The High Commissioner agreed to allow African participation in government. He
did this mainly in order to stop discontent (unhappiness) among the young people.
He also wanted to use the Council to get to know what Africans thought. In 1919
the Native Advisory Council was formed. It was later renamed the African
Advisory Council because the Africans did not like the word 'native'. The High
Commissioner was afraid of a powerful Council like the one Kgosi Pilane wanted.
So he decided that the Council could only give advice. The Administration could
ignore such advice if it wished.
The Council was composed of two representatives from each morafe, nominated
by the people. In practice the dikgosi nominated the members who were usually
headmen. The dikgosi were members. At first most dikgosi did not like the
Council because they saw the educated Batswana as a threat. The Bangwato did
not join the Council until 1940. But they attended the meetings of the Council.
They did not want to join because they saw the Council as the first step in ending
the powers the dikgosi were given in 1895.
The Resident Commissioner was the Council chairman. At the beginning the
Resident Commissioner used the Council to hear what it thought of his
proclamations. He also used it to make any other announcements. As time passed,
the Council could debate any matters the members wanted to discuss. This
allowed Africans to criticise the administration. They criticised many things, such
as:
1 lack of Batswana in the Administration,
2 racial discrimination in government service, 3 low African salaries in
government service, 4 lack of economic development in Bechuanaland,
5 poor education and health facilities. An issue which the Council debated for
many years was the transfer of Bechuanaland to the
Union of South Africa. The Council strongly rejected this plan.
Some improvements happened because of the work of the Council. Tshekedi
Khama, Bathoen Gaseitsiwe II and others used the Council to prevent the transfer
of the Protectorate. The Council taught the Batswana that they could unite to get
what they wanted. It also educated them politically. The Council also got the
Resident Commissioner to report to it annually on the work of the Administration.
The European Advisory Council
In 1920 the European Advisory Council was formed to discuss matters affecting
Europeans. The formation of two separate councils in one country shows that the
Administration was prejudiced against racial integration. The members of the
European Council were elected by constituencies like the members of the
Botswana National Assembly are today. The Resident Commissioner was the
chairman.
The Joint Advisory Council
The African Council did not like separate councils. They were unhappy because
the Administration tended to favour the Whites. They were also unhappy because
the European Council wanted to transfer Bechuanaland to the Union. In 1951 a
Joint Advisory Council was formed. It consisted of an equal number of
representatives from the two councils. It debated matters of concern to both
Whites and Blacks. The other Councils continued to exist.
Reduction of the powers of the
dikg psi
T14 189i proclamation had placed the dikgosi und'e control of the Colonial
Administration. But most rulers were still powerful and ran their own afai-rs.--
hA-diriinistr-ation--feltthatthe dikgosi were too powerful. They sometimes acted
independently of the Administration. The Resident Commissioner, from 1929 to
1937 was

.7-- - ,-.' ,
Fig. 133 The Joint Advisory Council (1953), which consisted of equal numbers of
Africans and Europeans. Left to right standing: 1 G.J. McLaggan, 2 Tsheko
Tsheko, 3 Pelaelo Ramokate, 4 Stephen Phetlhu,
5 A.D. Finchman, 6 M.L.A. Kgasa, 7 M.V.C. Royle, 8 C.R. Latimer. Left to right
seated: 1 Tshekedi
Khama, 2 L.S. Glover, 3 Kgosi Mokgosi Mokgosi, 4 Bathoen II, 7 R. England, 8
Thari Pilane.
Charles Rey. He wanted to reduce their powers. The Administration felt that the
strong dikgosi violated British laws. They felt this was shown by the following
incidents.
Khama III died in 1923 and was succeeded by Sekgoma Khama. He died in 1925
leaving a four-year-old son, Seretse Khama (first President of Botswana).
Tshekedi was called back from Fort Hare University College in South Africa to
be regent of the Bangwato. Tshekedi was a brave, clever, educated man who
defended the rights of the Bangwato. He was also a strong ruler who did not like
opposition. In 1926, after a quarrel, Simon and Obeditse Ratshosa tried to shoot
Tshekedi at the kgotla. They missed him and wounded two headmen. Tshekedi
burned their houses and expelled them from Serowe. This case was taken right up
to the Privy Council (the highest court) in England. Another incident occurred in
Serowe in 1933. A young white man called McIntosh misbehaved
C.H. Riley, 5 His Honour W.F. MacKenzie, 6 Kgosi
with Bangwato women. He fathered their children without marrying them. The
usual punishment for such behaviour was flogging (beating) at the kgotla.
Tshekedi rightly tried McIntosh at the kgotla. But when he ordered him to be
beaten, McIntosh ran towards the regent. It seems he wanted to ask for mercy but
the Bangwato thought he was going to attack Tshekedi.
They caught and beat him. So Tshekedi did not
actually flog McIntosh at all.
The Administration was very angry that a
black man had tried and punished a white man.
The Whites in South Africa and some in the Protectorate demanded that Tshekedi
be punished.
The Acting High Commissioner, Admiral Evans, came to Serowe from South
Africa with some soldiers to try Tshekedi. Although the Bangwato supported
Tshekedi, he was deposed and
banished to Francistown in 1933. Humanitarians in England and some Europeans
living in Serowe protested to the Colonial Office about

Tshekedi's banishment. The Bangwato too protested to the Administration.

Tshekedi asked his lawyer, Buchanan, to sue (take to court) the Administration.
When the Administration learned of this, they ended the ban. Tshekedi returned to
Serowe after two weeks' banishment. Phineas McIntosh continued to live in
Serowe even after Independence.
The Administration also complained that throughout Bechuanaland botlhanka still
existed. The San especially were still badly treated. The British Government
wanted to end botlhanka because:
1 the anti-slavery movement criticised colonial
powers for not ending slavery, and botlhanka
was a form of slavery,
2 the League of Nations also put pressure on
colonial governments to end slavery,
3 the British Government wanted the batlhanka freed so that they could work in
the
British-owned mines in South Africa,
4 this, in turn, would earn money for the Protectorate through taxation.
In the 1930s Pim was sent to the Protectorate to advise on how the country could
be developed. In his 1933 report he stated thatas-long asi the dikgosi remained so
powerful it would be difficult to develop the country. The dikgosi would iesi s
laws which encouraged development. Pim was not absolutely correct. Some
Batswana rulers were anxious to develop their reserves. Seepapitso and Bathoen
II of the Bangwaketse, Isang, regent of the Bakgatla, and Tshekedi of the
Bangwato, were such men.
The proclamations and resistance
In 1934, the High Commissioner issued two proclamations to reduce the powers
of the dikgosi. The Native Administration Proclamation established a Tribal
Council which would take
Fig. 134 Bathoen II in his office in Kanye, 1955

away most of the duties of the kgosi and the kgotla. The kgosi would rule with the
agreement of the Council. TheC ncil was to consist of tfi-kgosi and Councillors
approved by the kgotla. The kgosi was obliged (forced) to obey the
Resident"Commrissioner. He was not allowed to.
collet taxes od tribute.unless he was given permission by the Resident
Commissioner. Above
onecould be a kgosi without the approval
of therih-G ver-ment. 'The Administration could depos , sspend or banish'a kgosi.
All this was against Setswana custom. A kgosi was born a kgosi. He could not be
removed excet by the
morafi. J
ThewativTibunals Proclamation pet up new
law courts. The kgosi and some members of the Tribal Council belonged to a
tribu (court).
This replaced the kgotla as a place where cases were tried. The kgosi was
prohibited from trying major cases such as murder, rape, treason, etc.
These were to be tried in European courts. This proclamation too was against
Setswana custom because it took away the supreme power of the kgotla. The
kgosi was no longer chief judge of his
people.
Tshekedi and Bathoen II, supported by the
other rulers, challenged these proclamations in 1936. They argued that the new
laws violated the agreements of 1885 and 1895 between Batswana kings and the
British. The British had promised not to interfere in the internal affairs of the
Batswana. They argued that the proclamations violated Setswana customs and
reduced dikgosi to a low status (position). They argued that according to the 1891
Order-in-Council, the Administration should 'respect' African custom.
The dikgosi also saw the reduction of their power as a step towards incorporation
into the Union of South Africa. This was another reason for
their opposing the proclamations.
The two brave young rulers Tshekedi and
Bathoen II took the Administration to court.
Judge Watermeyer gave judgement against \ them. The dikgosi continued with
their opposiion. They wrote to the Colonial Office and put their case in the
newspapers. There was much hostility between the dikgosi and the Administra-
tion. Carrying out development work became impossible. The Administration
feared that there might even be an uprising.
The Protectorate Administration softens
Even though Tshekedi and Bathoen II had lost the case in court, the
Administration realised that it must try to please the dikgosi. Charles Rey was
replaced by a new Resident-onamissioner (1937 to 1942), Charles Arden-Clarke.
Arden-Clarke realised that the 1934 proclamations were too strong. He promised
the dikgosi that he would make them weaker. He would leave the rulers \\some of
their powers. He also told the Batswana ,,that the question of the transfer to the -
j.nion would be dropped for some time. In 1938 he allowed the dikgosi to
startAria urie todevelop their reserves. The new Resident Commissioner also
consulted and listened to the African Council. He carried out some of its
recommendations. For example he built more schools and created the Board of
Education to advise on African education. All these actions pleased the Batswana.
The most important thing Arden-Clarke did was to set up a committee to draft
new proclamations. These were to replace the disliked 1934 ones. Tshekedi
Khama, M. Seboni, Bogatsu Pilane, Sebopiwa Molema, Dr Silas Molema and
some government officers were members. The Africans on the committee were
members of the African Council.
In 1941 the High Commissioner, Sir Edward Harlech, visited Bechuanaland. He
told the Batswana that new proclamations based on the recommendations of the
committee would soon be announced. He felt that Rey had caused unhappiness
among the Batswana. In 1943 the new proclamations were announced. The new -
proclamations restored (brought back) some of the powers the dikgosi and the
kgotla had lost in 1934. The Batswana rulers were empowered to carry out
development projects in their areas. Thev-High Comffisiiner
-. could still appoint or depose a kgosi, but he must

consult the kgotla before doing so. The kgotla was given back its importance in
the morafe. The kgosi had to consult it and not the Tribal Council/' in all morafe
matters. The kgotla would continue to work according to custom. The Tribal
Councils were therefore ignored. It was decided also to have a High Court at
Lobatse. The Batswana accepted the new proclamations. There was peace again
in the Protectorate.
Questions
1 Why did Britain rule the Protectorate
through the system of 'Indirect Rule'?
2 What new powers were given to the High
Commissioner by the proclamation of 10
June 1891?
3 List the taxes introduced between 1899 and
1965 in Bechuanaland. How were they collected?
4 Write brief notes on:
(a) the African Council,
(b) the European Council,
(c) the Joint Advisory Council.
5 Why were the Native Administration Proclamation and the Native Tribunals
Proclamation so unpopular? Why did the new proclamations of 1943 restore
peace in the
Protectorate?

2Economic and Social

2 Developments
The economy
In general, colonial economies never truly benefited the colonised people. The
aim of the colonisers was usually to develop only those parts of the economy
which benefited them. In the rich colonies, the wealth was largely taken away to
be used in the mother country of the colonisers, such as Britain, France, etc. So
the wealth of the colonies was used to develop the countries of the colonisers.
This left the colony and its people poor. In the poor colonies, the colonisers did
not bring in much money to develop the country. They usually simply neglected
such a colony. This was true of Bechuanaland.
The following are some of the characteristics (signs) of a colonial economy.
1 The colonial power develops only those
parts of the economy which largely benefit the colonisers. These are mainly
exports to the coloniser's own country. So one of the characteristics of a colonial
economy is that it aims to develop products for export. But the money got from
the exports is not used
fully to benefit the colonised.
2 The colonial power puts little money into
the colony to develop it. The colonial power gets the colony to pay for its own
administration. It does this by getting the colonised to provide the money in
different ways e.g.
taxes, labour, etc.
3 The transport system (roads, railways, etc.)
is used for exports needed by the colonisers. 4 Few developments which directly
benefit
the colonised take place. Education and
health facilities are usually poor.
Lack of development funds
An example of British neglect of the development of Bechuanaland is its failure
to provide development funds (money). Until after World War II Britain provided
very little money for development. The period 1885 to 1933 was the time of the
greatest neglect. The little money Britain gave to Bechuanaland, beginning in
1899, was mainly to assist the railways as they carried Bechuanaland mail free of
charge. But in 1909 this assistance was stopped, so Britain gave even less money
to the Protectorate. Most of the tax revenue was used for paying administrative
costs and not for development. There were some small changes in the period
between 1933 and 1955. In 1933, a commission led by Pim was sent to examine
the economic situation in Bechuanaland. Complaints by the African Advisory
Council and others had caused the British Government to take this action. The
Pim Commission criticised the British Government for neglecting Bechuanaland
so badly. The growing nationalism in Africa during the 1940s caused Britain to
pay more attention to its African colonies. In 1945, Britain set up the Colonial
Development and Welfare Fund to develop the colonies. Bechuanaland obtained
grants from the Fund to start the Department of Geological Surveys in 1948, for
example. This aid increased from 1955 onwards. The British

m -
- --~' -
Fig. 135 Jacob Matebele and family. A Mongwaketse master farmer picking
cotton (1963). Given the opportunity, Africans grew cash crops
Government gave grants for administration and development projects.
It is clear from this that until a few years before Independence, Britain did not
give much money to develop Bechuanaland. This resulted in extreme
underdevelopment. A brief look at a few areas of the economy will show that
indeed little development took place.
Agriculture
Subsistence farming remained the main agricultural activity during the colonial
period. The only substantial commercial farming was in the European areas. This
was mainly because the European farmers were given government loans to
develop their farms. They could also sell their produce to South Africa at good
prices. So they were able to buy better farming equipment, fertiliser and better
seed. They also knew better farming methods. The Government also built roads
connecting European farms to the railway
to enable farmers to export their crops. Because they were not on communal
(merafe) lands, European farmers could fence their farms and so protect their
crops. These farmers grew cash crops, such as sunflowers and groundnuts.
Not very much was done to develop African agriculture. There was a need to
teach subsistence farmers new methods of farming. There was also a need to
introduce cash crop farming. The small improvements that took place were the
work of the dikgosi and merafe. For example the Batswana adopted the use of ox
ploughs. The Barolong introduced large-scale farming and used large machines
such as tractors. They competed with white farmers, and got some government aid
to promote maize growing. In general, the Colonial Government paid more
attention to the cattle industry than to arable (crop) farming. The Batswana were
also interested more in cattle than in crop farming because cattle thrived and
brought good revenues. The main reason for lack of development in crop

farmiig was the poor rainfall.

In (1935, following the Pim Commission, a small Department of Agriculture-as
created. But it uld-not function properly because it did not get enough funds until
the 1950s. It could not employ enough people or buy the necessary materials and
equipment. Mahalapye was the headquarters of the new department because it
was central. Mr Russell England was the chief Agricultural Officer. He was
assisted by only four white officers and about twelve African demonstrators
(balemisi). Centres of the department were established at Francistown, Lobatse
and Seleme in Kgatleng. The main work of the department was to run
experimental (trial) plots using modern methods. It also tried to develop good
kinds of seed suitable for the Botswana climate. Batswana were expected to learn
good farming methods by visiting these plots. So the aim was to teach by
example. This method was not successful because the stations were far away from
most Batswana. Transport was not good. Another problem was that most
Batswana had no money to buy equipment. The Government did not give any
assistance. A further reason for the failure was that there were no demonstrators
living among the people to teach them in their own areas. However, the
Government gave a free supply of good seed to farmers who came to the seed
development station at Lobatse.
The outbreak of the war disturbed the experimental work of the department.
Batswana were now required to produce food for the war by working in the 'War
Lands'. There was little time and money left for experimental work.
In 1947 a new attempt was made to improve farming. The aim this time was to
teach some Batswana to be master farmers. These would then give an example of
good farming in their own areas. A person started training as a pupil farmer and
passed through different stages until he became a master farmer (selemi).
Agricultural demonstrators were placed in different areas to teach agriculture.
Very few Batswana became master farmers mainly because they had not enough
money to carry out the necessary improvements. Government help was not
sufficient. The
few who became master farmers were given certificates showing that they were
good farmers. In 1960 the Government encouraged the building of a grinding mill
at Lobatse so that farmers could sell their crops. This made some farmers,
especially in the Barolong farms, increase their crop production. On the whole
arable farming was not successful in the colonial period. One of the problems, of
course, was that of poor and uncertain rainfall throughout Botswana. To provide
water for crops, small irrigation schemes were started at Mogobane in 1937 and
Kanye in 1943. There were also some irrigation works in the Tuli Block.
Cattle farming
Livestock farming was the only major agricultural activity in which the
Government was interested. Beef sold well in world markets and Britain too
needed beef. Beef sales brought revenue to the Government. Many Batswana
were also keenly interested in cattle farming. It was their main economic activity.
Indeed Batswana merafe did not always wait for the Colonial Government to
introduce improvements in livestock farming. Some of them, such as the
Bakgatla, the Bangwaketse, the Bakwena and the Bangwato (Tshekedi especially)
bred good bulls for their merafe without Government help. The Government took
an early interest in cattle production, and put money into this indusFig. 136 The
traditional method of watering cattle, using a hollowed out tree trunk

I
Fig. 137 A class of students at Ramatlabama Veterinary School (1963), learning
how to innoculate cattle
try. In 1896-97, a cattle disease called rinderpest (bololwane) killed thousands of
cattle. Another 10 000 infected cattle were shot in order to stop the spread of the
disease. To prevent the occurrence (happening) of this disease and any others, the
Government established the Veterinary Department in 1905. From the very
beginning the department was given more employees and more money than the
departnent concerned with crops. So it was more successful. As a result of its
work, cattle diseases were either totally eradicated (wiped out), such as east coast
fever, or were kept under control, such as foot-andmouth disease. Although these
diseases broke out from time to time vaccinating and quarantining cattle and
cordon fencing controlled their spread. Because of these measures, cattle
increased in numbers.
The Government also took measures to im-! prove cattle breeds from the 930s-
amd 1940s on-, wards. Bull camps were established to breed good
bulls. The bulls were then sold to interested Batswana at subsidsed (low) prices.
Artifical insemination of cows was also provided. Some Batswana gradually
improved the quality of their cattle which then fetched higher prices.
The Lobatse abattoir
In order to promote beef exports, the Imperial Cold Storage Commission built an
abattoir in Lobatse in 1934, but closed it two years later. It reopened in 1940 and
closed again in 1941. It was then rented to Mafeking Creamery for a while. In
1954 the abattoir reopened with funds from the Commonwealth Development
Corporation (CDC). From 1965 the Botswana Meat Commission (BMC) started
to manage the abattoir, which controlled all beef exports.
The Colonial Government leased to the CDC large farms in the Molopo area
(Molopo Farms). They were to be used for fattening cattle for its Lobatse abattoir.
One of the most serious problems faced by the beef industry occurred in the
1920s. The Union of South Africa refused to accept Bechuanaland cattle. (See
page 173.) Beef exports mainly benefited the Government, the CDC, a few rich
Batswana cattle owners, European farmers and the European traders who bought
and sold cattle. Because of transport difficulties most Batswana could not take
their cattle to the abattoir. They sold them to traders at low prices.
Fig. 138 A beef canning factory at work in Lobatse (1963)

Dairying
Another aspect of the cattle industry was dairying. The Government did not pay
as much attention to the dairy industry as it did to the beef industry. The dairy
industry was started in 1926 in order to raise revenue when South Africa refused
to take Bechuanaland beef cattle. The dairy section of the Agriculture Department
was very small, however, and could not do a good job. The European farmers
benefited more than Africans from dairying. This was mainly because they
produced more and better quality cream from better breeds. They also got
financial assistance from banks to buy better equipment. They had better markets,
especially in South Africa, and they had better transport to the railway. Africans
lacked the money to buy good milk cows and equipment. They had poor transport
and were usually far from the railway. So their milk and cream sold at low prices.
This was because it spoilt while being taken over long distances to the railway for
export. Another reason for the lack of success of dairying was poor rainfall. Dairy
cattle require more water and better pasture than beef cattle. These were not
always available because of the arid conditions. In general the Bechuanaland
dairy industry could not compete in quality, quantity and prices with the more
developed ones in Rhodesia and South Africa.
Water development
The only part of Botswana with plenty of water is Ngamiland where the
Okavango Delta is. The rest of the country has a shortage of water. The cattle
industry required a lot of water. So boreholes had to be drilled. Boreholes
provided water not only for cattle, but for people as well.
Drilling for water began in the early days of the Protectorate. This was not only
done by the Colonial Government. Thedikgosi drilled wells in the large villages.
Water fees ) were charged among the Bakgatla and the Bangwaketse. By 1940 all
major villages had boreholes. Individuals were also encouraged to drill boreholes
or dig wells. The dikgosi changed water rights laws
Fig. 139 Members of the Geological Surveys Department drilling a borehole near
Kanye (1963)
to allow a person with his own borehole to use it only for himself. This was not so
with open water which belonged to everyone. They also made laws prohibiting
boreholes from being too close to each other. This was to protect grazing land.
The Bakgatla under Kgosi Isang formed syndicates (groups) in 1933 to drill or
buy boreholes for use by the group only. No other morafe had this system. A
syndicate is a group of people who jointly own property. They share the costs and
profits.
The Geological Survey's major task was to survey for water. More boreholes were
sunk throughout the country with funds from the Colonial Development and
Welfare Fund. It soon proved that borehole water was not sufficient for large
villages and towns. So in the 1960s dams such as the Gaborone Dam were

built to provide water. Water drilling is an area where the Colonial Government
did some fairly good work. This was because cattle were very important to the
colonial economy.
Mining
Until after Independence little mining took
place in Bechuanaland. This was because the Colonial Government did not have a
strong mineral exploration programme. So few mineral deposits were discovered.
Looking back, this was politically good for Botswana. If minerals had been found
before Independence, Europeans would have come to Botswana in larger
numbers. This happened in Rhodesia and South
O Gold
* Diamond
Manganese Copper Nickel Asbestos Coal
Salts
Makgadikgad L
Tati District
Orapa Francistown
L Selebi Phikwea
Letihakane I& V obon'ng
Serowe
Kgaswe a I
, MahelapVe Mmamabula
Jwaneng *
Q Mining not yet begun 1984 X Old mines -mining has ceased
0 200 400 km
Fig. 140 Botswana mining past and present - some of the minerals

- .7
.- -,v.~
''-r' ~
Fig. 141 Gold mining in Tati District in the 1860s. This was the oldest modern
mining in th whole of Southern Africa
Africa. So like these two countries, Botsv would not have easily got its
Independence. Europeans would have wanted to control country because of its
riches.
The earliest modern mining not only in
Fig. 142 Moshaneng asbestos mine near Kany
L
Fig. 143 The manganese mine at Otse
iana swana, but in all of Southern Africa, took place
The in the Tati District in 1869. See the map, Fig.
the 140. There were several mines but Monarch
Mine produced for the longest time. Production Bot- at this mine continued i
the cooial period. It
was partly the existence f gold at Tatiiat made Rhodes interested in the a f o o the
Cape.
The amount of gold from Tati was small. So in e the end it was not profitable
to continue mining
there. In 1964 mining stopped at Tati. The attention of the miners turned to richer
mines in Southern Rhodesia and South Africa. There were other small mining
activities such as asbestos, silver, manganese, talc and semiprecious stones. At
Bushman Mine near Francistown there was some copper mining. But by 1966
nearly all mining had ceased (stopped).
\,The highest earnings from minerals were only
bout P616 600 in 1961. This is very small comared with the many millions of pula
earned
from mining today.
The small Geological Survey Departmen
established in 1948, however, carried out surveyj ing work and drew maps of the
country. It was more concerned with water than mining in those days. Its work
became useful to mineral prospectors in later years. Actual large-scale mining did
not take place until after Independence but prospecting went on, especially
towards the end
le

of the colonial period. For example, the Bamangwato Concessions Limited

(BCL), a branch of the Roan Selection Trust Company of Rhodesia (RST) signed
a prospecting agreement with Tshekedi Khama in 1959. In 1965 they discovered
copper and nickel at Selebi Phikwe. Drilling for coal started in 1897, but by 1900
interest in coal had died down. This was because there was enough coal in
Southern Rhodesia and South Africa. Coal was first discovered in the Morupule
area near Palapye in 1939. In the 1950s the Geological Survey Department
seriously undertook coal exploration in the Morupule area. Large deposits were
later discovered there and at Mmamabula. Other explorations were carried out
such as that by De Beers for diamonds. They found smdnlflamounts on the
Motloutse riverbed. Ih 19667 hey discovered major deposits ati Orapa.
Transport
The underdevelopment of a country is usually shown by a poor transport system.
This was the
case with Bechuanaland. There were not enough goods produced to make the
building of transport necessary. The main means of transport was the single track
(line) railway owned by the Rhodesia Railways.-The aii teason for building the
railway was not to develop Botswana but Southern Rhodesia. Bechuanaland,
however, used the railway for its imports and few exports, mainly beef. The
railway mainly benefited white farmers and the Colonial Administration. Most
Batswana lived far away from the railway, so they did not use it much for
travelling or carrying goods. There were no good roads linking Batswana areas to
the railway. A railway system is useful to the people if it reaches the places where
most of them live, or if they can reach it by other means. This was not the case in
Bechuanaland. So the railway was of no direct benefit to the ordinary Batswana.
They benefited indirectly, for example, by being able to buy goods in the shops.
These goods came by rail.
There was an attempt in the 1930s to introduce railway lorries to link the main
villages to
Fig. 144 A Rhodesia Railways train at Gaborone station. In the early days the
train was used mainly for transporting goods
lm
r~1U ~

Fig. 145 Ox wagons are the oldest form of wheeled transport. Here shown is
Sekgoma Khama's trek to the Nata. River
the railway. The aim was to carry the traders' goods from the railway stations to
the villages. People could also ride on these lorries. The dikgosi opposed this
system. They feared that wagon transport would die out. Wagon transport was
owned by Batswana. So if the lorries which were owned by the railway company
were allowed, Batswana would lose money. Wagon transport was also much
cheaper even though it was slower. It was also considered safer than lorries in
those days. Gradually, however, traders introduced lorries and people used them.
So wagons were eventually replaced, but smaller donkey carts continued to carry
goods and people. There were attempts to build another railway. This was to run
from Rhodesia, through northern Botswana to Walvis Bay in South West Africa.
This railway would have provided a tran-
sport system for the Kgalagadi and northern Botswana. Southern Rhodesia was
mainly interested in the building of this railway for the export of its goods,
especially Wankie coal.
South Africa feared that such a railway would compete with its own railway
system. So South Africa opposed it. The Protectorate Administration in the end
also decided not to build the line.
So the plan died.
\ \ The road system was largely -neglected. At
\ Independence there were only 7 200 kilometres
of road. Nearly all of this was untarred. Most of the roads were wagon tracks. In
fact, the wagon was the main means of ordinary transport until the 1930s. The
better maintained gravel roads were the ones linking Botswana to Rhodesia and
South Africa. The Government also built gravel roads to link European farming
areas to the

Fig. 146 A trading store in Gaborone. Most trading stores belonged to non-
Africans
railways. In 1930, for example, the Tuli Block white farmers put pressure on the
Government to build the Tuli Block to Dibete Road. Bakgatla regiments and
prisoners were used to build the road. Until Independence all roads were gravel
roads. There were only five kilometres of tarred road from the Lobatse station to
the High Court and about one kilometre of tarred street in Francistown. The
Lobatse stretch was built for the visit of King George VI in 1947.
There were no other major economic activities than the ones described above.
There were no manufacturing industries, except traditional beer brewing and
craft industries. The only other economic activity worth mentioning in passing
was trading. There were general dealers' shops in every major village. These sold
goods imported mainly from South Africa or Southern Rhodesia. The shops were
nearly all owned by European traders. The Batswana dikgosi had lost the control
they had had over traders in the precolonial days. Trading licences were now
issued by the Colonial Government. It is clear that there were no job opportunities
in Bechuanaland. So Batswana went to South Africa as migrant workers.
Migrant labour
Batswana men went to South Africa to seek work
mainly in order to earn money to pay tax. As time passed Batswana wanted more
and more European goods. So they sought work in the South African mines and
farms to earn money to buy goods.
The Colonial Administration encouraged ,migrant labour in order to get tax
revenues. But i also wanted the South African mines to have labour. These mines
were owned by British capitalists and the Protectorate Administration was also
British. In 1899 the Administration began to make laws to control the recruitment
of labour. Recruiting licences were sold to the mine labour recruiting
organisations. In 1912 the fee was £25 (P40) per licence. This fee brought
revenue to the Government.
As more mines opened, competition for labour became high. To avoid
competition and in order to fix salaries at low levels, mining companies formed a
Chamber of Mines in 1889. The Chamber formed the Native Labour Supply
Association in 1896 to recruit labour. This organisation was not very successful.
In 1900 the Witwatersrand Native Labour Association (WNLA) replaced it.
Another organisation, the Native Recruiting Corporation (NRC) was formed in
1912. These two organisations did not compete but assisted each other. WNLA
recruited in the north and NRC in the south of
Fig. 147 Men being recruited by an agent to work in the South African mines.
One can only guess what promises the white agent is making
A

<1
Fig. 148 Mine workers coming off work in the New State Areas about 1930. Note
that they are being searched
Bechuanaland. As a result, many Batswana went to work in the South African
mines. The migrant labour system had some disadvantages.
1 The workers were paid low wages because
they could not sell their labour wherever
they liked.
2 Able-bodied men left Bechuanaland and so
agricultural work was left to old people and women. Production of food crops
probably
went down.
3 The Batswana developed South Africa,
instead of developing their own country.
4 Families sometimes broke up because
husbands left their wives alone for long
periods.
5 Miners returned with new diseases which
badly affected the merafe.
There were some advantages, mainly to dikgosi, the Administration and the
mines.
1 The dikgosi got part of the tax money. So the
more Batswana went to the mines, the more
money they got.
2 The Administration got revenue through
taxation and licence fees.
3 Another gain was that social unrest due to
unemployment was prevented.
4 The mines got cheap labour. This resulted
in high profits for them.
5 The migrants themselves got some money to
buy things for their families, and were able
to pay taxes without having to sell cattle. On the whole, the migrant labour system
was bad because it exploited the Batswana. Even the African rulers sometimes
stopped their people from going to work in South Africa. This was because of the
high death rate, racial discrimination and ill-treatment. Another reason was that
migrant labour disrupted the economic and social life of the merafe. Khama III
and Linchwe I are examples of dikgosi who banned migrant labour for some time.

Landlessness in colonial times

In colonies with many European settlers such as Southern Rhodesia, Africans lost
most of their land. European settlers used African land for large farms. The
Africans were either forced to leave or work for the white farmers if they wished
to stay. The farmers paid low wages or no wages at all. The Africans sometimes
paid to stay on the farm through giving free labour. This resulted in extreme
poverty and suffering. In Botswana this situation was not common because there
were few Europeans. So the African Reserves were quite large. However,
landlessness and suffering occurred in some European areas such as Tuli Block,
Ghanzi and Tati District. See the map, Fig. 130, page 179. We shall discuss only
the Babirwa of Tuli Block as an example of how the Batswana in European areas
lost their land.
Tuli Block
It has already been stated that Tuli Block was given to the BSAC in 1895. But the
Babirwa under Kgosi Malema continued to live on their land in that area. They
had not been consulted about their land being given away. Trouble began when
the BSAC began to sell the land to white farmers after 1904. In 1910 the Babirwa
were told that they were now landless. Such a landless person is called a tenant.
They were to be tenants of the white farmers. Those who did not want to be
tenants were ordered to leave Tuli Block. Malema and his people refused to move
from the land. He considered it to be his by right from historic times.
In 1920 the BSAC asked the Administration to force the Babirwa to move. The
Administration told Khama to remove them because they were in his reserve.
Khama sent Modisaotsile, who was the Mongwato headman of Bobonong, to
remove the brave, stubborn, independent-minded Malema. When the Babirwa
heard of the approach of Modisaotsile and his regiment, many of them fled. Some
went to Rhodesia and others, including Malema, went to South Africa. There they
lived among the Babirwa in those countries. Some never returned to Botswana.
Others returned later and settled outside the Tuli Block. The remaining Babirwa
were driven to Bobonong were they where forced to live under close guard. In
1921 some Babirwa returned from South Africa to Tuli Block where they had left
their corn hidden. They were removed to Bobonong. The regiments treated people
badly when they removed them. A few either died or were hurt. Their granaries
and houses were burned down.
In 1922 Malema got his lawyer, Gluckman, to challenge his removal from Tuli
Block. An inquiry was held and Khama admitted that his regiment had ill-treated
the Babirwa. He agreed to pay Malema some cattle for his losses. Malema
rejected the offer. He refused to live under Khama and wanted his land back. He
was unsuccessful in this. He later dropped the case against Khama when he
realised that he could not win in court. He asked the Government to settle him in
the Gwanda District of Southern Rhodesia where other Babirwa lived. This
request was not successful. Instead, the Administration wanted to settle Malema
and his people on Crown Land at Boteti or Nekate, outside Khama's control.
Malema rejected these areas as they were a long way from the other Babirwa
areas.
After Khama's death his successor, Sekgoma, tried to solve the problem. British
public opinion was sympathetic to the Babirwa. Gluckman had publicised the
Babirwa case. So the Administration was anxious to solve this problem to avoid
criticism. In 1925 the Malema group which had refused to live under Modisaotsile
at Bobonong, was settled at Molalatau, not very far from Bobonong.
Malema himself refused to live in an area under Bangwato control. He was
banished from the Protectorate. He and a few followers lived in different places
such as Rhodesia, Transvaal and on McNeill's farm in the Tuli Block. The ban
was ended in 1944. Malema returned to Bechuanaland. He died an old man, in
1960 at Molalatau where his descendants and followers still live today.

The Babirwa were not alone in losing their land. The Bakalanga in the Tati
District also lost much of their land and became tenants of the Tati Company. The
people of the Ghanzi district were similarly affected. The creation of Molopo
Farms similarly took away the land of the Barolong and the Bangwaketse. The
Bangwaketse under Bathoen II protested, but they did not succeed.
Changes in Khoe and San communities
By 1850 few areas remained unoccupied by either Batswana or some other
farming group. In almost every area where water could be found by digging
shallow wells people were keeping stock. During the rainy season, they would
take their stock to waterless areas where rain formed pools in pans for a few days
or weeks.
By this time the San and Khoe had lived for generations in contact with the
pastoralists. In areas like those along the Nata and Boteti Rivers the Khoe had
permanent homes and grew crops. They lived lives very similar to their
Bantuspeaking neighbours. Many San were absorbed into farming groups and, in
heavily populated areas, they began to disappear as a separate and distinct people.
It was only in remote areas which pastoralists did not reach, such as the Central
Kalahari, that their traditional lifestyle continued without much change. In other
areas of the Kalahari they formed loose associations with the Bakgalagadi. They
traded skins with the Bakgalagadi for salt, iron, tobacco, and dogs. During the
19th century the Bakgalagadi began to treat the San as badly as they themselves
had been treated by the Batswana. The Bakgalagadi took control of whole groups
of San forcing them to hunt on their behalf as batlhanka. Their children became
servants. San men were used to herd whatever stock the Bakgalagadi owned.
Some Bakgalagadi left their own communities and settled permanently with San
groups introducing some of their customs. The men married San women and their
children inherited what-
ever property they had. These Bakgalagadi gave up speaking their own dialects
and adopted those of the San. Today they are generally known as Balala.
By 1900 most of the San had close contact with pastoral peoples. Many of them
lived close to cattle posts and, while the women collected wild food, the men
herded cattle and took occasional opportunities to go and hunt.
When the Ghanzi Farms were settled at the beginning of this century by Boers the
area was already occupied by three different groups of San: the Nharo, //aufei and
G/wi. They still lived mainly by hunting and collecting. As fences were erected
first game, and then wild food, began to become scarce. The San could not
understand what had happened. They were forced to work for the farmers or
starve. The history of the Ghanzi San is well known because the settlement of
their land has taken place during living memory.
What happened at Ghanzi is probably the same as what happened in many other
parts of Botswana long ago. Farming people settled in areas occupied by San,
hunted the game and allowed their stock to eat the wild food. The major
difference is that elsewhere the San were slowly absorbed by the dominant farmer
population. In Ghanzi the dominant white population did not make any attempt to
mix with the San. Today there are between 50 000 and 60 000 San living in
Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe, but mostly in Botswana. A few, a very few, still
cling to-!heir traditional lifestyle in the more remote areas of the central Kalahari.
But the great majority live as servants around the boreholes of cattle owners. They
live on the meagre wages they receive, on milk at boreholes and what food they
can gather. When they can, they still hunt, but today this often involves borrowing
a horse or donkey and a gun from someone else and sharing the kill with him.
Some are permanently settled in villages such as Letlhakane where they make a
living by acting as domestic servants, brewing beer or collecting wild food and
firewood for sale. A few haze become farmers and grow crops like other
Batswana.
200

The Government has made efforts to integrate them into the population. Schools
have been built at Cade, Dekar, Takatswane and in other places and many San
children now go to school. Some men come to the towns to find work and are
recruited for the South African mines.
The Government would like to see them brought into large villages and living as
the rest of the population. This would solve the difficult problem of the large
numbers who still live throughout the Kalahari and are occupying land which is
rapidly being developed for the cattle industry. However, most San have no skills
other than those they have inherited. They still need wide areas of land to live in.
They have little hope of surviving in large villages at this stage. In time it is hoped
that they will, however, live in permanent settlements.
Education under the Protectorate
At Independence, Botswana had very few educated people. This is why for many
years after Independence was won, nearly all the most important and senior jobs
were held by expatriates
(batswakwa'or foreigners). Britain had done very little to develop education in
Bechuanaland. Bechuanaland had the worst educational system of all the British
colonies in Africa. Until quite late, education was left almost entirely to the
missionaries and the merafe.
We have already seen how Batswana were critical of missionary education.
Because of this, the LMS decided to establish a new industrial college which
would compete with South African schools. The school would teach both
practical subjects such as building and carpentry and academic subjects. The
Bangwato wanted the school to be at Palapye. They offered the old church
building there as a school house. The LMS, however, wanted such a school to be
on freehold land, not morafe land. They preferred a freehold area because they
feared that they would not have full control of the school in an African reserve.
Another possible reason for building the school outside Bechuanaland was that it
was believed that the Protectorate would one day become part of South Africa.
Because of the Anglo-Boer War the opening of the new school was delayed. In
1904 Tiger Kloof was finally opened near Vryburg in South
-4'
Fig. 149 Tiger Kloof College near Vryburg in South Africa where many
Batswana studied

Africa. This angered Khama III who had wanted the school to be in his reserve.
The Bangwato also complained because Tiger Kloof was outside Bechuanaland
and it was far from their country. So Khama boycotted the school by not sending
Bangwato there. The boycott ended in 1905, and in 1906 Khama gave the school
£120 to buy the school clock on the tower. Tiger Kloof aimed to teach practical
subjects and to give the best education generally. In the early years there were
problems. The Batswana students complained that the school rules were rather
harsh. In fact, Simon Ratshosa, a Mongwato student, was expelled for
complaining against these rules. In the end, however, Tiger Kloof became popular
and educated many Batswana. Some of them hold important positions in
education, politics, commerce and industry in Botswana today. In 1953 South
Africa introduced Bantu education which was meant only for Africans and was
inferior to European education. So Tiger Kloof was moved to Moeding in
Bechuanaland.
Government aids education
Until 1904 the Protectorate Administration did not give any money to education at
all. But some government officials began to advise the Administration to assist
mission schools by giving grantsin-aid (money). The Batswana also criticised the
Administration for neglecting education. So in 1904 the Administration appointed
Sargant to look into the education system in the Protectorate. He was to make
some recommendations to improve it. Sargant was Educational Adviser to the
High Commissioner. He found out that missionary schools were not popular
among the Batswana because they gave poor education. He noted that too much
emphasis on religious education displeased the Batswana. On the other hand, he
found that national schools were popular. The Africans also told Sargant that they
wanted some control of the schools by Batswana. The Bakwena and the
Bangwaketse had already introduced school committees to help run schools in
their
areas. The aim was to reduce missionary influence and so allow them to decide on
the type of education they wanted for their children. The school committee system
was later copied by the Administration for the whole Protectorate. Nowhere else
in Africa south of the Zambezi River was there such a system at that time. This
was a Batswana contribution to education administration. The system gave
Batswana the opportunity to develop their own leaders in education. On the other
hand it gave the Protectorate Administration the excuse not to care about
developing education.
Results of Sargant's recommendations
One of the important recommendations Sargant made was that the Government
should aid schools by giving annual grants. The first grant of £500 was made to
the LMS in 1904. The LMS also got an annual grant for Tiger Kloof. Other
missionary bodies also received grants soon after 1904 but these were insufficient.
The grants were for buying teaching equipment and materials only. Most of the
education expenses continued to be paid by the churches and the merafe.
Some improvements resulted from the Sargant recommendations. More practical
subjects were taught. School administration improved when school committees
were formed. These were similar to the earlier Bakwena and Bangwaketse ones.
These committees enabled the Government, the merafe and the missionaries to
control education jointly. Each committee consisted of the Assistant Resident
Commissioner as chairman, the resident missionary as secretary, and the Kgosi
and a local citizen as members. The main duty of the committees was to advise
the Government on educational matters. The committees also worked out yearly
financial estimates for the running of the schools. The committees took away
from the missionaries the power to manage schools. They also planned the
building of new schools.
Better school supervision also resulted from Sargant's work. The missionaries had
failed to
202

supervise schools properly. Because of their failure the Bangwaketse were the
earliest morafe to introduce their own school supervision in 1920. They appointed
a 'Tribal Representative' to supervise schools and report to the school committee.
The Bakwena later followed this example. The Government also adopted (copied)
this system and called these officers Subinspectors. This is the origin of today's
education officers.
Other improvements in education administration followed the Sargant period. In
1928 Dumbrell was appointed Inspector of Schools for the whole of
Bechuanaland. His first report showed that there was not very much improvement
in the running of the education system. The Batswana were also critical of the
Government's failure to run schools properly. The African Advisory Council and
the Bechuanaland Protectorate African Teachers Association called for
improvements. There were also government officials such as Dumbrell who felt
that improvements must be made. As a result, in 1931, the Board of Advice on
Education was formed. It consisted of representatives from Government, from
missionary bodies and from the merafe. This was a Protectorate-wide body whose
chairman was the Resident Commissioner. This was a further improvement on the
school committee system. The Board took charge of all important matters relating
to education. This was a move towards Government control of education. Control
by the missionaries was further reduced. Batswana participation in educational
matters was greatly increased by their representation on the Board.
The final stage in the development of Government control of education was the
formation of the Education Department in 1935. Dumbrell was appointed Director
of Education and was assisted in his duties by a number of education officers. The
old school committees were enlarged. They were now chaired by the District
Commissioners. The Department was responsible for formulating all educational
policy and for supervising the schools. By 1938 Government control of primary
schools was fully accomplished.
Financing education
With increased control of schools, the Government had to find ways to pay for
education in addition to the grants which started in 1904. Britain was not willing
to spend any more money. So the Batswana had to be made to pay for their own
education. For many years the Batswana had raised money on their own to pay for
educaion. In 1919 the Administration adopted the education tax of the Bakwena
and the Bangwaketse. This system was extended to the whole country. Each
African taxpayer paid three shillings a year in addition to his tax. The money was
put into what was called the Native Fund. This was the main means of paying for
education. In 1938 Tribal Treasuries were established for paying teachers, buying
school books, equipment and building schools. Twenty per cent of each man's tax
was put in each morafe's treasury. By that time the education levy was made part
of the normal tax paid by all African adult males. Later the percentage of the tax
which went to the treasuries was increased to fifty. This remained the main source
of education money until Independence. It is clear from this that the Batswana
bore the burden of financing education. By 1938 there were 131 African primary
schools with over 15 000 pupils.
The Mochudi National School
It is important to mention the Bakgatla National School or Sekolo sa
Phuthadikobo. The building of the school in 1920 shows clearly that the Batswana
were trying to be self-reliant in providing education for their children. The
example of the Bakgatla probably encouraged such men as K.T. Motsete and
Tshekedi Khama to start post-primary schools for Batswana in later years. The
Bakgatla built their own school because they were unhappy with the poor
education given by the Dutch Reformed Church. There was only one English
language school, the Linchwe Primary School, which went up to Standard Six.
But it was still a mission school which did not want to teach such subjects as
arithmetic

Fig. 150 Isang Pilane, regent of the Bakgatla. His vision inspired the morafe to
practise modern methods of agriculture and improve their education
because they were considered worldly. In 1920 the Regent Kgosi Isang Pilane
decided to build the Bakgatla National School which would teach subjects the
Bakgatla wanted such as English, arithmetic, etc. up to Standard Six. The
Bakgatla relied entirely on themselves to build the school. Men and women built
the school together. Each man belonging to the Machechele mophato paid £5
towards the school. Those who did not have the money went to earn it in the
mines in South Africa. The other mephato made bricks and did other kinds of
work. The school was built on a hill, and so men and women carried bricks up the
hill. Some of the women carried water to the builders. Bakgatla builders built the
school houses. The school was completed in 1923 and was opened by the Duke of
Athol. It educated both boys and girls. The first headmaster was Moruti Steesma.
The house built for him later became the school for the blind. Today Bakgatla
National School is the Phuthadikobo Museum.
Post primary education
Until the 1940s only primary education up to Fig. 151 The Bakgatla National
School in Mochudi, built through the inspiration of Isang Pilane and the efforts of
the Bakgatla, it represents a triumph of mephato self-help

Standard Six was provided in Bechuanaland. The Government did not have any
schools. Yet there was a great need for higher education as shown by the numbers
of Batswana who went to South Africa and sometimes Southern Rhodesia for
education. This led to some early attempts to provide post-(after) primary
education.
K.T. Motsete's attempt
In 1931 the Bakalanga in Southern Rhodesia and Bechuanaland asked a fellow
Mokalanga, K.T. Motsete, to start an industrial school. They wanted a school
similar to Tiger Kloof in Bechuanaland. Motsete was not only a politician (see
page 222) but he was also a great educator. He was educated in South Africa and
Britain where he got a London University degree. He taught in South Africa and
Nyasaland (Malawi). He was also a great musician.
In 1932 Motsete started the first secondary school at Nyewele in the Tshesebe
area. It was later moved to Francistown in the Tati District in 1938. Motsete
called his school the Tati Training Institution. The aims of the school were:
1 to train teachers for bush schools,
2 to offer commercial training such as bookkeeping, typing, etc.,
3 to give secondary education subjects for the
Junior Certificate of South Africa.
Motsete wanted to give Batswana both practical and sound academic training.
The school was started with funds from the Bakalanga, especially the people of
Nswazwi, who were keen to educate their children. Some funds came from
organisations in Britain and from the Phelps Stokes Foundation in the United
States of America. The school met with many political and financial problems.
Tshekedi was opposed to the school. This was probably because he wanted all
independent schools to be under his control. as kgosi. But the more important
reason seems to have been his dislike for Motsete. The two men had had several
quarrels. In addition, the school was financed by the Nswazwi people with whom
Tshekedi had also quarrelled. Tshekedi seems to have thought that the school had
political aims
because its founder and his supporters were his enemies. In actual fact, it seems
that Motsete was truly interested in uplifting his people through good education.
The Colonial Government supported Tshekedi and opposed the school. The
Government did not give aid to the school. So the Tati Institute had financial
difficulties. In 1938 the Director of Education down-graded the school and
recommended its closure. Because of the war, funds became scarce and in 1942
the school closed down. The establishment of the school was another example of
how the Batswana relied on their own resources to provide education for their
children, despite many setbacks.
Early Roman Catholic attempts
The Roman Catholic Church made an early attempt to start a secondary school. It
also failed. In 1934 the Catholics started an Agricultural School at Forest Hill
Farm near Kgale Hill. The school had Government support because it would
improve the livestock industry from which the Government got revenue. The
school aimed to produce self-reliant Batswana farmers. They would be taught
farming including irrigation and animal husbandry. There would also be academic
courses. Surprisingly, the school had no support from the merafe and so it had
very few students. It is likely that the merafe did not support the Catholics
because each one already had its own preferred church such as the LMS. The
school closed in 1940.
Progress in secondary education in colonial times
Successful attempts to provide secondary education in colonial times were
made by the Roman Catholic Church and Kgosi Tshekedi Khama.
The Catholic Church did not want its members' children to attend schools of other
churches or secular (non-church) schools. This was because it did not want its
followers to be influenced by other religions. For this reason, the Catholic Church
throughout the world has always built its own educational institutions.
205

Fig. 152 An early practical typing lesson at St. Joseph's school in Botswana
In 1944 the Catholic Church opened St Joseph's Mission or Kgale near Kgale
Hill. The school provided secondary education and later commercial training.
This was the first successful secondary school in Bechuanaland. It was popular
because it gave good academic and practical education.
Moeng College
One of the greatest examples of the spirit of selfhelp among the Batswana was the
building of Moeng College. The school was built entirely through the efforts of
the Bangwato led by Tshekedi. Tshekedi proposed a secondary industrial school
at Serowe in 1934. But the outbreak of World War II prevented work on such a
school. Tshekedi, like Motsete before him, wanted a school that would provide
manpower for the development of Bechuanaland. He felt that South African
schools did not give Africans all the necessary skills because of racism. He
Kgale, the first successful secondary
wanted a school that would enable Africans to compete equally with Whites.
After the war, the Government agreed to Tshekedi's scheme to build Moeng.
Tshekedi chose Moeng valley as the site of the school. It is said he did this in
memory of his father, Khama III, who liked the valley and visited it often. An
important reason for choosing the area is that it had plenty of water. Work started
in 1948. Through a special levy the Bangwato raised £100 000. Some people
contributed cattle and labour through the regiments. Work was interrupted by the
dispute which followed Seretse's marriage. But in 1951, Moeng opened its doors
only to Bangwato students. It was a morafe college. In fact it was called
Bamangwato College and was under Bangwato control. In 1956 the Government
took over its control and opened it to all Batswana. In the 1950s the Bakgatla,
Bakwena and Bangwaketse started their own merafe secondary schools. All these
schools suf-
206

fered from the shortage of trained teachers and money to buy equipment.
Until 1955, all post-primary schools were junior secondary schools. Fourth and
fifth year studies were introduced in that year. By 1964 only four of the eight
secondary schools offered a five-year course to only 39 students. This explains
why there was such a shortage of trained manpower at Independence.
Government post-primary schools
The Colonial Government did not provide any secondary education until
Gaborone Secondary School was opened in 1965. This was the only secondary
school built before Independence by the Government. The Government ran the
Teachers' Training Colleges at Serowe and Kanye opened in 1940. This was one
way in which the Department of Education hoped to improve the standard of
primary education. Vocational (practical) training was provided for nurses and
male orderlies (nurses). This was at the Government hospitals in Serowe, Maun,
Lobatse and Francistown from 1945 onwards. In 1964, the Government started
the Botswana Training Centre to train craftsmen, secretaries and administrators
for the public service.
University education
For many years Batswana had to go abroad, mostly to Fort Hare in South Africa,
for degree studies. The Protectorate Administration gave grants to Fort Hare
because it admitted Batswana. In 1952 the South African government began to
prevent Batswana from going to Fort Hare. The High Commission Territories
decided to start their own University. The introduction of Bantu education and the
growth of apartheid also meant that Africans did not want to study in South
Africa.
In 1946 the Roman Catholic Church started Pius XII College at Roma in Lesotho.
The College gave degrees of the University of South Africa. In 1964 the Catholic
Church and the British Government agreed to turn Pius XII into the University of
Basutoland, Bechuanaland and
Swaziland (UBBS). In 1966, UBBS became the University of Botswana, Lesotho
and Swaziland (UBLS). In 1967, UBLS began granting its own degrees. The
governments of the three independent countries shared equally the cost of running
the University. Botswana now has its own university at Gaborone.
Health
One of the ways in which a government makes sure that its citizens will work
hard and develop their country is to give them health care. Health care ensures
that people are happy and fit to work. Yet in the colonial days health care was one
of the most neglected areas. Nearly all health care was done by the missionaries.
The first hospitals, such as those at Molepolole, Mochudi, Kanye and Maun, were
started by missionaries. The Seventh Day Adventist Missionaries built the first
Nurses' Training Centre. As in education, the Government provided better
facilities only for Europeans. Yet the health of the Africans was poorer than that
of the Whites. In 1960 there were only sixteen doctors in the
Fig. 153 People queueing outside a rural clinic. Health facilities were generally
neglected by the Protectorate Administration

whole country. There were no hospitals, health centres or clinics outside the big
villages.
One reason why there were no good health facilities for Africans was that there
was no industry in Bechuanaland. In the colonial world the government or
companies usually built clinics and hospitals for the workers. The reason was that
healthy workers produced more goods. More goods brought more profit. Many
Batswana had to go to South Africa or Rhodesia for medical care.
Questions
1 What are the two reasons why there was increased British aid to Botswana after
1955?
2 In which two of the following activities did
the British Government show most interest?
(a) Arable farming (b) Cattle farming (c) Dairy farming
(d) Water development
3 Hold a class debate on the issue: 'The
migrant labour system was bad for Botswana.'
4 List three improvements in education introduced by Sargant.
5 The following dates mark stages in the progress of education in Botswana.
What events
occurred?
(a) 1928 (b) 1931 (c) 1935 (d) 1938
6 Give one example of Batswana self-reliance
in education.

23 Two Important Events

Perhaps the two most important events that affected the Protectorate in the 1940s
and 1950s were the Second World War, and Seretse Khama's marriage.
The First World War
Between 1914 and 1918 a major war was fought between Germany and the other
European countries, mainly Britain, France and the United States of America.
Some of these countries brought their colonies into the war. The Africans in
Southern Africa, especially in the Union, supported Britain in the war. They
hoped that Britain would in turn support them against white settler oppression.
The Native (African) National Congress recruited Africans for the war. These
Africans served in East Africa and France with the South African forces. Some
dikgosi in Bechuanaland, especially Khama III, also supported Britain in the war,
but they sent money rather than men to help in the war. A few dikgosi in southern
Bechuanaland sent men to serve as part of the South African Native Labour
Contingent in France. The Contingent was withdrawn when the Africans revolted
against racial discrimination by the white South African soldiers. Some Boers in
South Africa joined the Germans to fight Britain, their old enemy. Some of these
rebels entered the Protectorate, but many were arrested with the help of Batswana
rulers. The real threat to Bechuanaland came from the Germans in South West
Africa. In 1915, how-
ever, South African forces defeated the Germans in Namibia and so Bechuanaland
was made safe. Germany was defeated and the League of Nations took over her
colonies and gave them to different countries. They ruled them on its behalf.
South West Africa was given to the Union of South Africa in 1920. The Caprivi
Strip of South West Africa was ruled by the Bechuanaland Administration from
1922 to 1927, and then given back to South Africa. After the war an influenza
epidemic spread throughout the world and killed many people. It reached
Bechuanaland in 1919.
The Second World War
The Second World War was fought between 1939 and 1945. All of Europe and
the United States of America fought Germany. Italy was on Germany's side.
Germany was ruled by Adolf Hitler. He wanted to conquer all of Europe and
other parts of the world. This is why there was unity against him. The European
countries brought their colonies into the war to fight and to provide food, money
and other materials. In many cases the colonised people were forced to join the
war. They considered it a white man's war. Many of the colonised resisted. This is
one reason why the colonial powers began to make conditions better in the
colonies. They wanted to avoid revolts.
The Batswana took part in the Second World War. From the very start of the war
the dikgosi offered to help when the High Commissioner
209

Fig. 154 Hitler reviewing heavily armed troops in Warsaw, Poland, October 1939
asked them to do so. Why did they do this? Some historians say they did so
because of loyalty to Britain. But why did they express loyalty to Britain? The
reason was that the dikgosi believed that if they helped Britain, Bechuanaland
would not be transferred to the Union of South Africa. It would be recognised as a
separate country and remain so for ever.
In 1941 Tshekedi Khama proposed to set up what he called the Bechuanaland
Protectorate Military Labour Corps. The other merafe supported this proposal.
The Administration rejected the proposal and asked the Batswana to join the
South African Union Defence Force to do some minor duties for the white South
African soldiers. The Batswana refused to join the South Africans. They wanted
to join the war as a separate country. They were not part of and did
not want to be part of South Africa. But soon Britain needed more soldiers. The
Protectorate Administration asked the African Council and the dikgosi to provide
soldiers. The dikgosi repeated Tshekedi's earlier offer and refused to join the
South African Defence Force. The Administration agreed that the Batswana
would fight as a separate group. The dikgosi began to recruit their people for the
war. The Batswana war unit (group) was called the African Auxiliary Pioneer
Corps (AAPC). They were trained at a camp in Lobatse. Although all the dikgosi
and many Batswana supported the war some Batswana did not. This was because
many recruits did not understand why they should fight in a white people's war far
away. They did not want to die in such a war. Many fled to the mines and farms in
South

Africa. Some hid in the mountains. This resistance to the war was common
among the small subject merafe such as the Bakalanga. Some of them did not
always feel loyal to the dikgosi. But such resistance was also common in all the
merafe. At Gabane, for example, recruits threw stones at Sebele II's recruiting
messenger. So quite often people were forced by the Administration and the
dikgosi to join the AAPC. Some were even flogged. Some of those who fled to
South Africa wrote about how the Batswana were forced to join the war in a
newspaper called Inkululeko (Freedom).
On the whole many Batswana joined the AAPC without being forced. By 1943
about 10 000 Batswana had joined the AAPC and fought very bravely in the
Middle East, Europe and North Africa. Some did skilled jobs such as using anti-
aircraft guns. Out of the 10 000 about 216 died in the war. In 1946 15 Batswana
took part in the parade in England marking the defeat
of Hitler. A memorial (remembrance) was built in Gaborone to honour the
Batswana who died in the war.
Effects of the war on the Batswana
The Batswana did not only contribute soldiers to the war. They provided food and
money. The Administration and the dikgosi got people to work on the masotla
(kgosi's lands) to produce food. These fields were now called 'war lands'. Every
morafe was to provide food in this way and people were sometimes forced to
work on these lands. Those refusing to work on the war lands had grain taken
from their own lands. Grain stores were built in every major village. Some of the
grain was sold to provide money for the war. Because of working on the war
lands and also because many men either went to war or fled to South Africa, food
production in the family lands fell. Many families suffered.
Fig. 155 Batswana soldiers in the British Army using anti-aircraft guns. The
official caption to this photograph describes Batswana soldiers as 'excellent
workers, conscientious, and unusually strong'

A war levy (tax) was introduced in 1941. Batswana tax payers, property owners,
cattle owners and others were forced to pay this special tax. Many paid in cattle.
A total of £89 000 was collected during the war. This levy impoverished many
Batswana, especially small cattle owners. Many other contributions such as the
Voluntary War Fund were introduced to pay for the administration of
Bechuanaland and for the war. During the war Britain did not grant the
Protectorate any more funds for its administration. The Batswana had to pay. The
Batswana also gave gifts of money to Britain. Altogether they gave £13 500 of
which £5 200 was from the Bangwato alone. This money assisted Britain in
buying two fighter aeroplanes. The aeroplanes were called Bechuanaland and
Kalahari in honour of the Batswana. Some of the money collected was put into
the Bechuanaland Soldiers Benefit Fund to care for the soldiers after the war.
The Bechuanaland Protectorate contributed to the war more men and money than
most British African colonies. For example all the East African countries which
together had 14 million people, contributed 28 companies (groups of soldiers).
Bechuanaland alone, which had about 400 000 people, provided 59 companies.
The Nswazwi problem
After the 1943 proclamations were introduced (see page 186), Tshekedi settled
down to develop his reserve. There was general peace in the Bangwato country.
Only one incident before Seretse's marriage caused some disturbances. In the
north-eastern part of the Bangwato Reserve there lived a group of Bakalanga
called Bakanswazwi. They were ruled by John Madawo Nswazwi. He was born
around 1875 and became ruler in 1910. He had worked at the mines in South
Africa before becoming a ruler. Earlier this group had lived at Jetjeni in the
Bukalanga area of Southern Rhodesia. They fled from the Amandebele and to the
Bangwato area and asked for the protection of Sekgoma I, the Bangwato king.
They were allowed to live fairly freely and
I
Fig. 156 John Nswazwi
212

happily in the Bukalanga area of Bangwato country. They were ruled indirectly
through their own headman, and not by a Mongwato governor. Khama III
regarded Nswazwi as his most trusted Mukalanga ruler even though he was not
the most senior. Before Tshekedi's rule there was almost no trouble between them
and the Bangwato.
The Bakanswazwi group had always regarded itself as fairly independent of the
Bangwato. This feeling grew during the colonial period when the authority of the
Government was felt more and more everywhere. In 1930 they unsuccessfully
asked the High Commissioner to make them free from Bangwato authority, by
giving them a separate reserve. But Tshekedi regarded every group in his reserve
as being under his own direct rule. They had to obey his orders. He decided to
appoint Bangwato governors to rule over the Bakalanga to ensure firm control of
the area. The change from indirect to direct rule caused trouble.
Hut tax collection increased misunderstanding between Tshekedi and John
Nswazwi. This shows how colonialism sometimes brought conflict between
groups which had lived fairly peacefully before. The Nswazwi group tried to
show its independence by refusing to pay tax to Tshekedi. John Nswazwi was
arrested, tried and banished with some of his followers to Mafikeng. He had
appealed successfully against banishment to Ghanzi.
His people continued to support him by refusing to pay tax. So in 1947 Tshekedi
sent a mophato, led by Oteng Mphoeng, to collect taxes. Mphoeng prevented the
Bakanswazwi from using their wells. They were put in an enclosure where,
unfortunately, a pregnant woman, Levuna Mpapho, died. This caused a lot of
unhappiness. The Bakalanga finally paid the tax. But the feelings were so high
that a scuffle (fighting) broke out. After this, Nswazwi's people fled to Jetjeni,
their old home. Their property was seized and sold. When John Nswazwi was
freed, he joined them there. Some of them later returned to Bechuanaland and
settled at Marapong.
Seretse Khama's marriage
Seretse Khama's marriage to an Englishwoman, Ruth Williams, on 29 September
1948, seriously affected the Bangwato and the whole Protectorate. The peace and
cooperation between the Batswana and the Administration brought about by the
1943 proclamations was disturbed. The main cause of the disturbance was not the
marriage itself, but the way the British Government handled the matter.
After the Nswazwi affair, Tshekedi settled down to build Moeng College. His
nephew, Seretse, whom Tshekedi had brought up, was studying law in London.
He had also studied at Fort Hare and Oxford. Tshekedi wanted Seretse to return as
soon as possible to rule the Bangwato. Suddenly, in 1948, Tshekedi received a
letter from Seretse informing him that he wanted to marry Miss Ruth Williams.
Now, Tshekedi was a strong defender of
Fig. 157 (1948)
Seretse Khama and his wife, Ruth

Fig. 158 Seretse Khama explaining his marriage at a kgotla meeting in Serowe
Bangwato law and custom. According to custom, the mohumagadi (the kgosi's
great wife or queen) must be selected by the morale. Normally, the mohumagadi
should be from a royal family and should be a Motswana. It was uncommon for a
ruler to marry outside the Batswana group. Even Africans who did not belong to
the Batswana group were not usually acceptable. Tshekedi felt that Seretse's
marriage was not in accordance with this custom and practice. He therefore
opposed it very strongly for fear that it might badly affect the morale and the
bogosi (kingship). These were the main reasons for his opposition. The race of
Ruth Williams seems to have played some part even though, later in 1951,
Tshekedi accepted her as the mohumagadi.
Seretse got married although Tshekedi opposed the marriage. Tshekedi used all
possible methods to end the marriage. If this failed, he would try to prevent
Seretse's children by Ruth from being the heirs to the Bangwato bogosi. He
explained that he still accepted Seretse as the kgosi. So it is clear that Tshekedi
did not reject the marriage because he wanted the bogosi for himself and his
children.
At first the morale supported Tshekedi in
rejecting the marriage at a kgotla meeting which lasted four days. Seretse
requested another kgotla meeting. There some Bangwato supported him after he
had apologised for not marrying according to custom. He told his people that if
they rejected his wife, they would lose him. The Bangwato did not want to lose
their proper kgosi.
After receiving the support of the kgotla Tshekedi asked the Administration to
take action against the marriage but there was no action. He, therefore, called
another kgotla meeting in June 1949 to show the Administration that the
Bangwato wanted action. At this meeting the majority supported Seretse because
they feared to lose their future kgosi. Some probably wrongly suspected that
Tshekedi wanted the bogosi. According to Bangwato custom the matter should
have ended there. The majority of the morafe had now accepted Ruth Williams as
the mohumagadi. This did not happen, however, because Tshekedi continued his
opposition.
After his defeat at the June kgotla meeting, Tshekedi and his followers left the
Bangwato reserve and settled in the Bakwena area. Bathoen II supported Tshekedi
because he

believed that Seretse's marriage would destroy the Bangwato's bogosi. He too was
a strong defender of Setswana customs. Even far off rulers such as those of
Lesotho and Swaziland supported Tshekedi in what they considered his defence
of African tradition (custom). Tshekedi had the strong support of the British
Government. They did not support Tshekedi because they respected Bangwato
customs. They did so because of racism in Southern Africa.
The white people of Southern Rhodesia and South Africa strongly opposed the
marriage. They were incorrectly afraid that the marriage would make Africans in
their countries want to marry Whites. These countries practised a terrible form of
racial discrimination. Some Protectorate Whites also disliked the marriage. The
British did not want to offend Southern Rhodesia, and in particular, South Africa.
Britain did a lot of business with rich South Africa and did not want to anger the
white Government there. There was a strong unity of Whites against Seretse.
The British said they opposed the marriage because they feared it would divide
the Bangwato and disturb the peace. They did not state openly that they really
opposed the marriage because they wanted to please South Africa. As we have
seen, most Bangwato accepted the marriage and yet Britain continued to reject it.
It was continued British opposition that disturbed the peace.
Seretse is banished
The British Government appointed a Commission chaired by Sir Walter Harragin,
Chief Justice of the High Commission Territories. The commission was to inquire
into the legality (lawfulness) of the marriage of Seretse. The report of the
commission was never published. It is suspected that it was not published because
it showed how Britain and South Africa agreed to act against Seretse. Or perhaps
it said some things the Government did not like. Meanwhile Seretse had returned
to live with his wife at Serowe and his people accepted them both.
Fig. 159 On hearing of his ban Seretse told reporters on the telephone, 'I am going
to fight to get back to Bechuanaland'
Seretse, through his lawyers, Fraenkel and Gericke, asked the Administration to
install him as a kgosi. Instead of doing this, the British Government invited
Seretse and his wife to England for talks in 1950. They promised that they would
be allowed to return to Bechuanaland. The Government, however, refused to give
this assurance in writing. Ruth remained behind because Seretse feared that the
British would not let her return. In London the British Government offered
Seretse £1 100 per year if he relinquished (left) the bogosi and lived in England
for ever. Seretse rejected the offer. Later he was offered a job in Jamaica but he
also rejected this. The British Government prevented him from returning to
Bechuanaland for at least five years.
215
Seretse was forced to live in England and his wife joined him there. He got an
allowance from Britain. Seretse had been tricked. The Bangwato would have no
kgosi. Tshekedi was also forbidden to enter the Bangwato reserve without
permission. The British would rule the Bangwato through a 'Native Authority'.
The District Commissioner was made the 'Native Authority' while the
Administration tried to find a suitable African. The District Commissioner was
assisted by Keaboka Kgamane as 'Senior Tribal Representative'.
Opposition to the ban
The Bangwato were asked to elect a new kgosi. They refused because Seretse was
the kgosi. They argued that a kgosi is born and not elected. The Bangwato showed
their opposition to Seretse's ban in many ways. They attacked
Tshekedi's followers. They boycotted kgotla meetings and refused to obey the
Administration. They refused to pay taxes and put up protest demonstrations.
Sometimes they attacked police camps and the police who tried to stop the
protests. Administration officials were also harassed. In Mahalapye for example a
group of women attacked a police station. The Bangwato sent a delegation of six
people led by Peto Sekgoma and the Senior Tribal Representative, Keaboka, to
ask for Seretse's return. When the British rejected this request Keaboka resigned.
A big protest resulted. The District Commissioner sent police to stop the protest.
The crowd attacked them. Many Bangwato were injured by the police. Three
policemen died and several were hurt. Many administration officials were also
hurt. The Administration brought in police from Southern Rhodesia and
Basutoland to help the Bechuanaland police.
Fig. 160 The Bangwato delegation with Seretse Khama in England. Left to right:
Keaboka Kgamane, Kgosi Mathangwane, M. Mpotokwane, Seretse Khama, ?,
Kgosi Kobe of the Baseleka, ?, P. Sekgoma

Several Bangwato were arrested, put in prison and had to do hard labour.
Keaboka and Peto Sekgoma were among those arrested. Soon after, another riot
occurred in Palapye and police were called in. Among the supporters of Seretse
were royals, young people and women who played a very important part. Some of
the young people formed an opposition group some called the Bamangwato
National Congress but it did not last for long.
Seretse asked to be allowed to go to Bechuanaland to end the disturbances, but
Britain refused. They feared his popularity. Seretse appealed to his people from
London to be calm. The riots stopped and they paid taxes but they continued not
to cooperate fully with the Administration.
The protests and the arrest of the Bangwato worried the other rulers in
Bechuanaland. Such dikgosi as Bathoen II, Kgari Sechele, Montshiwa, Molefi
Pilane, accused Britain of causing trouble deliberately (purposely) in order to take
over the powers of dikgosi in the whole Protectorate. But Britain did not listen to
them. Kgosi Mokgosi of the Balete encouraged the Bangwato to refuse to elect a
new kgosi. He was Seretse's strong supporter. The Administration warned
Mokgosi. The Administration tried to silence Seretse's supporters.
The LMS usually played an important part in putting the case of the Batswana to
the British Government. But it was quiet this time. They neither supported
Tshekedi nor Seretse. The reason was probably that the morafe was split. They
did not want to get into trouble by supporting one side or the other. They were
probably afraid that if they did that even their church work would suffer.
Protests in Britain
In 1953, the Bangwato refused again to appoint a kgosi. The British nominated
Rasebolai Kgamane to be 'Native Authority'. He was a quiet man who had served
in World War II and was Tshekedi's supporter. The Bangwato refused to obey his
orders because he was not their choice. A number of people were flogged at the
kgotla
for this. These included women. Rasebolai, however, tried his best to rule the
morafe under these difficult circumstances.
In Britain Seretse had a lot of support from some Members of Parliament,
especially those of the Labour Party. Fenner Brockway was their leader.
Brockway organised a group called the Council for Defence of Seretse. There
were other groups such as the Oxford University Socialist Club, the West Indian
Society and the Council of Churches. All these groups supported Seretse and put
pressure on the British Government to let him return to Bechuanaland. They
educated the British public about the unfair treatment of Seretse and Ruth. The
British Government refused to let Seretse return and be kgosi. The only time
Seretse returned to Bechuanaland after his ban was when Tebogo, their first child,
was born. His wife had not yet joined him in London. He was allowed to be there
for only a very short time. He was greeted by several thousand people, some of
them weeping, in Serowe. Seretse was very popular with his people.
Seretse is freed
When all these protests were taking place Seretse kept in touch with his people. In
England he did not speak much. But he refused to be bribed (go rekwa) by the
British Government. On one occasion in 1956 he spoke very strongly against the
British Government. He accused it of acting childishly by continuing to ban him
when his people wanted him. He refused to relinquish the bogosi.
Tshekedi now turned against the British. He recognised Ruth Williams as the
mohumagadi and called for Seretse's return immediately. He now believed that
the British wanted to destroy his morafe. He and the other dikgosi even believed
that Britain wanted to use the Seretse affair in order to hand over Bechuanaland to
South Africa. In 1952, Tshekedi was allowed to return to his people. He settled at
Pilikwe with his followers. He criticised Rasebolai for doing little for the
Bangwato. All the development projects had

4K,"
Fig. 161 Crowds welcoming Seretse Khama on his triumphant return from
banishment
stopped. In July 1956, Tshekedi went to England and saw Seretse secretly to settle
their differences. They succeeded and presented an agreement to the British
Government. The agreement would enable Seretse to return. The agreement was
that Seretse would
renounce (give up) bogosi. His children would not claim the bogosi. He would,
therefore, return as a private citizen. Tshekedi too would not claim the bogosi for
himself or his children. Britain agreed to this arrangement because of the
resistance of the Bangwato and Seretse's supporters in England. The Seretse affair
had also made progress in Bechuanaland impossible. The Bangwato were
ungovernable. The Administration spent a lot of money in trying to stop the
protests. The Bangwato had also refused to negotiate a mining agreement with the
Anglo-American
Company without Seretse. On 28 September 1956, Britain ended Seretse's ban.
Seretse was free to return with his family and take part in Bangwato affairs as a
private citizen. He was freed because of the support by his people who suffered a
great deal for him, the support of groups in England and in the end the opposition
of Tshekedi to the British. The British also feared further trouble if Seretse was
not freed. Seretse's strong will and Ruth's determination also played an important
part. Seretse returned home and was welcomed by thousands of Bangwato who
wanted him to be kgosi. Although this was not possible, the Bangwato never
accepted 'made chiefs' like African (Native) Authorities. They continued to ask
for their proper kgosi. In 1979 the eldest son of Seretse, Brigadier Ian Seretse
Khama, was
218
,1 , 1 ,

installed as kgosi.
Seretse became Vice-Chairman of the Bangwato 'Tribal Council' with Rasebolai
as Chairman. Tshekedi was made Secretary two years later. The two great men
served in the African Advisory Council. The courageous Tshekedi died in 1959.
Seretse later became a member of the Legislative Council and later still the first
President of independent Botswana. Happily nephew and uncle were friends again
and the Bangwato enjoyed peace. Development work was carried out. The British
Government's desire to please South Africa, rather than Seretse's marriage as
such, had caused the problems for the Bangwato.
Questions
1 Explain why the dikgosi offered to help Britain in the Second World War.
2 Give two examples of how the Protectorate
contributed financially to the British war
effort. How did this affect the people?
3 Explain why Seretse Khama's marriage was
opposed by
(a) Tshekedi,
(b) the British Government.
4 Imagine you are a journalist writing at the
time when the Bangwato were asked to elected a new kgosi. Write an article
covering
the disturbances.

24 Nationalism and Independence

The coming of colonialism ended the independence of most African states.
During the colonial period Africans were treated unequally by the Europeans.
The colonised protested against social, economic and political discrimination.
There were usually two stages of protest. Firstly, the colonised wanted the
colonisers to improve their situation by making reforms. This did not happen.
During this stage there were no nationalist movements (political parties). In some
cases there were some small groups or associations which fought to improve the
welfare of their members.
Secondly, the colonised formed political parties which demanded political
independence as the only way to improve their situation. This is called the stage
of the new or decolonising nationalism. This new nationalism was different from
the old nationalism. It wanted to decolonise, or in other words, to take away
power from the colonisers. The old nationalism, or the reform stage, only wanted
to change things within the same colonial system.
The reform stage
During this stage the Batswana were attempting only to make things better within
the colonial system of government. They were not as yet demanding complete
independence. There are some examples of associations which attempted to
improve the welfare of their members.
The African Civil Service Association and the African Teachers' Association
The Protectorate's Civil Service was divided into the District Administration and
the Tribal Administration. The Tribal Administration consisted only of Africans
under the kgosi. They had poor conditions of work and low pay. The District
Administration consisted of Africans and Europeans. The top and better paying
jobs were held by Europeans. The Africans occupied lower posts and worked
under the supervision of Europeans. Well qualified Africans with a lot of
experience were not promoted to better jobs. So there was discrimination between
Whites and Blacks. The African Advisory Council asked the Administration to
promote qualified Africans. When nothing was done, the African civil servants
formed the African Civil Service Association in 1949. They did this to protect
their rights by getting the Administration to promote qualified Africans rapidly
and by demanding better pay for all ranks. The Association worked closely with
the African Advisory Council. For example in 1958 Tshekedi and Seretse urged
the Administration to remove inequality between Blacks and Whites in the Civil
Service.
As a result of pressure from the Association some changes took place in the civil
service. Several Africans were promoted to higher posts in the 1960s. The
Association taught its members that unity can produce results. Today the
Association is called the Botswana Civil Service Association. Sir Peter Fawcus,
the resident Commi-

ssioner, was also cooperative in promoting suitably qualified Batswana. The

teachers also formed the Bechuanaland Protectorate African Teachers'
Association in 1931. They wanted to improve their conditions of service and
African education in the Protectorate. Today the Association is called the
Botswana Teachers' Union.
The Legislative Council (LEGCO)
In the 1950s Africans throughout British African colonies participated in
government through Legislative Councils. The Batswana knew about this and
they too wanted a LEGCO. They were no longer satisfied with the African
Council or the Joint Council which they felt were powerless. The independence of
Ghana in 1957 made Africans everywhere want independence soon. LEGCO was
seen as a step towards independence. In 1958 M.L. Kgasa, Tshekedi Khama,
Seretse Khama and Bathoen[ II spoke strongly in the African Council in: favour
of the formation of LEGCO. In that year Russell England, a member of the
European Council who supported the Africans, introduced a motion in the Joint
Council calling for the speedy introduction of LEGCO. Tshekedi Khama and
Seretse Khama led the debate. They argued that Bechuanaland was behind all the
other colonies because it had no LEGCO.
A committee consisting of Seretse Khama, Bathoen II, Dr S.M. Molema and J.G.
Haskins was set up to draft a constitution (set of rules) for LEGCO. In 1960
LEGCO was formed and its first meeting was held in June 1961. LEGCO
consisted of an equal number of Africans and Europeans although there were
more Africans than Europeans in the country. The Europeans were elected by
constituencies (electoral districts). The African members were elected by the
African Council. There was one Asian representative elected by the Asian
community. The Asians had complained that they had no Council where they
could express their views. The African Council supported Asian inclusion in
LEGCO. All along the Administration had
refused to allow Asians to participate in the affairs of Bechuanaland. LEGCO
replaced the European Council and the Joint Council. The African Council
remained only for the purpose of electing Africans to LEGCO. There was also an
Executive Council which acted like the Cabinet (inner council) of LEGCO. Both
administration officials and elected members were on it. The Resident
Commissioner was its President (chairman). The Africans used LEGCO to
criticise the Administration for its failure to' develop Bechuanaland. They used
it to make suggestions for improvements. LEGCO was formed at a time when a
new form of nationalism was developing in Bechuanaland. The Africans,
therefore, used LEGCO to demand independence. The days of the old nationalism
which wanted only reforms were past.
The Road to Independence
The new nationalism which everywhere in Africa resulted in independence,
developed in the 1960s in Bechuanaland. Before that, however, there were some
beginnings of nationalist feeling. We have already seen how the Africans pressed
for the establishment of LEGCO.
One of the people who expressed some kind of early nationalism was Simon
Ratshosa of Serowe. This was before the creation of nationalist movements or
political parties. Ratshosa was educated at Lovedale in South Africa, and was
principal of Serowe Public School between 1905 and 1921. In the 1920s and
1930s he spoke and wrote about the need to reduce the powers of the dikgosi. He
felt that the time had come for the Batswana to be ruled by a country-wide
National Council. There would be a 'Native Progressive Party' within the Council.
It would consist of the educated youth of Bechuanaland. This Council would stop
what he described as the harsh rule of the dikgosi. He was also a critic of the
Administration. He was one of the earliest Batswana to talk about a country-wide
movement or organisation that would include all

Batswana whether they were royals or commoners. This is what made him an
early nationalist.
In some African colonies the soldiers who returned from World War II played an
important part in the nationalist movements. In Bechuanaland this did not happen.
This was probably because there were no major towns or industrial centres in
Bechuanaland. Nationalist movements normally developed in urban areas because
of the bad living conditions there and the presence of a working class. Most
Batswana soldiers returned to their villages where there was not much political
activity. Some of those who went to South Africa like P.G. Matante joined the
nationalist movements there.
Fig. 162 L.D. Raditladi, founder of Bechuanaland's first political party. It did not
however have mass support
The Federal Party
The first political party in Bechuanaland was the Bechuanaland Protectorate
Federal Party. It was formed in Serowe by Leetile D. Raditladi in 1959. In 1961
the party changed its name to the Liberal Party. Some Whites such as J.
Openshaw joined the party. He became its SecretaryGeneral.
The Federal Party did not oppose bogosi, but wanted this institution to be
reformed. They opposed the racially balanced membership of LEGCO because it
encouraged racism in Bechuanaland. They opposed the nomination of African
members of LEGCO by the African Council because they felt that the dikgosi
would nominate only the persons they favoured. This was not democratic they
said. They wanted open elections by all adult Batswana. The party remained very
small, however, and in 1962 it disappeared. It had not been able to spread
throughout Bechuanaland.
The Bechuanaland (later Botswana) People's Party (BPP)
Strong nationalism came to Bechuanaland from South Africa. After the Sharpville
shootings in 1960 and the ban of African political parties, about 1 400 people fled
to Bechuanaland. Many of them were members of the African National Congress
(ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC). Some of them were Batswana,
such as Motsamai Mpho who belonged to the ANC and Philip G. Matante of the
PAC. These men formed political parties in Bechuanaland.
The first of these new parties whose activities covered the whole country was the
Bechuanaland People's Party. It was formed in 1960. It was formed by K.T.
Motsete who was its President, and was a well educated man. He had helped to
start the Nyasaland African Congress in Nyasaland (Malawi) in 1944. He was a
critic of the dikgosi who he thought were too harsh. He t had had many quarrels
with Tshekedi in the past. P.G. Matante, a Francistown businessman and former
Johannesburg preacher, was the
p
Fig. 163 K.T. Motsete, founder and leader of the Bechuanaland People's Party
(BPP)
Vice-President. Motsamai Mpho was the Secretary-General. Both Matante and
Mpho were political organisers. They had learned this in South Africa. Many
young people who had returned from South Africa joined the BPP.
The BPP was formed at the time when Britain was introducing constitutional
changes through the Legislative Council. The party took advantage of this to
demand Independence immediately. It attacked British colonialism for not
developing Bechuanaland. It attacked racism as shown in the racial representation
in LEGCO. Racism was also openly practised, especially in Francistown. Matante
went to the United Nations in 1962 and 1963 to protest against British
colonialism. Eventually LEGCO set up a Committee to examine all racially
discriminatory laws. The Resident Commissioner (1959-64) was Peter Fawcus.
He announced that the revision of the LEGCO constitution would take place
sooner, in 1963 rather
Fig. 164 P.G. Matante, deputy leader, and later leader of the BPP. It was through
him and Mpho that the party grew to have much popular support
than in 1968.
The BPP wanted the LEGCO constitution to be abolished and an Independence
constitution introduced immediately. The party organised protest demonstrations.
During one of these protests Motsete led a group of over 800 people to the High
Court in Lobatse. In Francistown there were clashes between the police and
demonstrators. About 4 000 people took part. Police used tear gas to disperse
(scatter) the crowds which Matante had addressed. People were arrested and for a
while meetings of more than 12 people were banned. The BPP's criticism of the
Colonial Administration won it many followers, especially in the towns. But the
party had some weaknesses. It did not win much support in the rural areas where
the majority of the Batswana lived. However, the party was generally popular in
Bakalanga rural areas. Probably the Bakalanga

thought the BPP would enable them to participate (take part) in running the
country. In historical times, they were generally excluded from positions of
power. It was popular in the towns because of the poor living and working
conditions and the presence of a politically aware working class. The rural people
were generally not yet very politically aware. The call of the BPP for the abolition
of the bogosi did not please the rural people who respected bogosi. So most of
them did not join the BPP. The white people in Bechuanaland did not support the
BPP because it expressed what they considered strong nationalism. It openly
attacked those of them who practised racism.
The BPP splits
The BPP was soon weakened by feuds (quarrels) among its top leaders, Motsete,
Matante and Mpho. Because of these feuds, Mpho was expelled from the party in
1962. He formed his own party called BPP Number Two. In 1964, he renamed it
the Botswana Independence Party (BIP). The political beliefs of the BIP were not
very different from those of the BPP. But the split enabled Mpho to speak more
freely. There followed another split when Matante replaced Motsete as BPP
leader. Nevertheless, Motsete formed what he called BPP Number One which ran
for the 1965 election. Motsete's wing of the BPP eventually disappeared and
Motsete ceased to be active in politics. His last major contribution to independent
Botswana was the writing of the National Anthem: Fatshe La Rona (Our Land).
Why did the BPP split? Some say that the split was caused by accusations against
Matante of abuse of party money. Others say Mpho wanted to take over power
from Motsete. These may not have been the' real causes. What seems to have
been the main cause was the political differences between Matante and Mpho.
These differences were the same as those which split the ANC and the PAC in
South Africa. Matante was a PAC member whereas Mpho was an ANC follower.
So the split was caused by political differences between the ANC and the PAC.
The split be-
Fig. 165 Motsamai Mpho, founder and leader of the Botswana Independence
Party (BIP)
tween Motsete and Matante seems to have been caused by Matante's feeling that
the old man, Motsete, was not tough enough with the British. It was largely these
weaknesses which caused the BPP's defeat in the elections of 1965. But it is also
doubtful whether a party led by non-royals could have won elections at that time.
The Bechuanaland (later Botswana) Democratic Party (BDP)
In November 1961, Seretse Khama told the other African members of the
Advisory Council of the need to form a new political party called the BDP. A
committee was formed consisting of Seretse Khama, Quett Masire, A.M.
Tsoebebe, Moutlakgola Nwako, Tsheko Tsheko, Goareng Mosinyi and Dabadaba
Sedie. It met in Mahalapye to write the BDP constitution. In 1962 the BDP was
formally formed at a meeting held under a morula tree in Gaborone, near Orapa
House. The founders had been refused permi-
224

A
Ai
~' i~e.
Fig. 166 A BIP official with a political poster
ssion by Kgosi Mmusi Pilame to hold a meeting in Mochudi. Seretse Khama
became President of the party. A.M. Tsoebebe became VicePresident; Quett
Masire, Secretary-General; Amos Dambe, Vice-Secretary; B. Steinberg,
Treasurer; and A. Maribe, Vice-Treasurer. Most of the founders were men of
some experience because they were members of the African Advisory Council
and later of the Legislative Council. None of the leaders were followers of the
South African nationalist movements. This saved the BDP from the splits that
weakened the BPP. One can say that the BDP originated on Bechuanaland soil.
Why was the BDP founded? Like all African nationalist movements at that time,
it was founded to strive for Independence. But the immediate reason for starting
the party was to oppose the BPP. The founders of the BDP did not believe
Fig. 167 Seretse Khama, founder and leader of the Bechuanaland Democratic
Party
225
IA 111!L
,.J

that the BPP could successfully lead the country to peaceful independence. This is
why they did not join the BPP, but chose instead to start a new party. The splits in
the BPP and the radical (strong) nationalism of the BPP made the BDP founders
believe that the BPP could not lead the country properly. They also disliked the
influence of the ANC and the PAC in the BPP. They felt that a party with outside
influence could not serve the country well. These seem to have been the main
reasons why the BDP was formed. But some say that the Colonial Government,
especially Peter Fawcus, urged the formation of the BDP. Certainly the Colonial
Administration preferred the BDP to the BPP because the BDP was less radical.
But both parties wanted Independence equally strongly.
The BDP stressed the need for multiracialism (races living together). It too
demand Independence as soon as possible. It called for constitutional
advancement. The party called for elections based on one man, one vote.
The BDP soon became a strong party. Its strongest support was in the rural areas.
The leadership of Seretse, a member of the royal family, no doubt gave the party
an advantage. Seretse was also popular because he had suffered under the British
on account of his marriage. He had also shown his political ability in the Tribal
Council, the African Council and LEGCO. The strongest support was from the
Bangwato area. It had the largest population and number of electoral districts
(constituencies). The BDP did not strongly attack bogosi as the BPP did. This was
one reason for its strong rural support. The party was strong because it was well
organised and united. It also had money to pay for running its affairs.
The Europeans also supported the BDP and some even joined it. This was because
they saw it as being milder (softer) than the BPP. It also talked about multiracism
whereas the BPP was regarded as pan-Africanist (Africa for Africans). The
Whites wrongly took this to mean that the BPP would expel all of them. Indeed
the BDP was so strong that it easily won the 1965 elections.
Constitutional advance
Because of the pressure of nationalism, constitutional talks were held in 1963. But
at the last moment Motsete acted against the wishes of the BPP executive. He
called for the delay of Independence by four years. He probably felt that his party
needed more time to organise itself. He was attacked for this and he withdrew the
suggestion. But his name was damaged by this to some extent.
The Lobatse Conference
Preliminary discussions on constitutional changes were held in Lobatse in July
1963. It was agreed to give Bechuanaland some measure of self-government. But
this would be under the overall advice of the Resident Commissioner, Peter
Fawcus. In 1964 the title 'Resident Commissioner' was changed to 'Queen's
Commissioner' in preparation for Independence. The Lobatse agreement made the
following provisions.
1 A National Assembly to which members
would be elected through adult suffrage (votes). There would also be some
nominated members and some British officials. The elected members would be in
the
majority.
2 Britain to be in charge of external affairs,
defence, and the Public Service until Independence.
3 A cabinet with a Prime Minister and five
ministers. But its chairman would be the Queen's Commissioner. He did his work
with the advice of the Cabinet. The High Commissioner's Office was abolished in
1964. The National Assembly would seek the advice of the House of Chiefs on
matters
relating to merafe and the bogosi.
Europeans oppose Independence
Although some Europeans supported these changes, others opposed them because
they did not want an African government. This was true

especially of the farmers in the Tati District. They were led by Louis Mynhardt.
They wanted the Tati District to be an independent state or to join Southern
Rhodesia or South Africa. They appealed to South Africa for help but that failed.
One of their leaders even tried to go to the United Nations to ask for help. This
too failed.
Europeans also showed their opposition by opposing the integration (joining
together) of schools so that white and black children could learn together. In
Ghanzi white parents withdrew their children from a school because it was going
to admit African children.
These provocative actions angered the Africans. Some Batswana demanded
that all European farms be taken away without any payment. This demand was
made by Mpho, leader of the BIP. This did not happen. Seretse Khama strongly
warned the Europeans against any attempt to break up the country. Bechuanaland
would become independent as one country. The attempts of the whites to secede
(break away) from Bechuanaland failed. When the country became independent,
some of them left for South Africa or Southern Rhodesia. The rest of them,
however, remained and became Botswana citizens.
Independence
Elections were held in March 1965 on the basis of the Constitution of 1963. The
BDP which had become a very strong, well-organised party won the election with
a big majority. They took 28 of the 31 seats in the National Assembly. The BPP
got the three remaining seats. The leader of the BDP, Seretse Khama, became the
Prime Minister of the country's first African Government.
The new Government immediately asked the British Government to grant the
country full Independence. A constitutional conference was held in London in
February 1966. Matante walked out of the conference protesting that the BDP
Government could not negotiate for Independence on behalf of the Batswana. He
argued that the Government had not consulted the peo-
Fig. 168 Large numbers of people turned out to vote in the 1965 elections
ple properly about Independence. His protest, however, was unsuccessful. A new
constitution similar to the 1963 one was agreed. The country became independent
on 30 September 1966, as the new Republic of Botswana. This date has become a
national holiday during which Batswana all over the country celebrate the
achievement of Independence. Thanks to the long resistance of our forefathers,
Botswana became independent as a separate, united country. Seretse Khama
became the first President of Botswana. He was knighted (given the title 'Sir') by
the British to honour him. From that time on he was called Sir Seretse Khama.
Botswana made its own flag to replace the

British one. The thick black band in the centre represents the African majority of
the population and the thin white stripes stand for the Whites. The whole thing
together stands for the non-racialism or the inter-racial policy of Botswana. The
blue stands for the sky and rainwater which is the source of all life. The motto on
the coat of arms is Pula (rain), which means 'blessings'. British rule had ended.
God Save the Queen, the British national anthem, was replaced by Fatshe la Rona.
There was joy everywhere. When it became clear that Botswana would become
independent, preparations were made to move the capital from Mafikeng to
Gaborone. Gaborone was the name of the kgosi of the Batlokwa who died in 1932
at the age of about
106 years. The building of Gaborone started in 1963. The move from Mafikeng to
Gaborone began in 1965.
Questions
1 What is meant by a 'Legislative Council'?
Why did the Batswana want one? When was it set up? Who sat on it and how
were they
selected?
2 Write down two major weaknesses of the
Bechuanaland Peoples' Party.
3 How many reasons can you give for the
strength of the Bechuanaland Democratic Party? List them in what you think is
their
order of importance.

25 The Independence Period:

Government and Politics
Introduction
Up to this point, we have looked at historical developments. Strictly speaking,
sections of this part are not historical, because history deals only with past events.
Some of the developments described here began in the past and have continued to
the time of writing this book. This explains why we use both past and present
tenses. The happiness brought about by Independence was soon spoilt by a serve
drought which lasted for more than five years. There had always been
periodic droughts, but this one came at a critical time when the young
Government was just establishing itself. Over 400 000 cattle died and there were
no crops. Over 100 000 people had to be fed by the new Government. This took a
lot of Government money. So the new Government was faced with a difficult
task. Even without the drought, the new Government had inherited one of the
poorest countries in colonial history, which it had to develop.
The new Government set up a governmental structure based on the constitution
negotiated
Fig. 169 Cattle dying during a drought. Note the vultures

-I4
Fig. 170 Food aid, imported from abroad, was used severe drought at
Independence
with Britain in 1966. This constitution has operated with few changes until today.
The governmental structure has two main levels, the Central Government and
Local Government. On the political side, elections have continued to be held
every five years since the first election in 1965. The foreign policy of Botswana
has continued to develop since Independence. At Independence, there was little
hope that any real development would take place in the economy. But over the
years some major developments have taken place. The only important economic
activity at Independence was agriculture, mainly cattle farming or ranching.
Gradually, other economic activities took place. The drought ended in 1966. Good
rains fell, especially between 1973 and 1978, and there were good harvests. The
movement of the
to feed many thousands of people affected by the
capital to Gaborone enabled the Government to spend money within Botswana.
As imports of goods grew, the Government got more revenue from customs
duties. That is money paid to Government by importers of foreign goods.
Four major events took place in the late 1960s
\and early 1970s, which brought a lot of money to
\he country.
1' The discovery of diamonds at Orapa.
2 The development of the copper-nickel mine
at Selebi Phikwe.
3 The successful negotiations with South
Africa, which resulted in an improved
Customs Union Agreement in 1969.
4 The increase of Botswana beef exports at
good prices.
These developments increased Government
revenues between 1969 and 1975. So from late

1969, the economy began to expand. The Government now had some money to
pay for economic and social developments. Also it could pay the salaries of a
growing Public Service (government workers). What follow are just a few
examples of the many developments which have taken place since Independence.
Central Government
Under the Constitution of 1966, the Government consists of the President, the
VicePresident, the Cabinet, a Legislature consisting of teational
Assembly, thj'House of Chiefs, a e Judiciary (law courts
A1__ s-lW-es of Government do their worl
under the Constitution. No arm or branch o government has power above the
Constitution.
The table below illustrates the structure of
government.
CONSTITUTION
THE EXECUTIVE THE LEGISLATURE
President President
Vice-President National Assembly
Cabinet -louse of Chiefs
Public Service F
JUDICIARY
Chief Justice
Judges
Magistrates
The Constitution
The Constitution consists of the laws which say how Botswana should be ruled.
Among many other things it states how elections should be held, what the rights
of the citizens are, the powers of each branch of Government etc. In this way it is
expected to control the power of Government and to protect the people. Under the
Constitution the government is not supposed to do whatever it likes. If it violates
(breaks) the Con-
stitution, any citizen can take it to court. The 1966 Constitution has not changed
much since Independence. However, it can be changed whenever necessary, and
there are rules which state how this should be done.
Under our Constitution the Government has three main parts: the Executive, the
Legislature and the Judiciary.
The President
The President is the Head of State and represents Botswana in all respects. He is
also the Head of the National Assembly and the Executive (Cabinet), and is
Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces.
The President has several powers among which are the following.
1 He appoints certain top officers in all the
state organs such as the Public Service, the army, the Judiciary and the police
department.
2 He has the prerogative of mercy, which
means that he can pardon criminals.
3 He can convene (call) or dissolve Parliament. 4 He must sign all bills before
they can
become law.
5 He can declare a state of emergency by
suspending the Constitution.
It is clear from the above that the President has a lot of power.
The Legislature
The Legislature is the branch of Government which makes the laws. It consists of
the President and the National Assembly. From 1965 to 1973 the National
Assembly consisted of 31 elected members. In 1972 the Constitution was
amended or changed to add one more member. So, after the 1974 general election,
there were 32 elected members. In 1983 the Constitution was further amended to
add two seats to bring the total to 34 seats for the 1984 election. Until 1973 the
President had his own constituency (electoral district). The 1972 amendment
meant that the President had no constituency. This was done

Fig. 171 The opening of the National Assembly

because it was felt that the President represents the whole nation and not just one
area of the country. In addition to the 32 members, there are four members
nominated by the President; the Attorney-General (Government's Chief Law
Officer), who is not a Member of Parliament
(MP) and has no vote, and the Speaker (Chairman) of the National Assembly
(Parliament). The Attorney-General's main duty in Parliament is to give legal
advice to the National Assembly when it makes the laws. The Speaker, who may
or may not be an MP, is appointed by the President. His main job is to guide the
debates in Parliament. Dr Merriweather was the first Speaker.
The function of the National Assembly is to make the laws or Acts which govern
Botswana. Once an Act is made no person, even the President, can change it.
Only the National Assembly
can amend or cancel altogether any Act. A bill (new law), however, does not
become an Act until the President agrees to it by signing it. If he disagrees with
any bill, he sends it back to the National Assembly for further discussion. If the
National Assembly disagrees with the President, it must send the bill back to him
within six months. If he still disagrees, he must dissolve Parliament and call for
new elections. The National Assembly also decides how much money
Government can spend each year. It does this by approving the budget which is
prepared by the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning and presented to
Parliament by the Minister in charge of that Ministry. Parliament also authorises
the Government to raise loans (borrow money). The budget debate is one of the
most important debates Parliament undertakes every year. Another function of

Parliament is to approve the Government' National Development Plan for the next
fiy years. These are the main functions of th,
National Assembly.
The House of Chiefs
During the Protectorate days a start was made ti reduce the powers of the dikgosi.
However, th dikgosi remained fairly powerful. They controllei nearly all aspects
of the activities of the merafi This was mainly because the Government itsel was
not interested in ruling the merafe directly
After Independence, the dikgosi lost a lot o
th.qj-yers. Therewa-snoW-a-new-Gevernmen which wanted to rule the entire
country directly It wanted to create a feeling of attachment to th nation Botswana
rather than to the individug merafe. This would ensure national unity. Th way to
do this was to have everybody within Boi swana under one central government
whos
power spread throughout the country.
During the Lobatse constitutional talks ii
1963, there was already a struggle for power bt tween the dikgosi and the young
educated politi cians. The question was how much power to giv to the dikgosi
under the new democratic Goverr ment. K B __n II was the articulate (spok
well) spthesman o kf he gosi. In the end, it wa
decided to give some recognition to the dikgo but with reduced powers. It was
recognised tha the ordinary people in Botswana still respecte, them. So they could
not just be done away with The BDP had won the election because of th support
of the rural areas where the dikgosi als, had strong support. In fact, some dikgosi
sut ported the BDP. So it would have been unwis for the BDP Government to
destroy its suppoi
by treating the dikgosi badly.
MTheikgos-wexecognised by the creation o
theHouse of Chiefs. It consists of the dikgosi o the -j-i---- af considered to be
the maii
groups since the colonial days. They are: Bang wato, Bakwena, Bakgatla,
Bangwaketse, Balete Batlokwa, Batawana and Barolong. There ar, at embers
electedbythe junior dikgos
in the Chobe, Fraficistown, Ghanzi and Kgala
s gadi Districts, and three other members nomie rigaed-by the President.
e The House-of Chiefs is not part of the Legislature, and it does not have any
power to make laws. Its main duty is to a eGs e
on merafe andcers. Bills before,
the National Assembly dealing with such mato ters must be sent to the House
of Chiefs for its
e advice. The National Assembly can ignore such
I advice. This could cause friction between the
7.i two Houses. So the advice is usually taken
seriously. c
In the early days of Independence, the dikgo~i, if tried unsuccessfully to use the
House of Chiefs, t---- to gain more power for themselves. They wer9/
led by K osi Bathoen IIand Kgosi Linchwe I. e UnhappVy with t e
powerlessness of the House
,l of Chiefs, Bathoen II resigned from the bogosi e and joined politics in 1969
in time for the
general election. He later became a member and e leader of the Botswana
National Front (BNF).
He used his family name Gaseitsiwe from then ri on. He stood for election in
the Ngwaketse con- stituency, and defeated the then Vice-President, 1-i, Dr
Quett Masire in that election. Bathoen II's e movement from bogosi to politics
showed the
i- Government that if they did not treat the dikgosi e carefully, they might
join opposition parties and
sV win because the people still strongly supported
them.
t
d Reduction of the powers of the dikgosi
i. In spite of this, however, the BDP Government e passed Acts to reuce the
powers of the dikgosi.i
o An example of such Acts is the Tribal Land Act"
I- of 1968. It took away from the dikgithe power e liand-@n behalf ofh e
merafe and to
t allocqte such land. This power was given to the / Land Boards. The Chairman
of the Land Board if who may or may not be a kgosi, is appointed by if the
Minister-of-Local Goi6eir ent and Lands. n Th Matimela Act of 1968
tra~nsferred power
over aimda (stray) cattle-.from the dikgosi to , the District Councils. The
District Councils e were created by the Local Government (District
i Councils) Act of 1965 passed just before
Independence.

~..- ~
,- -
Fig. 172 A kgotla meeting in session in Mochudi
The powers of the dikgosi have been greatly reduced since Independence. Their
former powers have been taken over by the Central Government and several
branches of the local administration such as the District Councils, the Land
Boards and the District Development Committees. These branches of Local
Government, rather than the 'Chief's Administration', are mainly in charge of
planning and implementing (putting into practice) district deve lopment
programmes. The dikgosi are now regarded by theGovernment as being under the
District Com-missioner. However, the dikgosi still preside over customary courts
which try cases according to Setswana custom.
The dikgosi have not accepted quietly and willingly the reduction of their powers.
In particular they dislike being regarded as public servants. Kgosi Linchwe II of
the Bakgatla and Kgosi Seepapitso IV of the Bangwaketse have been particularly
outspoken about this. The dikgosi still consider themselves as the leaders of their
merafe, and therefore different from public servants.
The Executive
The Executive is the branch of Government that is responsible for seeing that the
laws are carried out. It consists of the President assisted by the Vice-President, the
Cabinet and the Public Service. The Public Service under the direction of each
Ministry does Government work. Each Ministry is headed by a Minister. The
Minister is advised by a Permanent Secretary who supervises the work of the
Ministry. The Cabinet consists of the President, Vice-President, the Ministers and
the Attorney-General. It meets regularly to take government decisions. It then
instructs the Public Service to carry out these decisions within the laws of the
country. The Public Service includes the Civil Service and the Police. The leader
of the whole Public Service is the Permanent Secretary to the President. Members
of the Public Service are not elected, but are appointed by the Public Service
Commission on the basis of their qualifications. Although the politicians lose their
jobs if they lose elections, public servants can continue to serve any party which
comes into power.

The Judiciary
The Government's powers are controlled by laws which the Government must
obey. Anyone who breaks the law has the right to be tried in a law court. A person
is considered innocent until proved guilty by the court. The Judiciary is that
branch of Government which upholds the law. Its job is to see that offenders are
tried and freed or punished. It is also expected to explain and interpret the law
freely without Government interference. This is why the Judiciary is separate and
independent of the Legislature and the Executive. Even the President should not
interfere with the work of the Judiciary. The President, however, can exercise the
prerogative of mercy, but he can only do this after the courts have passed their
judgement. Also, if Parliament is unhappy about the way the courts apply a
certain law, they can amend it. This is how Government can get around the
powers of the courts.
The Judiciary consists of several levels including the Court of Appeal, the High
Court, the Magistrates' Courts and the Customary Courts. A person can appeal
from one level to the next. This ensures a fair trial.
Local Government
The Central Government cannot be everywhere and do everything in the country.
It gives some
of its work to the Local Government. But Local Government acts under the
supervision of the Central Government. Local Government refers matters it
cannot deal with to the Central Government. A system of local government means
that decisions can be made faster. Also it enables the local people to participate in
their own government. It enables people to make decisions which affect them. \
In 1966, Botswana was divided into nine Disricts, each run by a District Council.
The towns f Gaborone, Francistown, Lobatse and Selebi Phikwe have Town
Councils. District Councils are responsible for primary education, public health,
supply of water and maintenance of district roads. Town Councils have similar
duties in towns. More District and Town Councils can be created if necessary.
Their functions can also increase as more and more developments take place.
Local Councils are assisted in carrying out development work by District and
Village Development Committees.
Elections and political parties
Botswana has a democratic system of government. The main characteristic of this
system is that it allows the citizens to change their leaders from time to time. In
Botswana this is done through general elections every five years. Botswana is a
multi-party state, that is, it has
Fig. 173 Political rallies like this are common at election times
more than one party. These parties are free to compete to be the Government. For
the purposes of elections the country is divided into electoral districts called
constituencies. The number of constituencies can increase as the population
grows. Each constituency elects one Member of Parliament. During elections all
parties are free to compete to win constituencies.
From time to time, at intervals of between five and ten years, a Delimitation
Commission is appointed by the Judicial Services Commission. The Delimitation
Commission is an impartial group of people which decides whether any new
constituencies are needed. If they are needed it draws their boundaries. The
Commission can also divide, abolish, or join existing constituencies. The aim is to
ensure that as population increases, or moves, people in all parts of the country
are represented in Parliament as equally as possible.
The party which wins the majority of the constituencies, wins the general election.
The winning party forms the Government. The other parties which win some
constituencies become the Opposition in the National Assembly. The Opposition
is led by the Leader of the Opposition. This is the leader of the party with the
most members within the Opposition. For several years the leader of the BPP, the
late
Fig. 174 Kenneth Koma, founder and leader of the Botswana National Front
(BNF)
Philip Matante, was Leader of the Opposition. The main function of the
Opposition is to see to it that the Government rules well. It is supposed to do this
by criticising the Government both inside and outside Parliament, and by making
suggestions for improvement. Since Independence, however, the Opposition has
had very few members in Parliament. So it has not been effective enough.
A new political party, the Botswana National Front (BNF), was formed in 1966.
Its founder, Dr Kenneth Koma, was a well educated man who had returned to
Botswana just before the 1965 election from studies in Russia. The first leaders of
the BNF were K. Koma, Secretary for External Affairs; Daniel Kwele, Vice-
President; R. Molomo, President. Although the other two have now left the party,
K. Koma is still its leading figure. The BNF aimed to replace the BDP as the
Government. It argued that under the BDP Botswana did not have full control of
its resources. This, they argued, was because the BDP encouraged private
enterprise rather than state control of the economy. Private enterprise means the
running of the economy by private (non-Government) companies. The BNF,
therefore, stated that it would introduce Government control of the economy. It
wanted to introduce socialism. A socialist form of government is one which
directly runs the major economic activities of a country. The BNF also criticised
the BDP for what it considered conservative domestic and foreign policies. In
order to defeat the BDP, the BNF tried to unite all the opposition parties. This
failed mainly because the different parties did not have the same political ideals.
The BNF, however, was joined by some members of the former K.T. Motsete
wing of the BPP, some labour groups, and some civil servants. Kgosi Bathoen
Gaseitsiwe later left the bogosi and joined the BNF. The party hoped that Kgosi
Bathoen II would effectively challenge Seretse Khama since both were of royal
birth. Bathoen was a man of great influence among the Bangwaketse. In the first
three elections since Independence the BDP retained a large majority in the
National

Fig. 175 rally

Seretse Khama campaigning at a BDP
Assembly. The table below shows the number of seats obtained by each party.
Seats won by each party 1965-79
1965 1969 1974 1979
BDP 28 24 27 29
BPP 3 3 2 1
BIP 0 1 1 0
BNF - 3 2 2
How many seats did all the opposition parties have in 1969? In 1974? In 1979?
An interesting feature of the elections is that the Opposition has not increased its
seats but the number of people voting for the BNF has increased. In 1969, 10 041
voted for it and in 1979 the number increased to 17 324. By comparison the BPP
numbers fell from 19 964 in 1965 to 9 983 in 1979. The BNF has its main
support in the towns whereas the BDP is supported mainly in the rural areas. For
example in 1969 in Gaborone the BNF got 51 per cent of the votes and the BDP
won 48 per cent. But Ramotswa was also in the Gaborone constituency at that
time. So the BDP won the seat because most Ramotswa people voted for the
BDP.
The table below shows the number of people who voted for each party between
1965 and 1979.
Number of votes for each party 1965-79
1965 1969 1974 1979
BDP 113168 52518 49047 101098
BPP 19964 9329 4199 9983
BIP 6491 4601 3086 5813
BNF - 10410 7358 17324
A major feature of Botswana politics is that there has been free expression of
ideas by all parties. There has been no imprisonment of opposition party members
for their political beliefs. New political parties continue to be formed. In 1982,
Daniel Kwele, a former Assistant Minister, and founding member of the BNF
formed the Botswana Progressive Union (BPU). It is still too early to judge the
performance of this party.
Questions
1 Using one sentence for each, list the main
functions of the National Assembly.
2 List the names of the Acts which reduced the
power of the dikgosi, and say briefly what
each of them did.
3 Say briefly what the Executive and Judiciary
are.

Economic and Social 26 Developments

The Economy
The new Botswana Government inherited a very poor country which was not able
to pay for running its affairs. It relied on British grants-in-aid (financial help) to
pay for its needs. Social facilities such as education and health were very poor.
Botswana was an extremely poorntry and had few educated _people to run it.
Other problems were caused by the geographical location of the country.
Botswana is land-locked, that is, it has no sea coast. It was surrounded by
powerful racist neighbours. The new Gover.nment, however, faced these
problems and tried to find ways to solve them. From the very beginning, the
Government's main aim was to improve the economic situation, of the country as
soon as possible by carrying out development programmes. Indeed, the economic
picture has changed a lot. For example, in 1966 the Gross Domestic Product of
Botswana (the value of all goods and services produced in the country) was P37
million By 1979, it had risen to P650 million. Botswana has made some progress
since Independence towards improving the lives of its citizens. But there is still a
long way to go in raising the standard of living of all Batswana, especially those
in the rural areas. There are still many poor Batswana in both urban and rural
areas. This is mainly because there are not enough jobs and many Batswana do
not own much property. This is particularly true in the rural areas where a few
rich people own most of the cattle.
The aims of development
Since Independence the Government's main concern has been to reduce or end
poverty. Each National Development Plan (NDP), states how the Government
plans to do this. From the very beginning, the Government's economic planning
has been guided by the following aims.
1 It wants rapid economic growth to bring
more money to the country so as to improve the standard of living of all the
citizens.
Livestock, minerals, manufacturing and arable farming are seen as the main
activities
that can bring wealth to the country.
2 It aims at economic independence. This can
be achieved through having more goods produced in Botswana. Then the country
does not have to import too many things it needs
from other countries.
3 Social justice is the other aim of development.
All citizens must benefit from development.
The Government is trying to provide jobs and social services such as health and
education.
4 The Government also aims at sustained (continuing) development. This means
that the country should use its wealth wisely so as not
to destroy it.
The Government has not succeeded in achieving all these aims, but it continues to
try.
Because it had not got enough money, Botswana borrowed funds from other
countries for its development projects. This money came in the form of loans or
grants (gifts). The

number of donors (lenders) has increased over the years as Botswana has become
better known internationally. Because of its political stability, peace and good
management, Botswana has been able to attract foreign aid.
Funds were also raised internally by various means. One of the early sources of
revenue was the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) formed in 1910. It
consisted of the Union of South Africa, Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland.
Southern Rhodesia was a member, but withdrew later. SACU was formed to
encourage free trade among these countries. This meant that goods travelled from
one country to another without customs duty. The member countries had the same
customs rules and shared the revenue earned by charging customs duty on goods
from outside the customs area. Each got money from the customs revenue pool
according to the value of the goods it imported. So the more goods a country
imported, the higher the revenue it earned. The main weakness of SACU was that
South Africa decided by itself how much money each country got. After
Independence, Botswana complained that the old SACU agreement favoured
South Africa. It asked that new negotiations be undertaken so as to give
Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland (BLS), a better share of the customs revenues.
A new customs agreement was reached in 1969. Since then Botswana has
received much higher revenues. The revenue has continued to increase over the
years, especially because of imports of large machines used in the newly opened
mines in the early 1970s. These revenues partly enabled Botswana to balance its
budget for the first time in 1972/73. This meant that Botswana was now able to
pay for running its affairs (recurrent budget), every year without British grants-in-
aid. This was an important step towards self-sufficiency. The 1969 agreement also
made it possible to protect young industries in the BLS countries from the
competition of larger South African industries. So Botswana can now prevent
certain South African goods from being imported if similar goods are made in
Botswana.
Transport and communications
No country can develop fully without a good infrastructure or communications
system. This is why the new Government concentrated on road building from the
very beginning. It tarred nearly all major roads and improved gravel ones. When
the Francistown to Plumtree road and the Nata to Kazungula road are completed,
there will be tarred roads linking Botswana to South Africa, Zambia and
Zimbabwe. Some rural roads have also been built. They link major villages to the
main road and railway systems. In the 1970s the roads within most major villages
were tarred. There are still many remote areas, however, which have poor roads or
have no roads at all.
The Department of Civil Aviation was created to develop and control air services.
Air Botswana runs air transport. Since Independence, air transport has grown both
internationally and inside Botswana. Air Botswana has links with international
flights through Lusaka, Johannesburg and Harare. There are several landing strips
in the country, but most of these are for small aircraft. The larger airports are in
Gaborone, Francistown, Selebi Phikwe, and Maun. But these cannot take very
large aircraft. In 1982 the Government began to build an International Airport
near Gaborone. It will handle more aircraft, and enable larger aeroplanes to land
in Botswana.
Fig. 176 An Air Botswana aeroplane at the old Gaborone airport. Expanding
communlications of all forms are essential to development
rt*a1,/
II

Fig. 177 A Botswana Railways locomotive. Following the Independence of

Zimbabwe plans for Botswana to take over the railway were put into operation
The railway is still the most important means of transport. It carries both people
and goods. In the colonial days it was run by the Rhodesia Railways. Since the
Independence of Zimbabwe in 1980 it has been operated by the National
Railways of Zimbabwe. In 1974 the Botswana Government decided to take over
the portion of the railway inside Botswana. Preparations are being made and the
takeover is expected to take place in the late 1980s. The Government has begun
buying rolling stock such as engines and trucks, and training railway workers
such as engineers, drivers and others. Work has begun to build a railway
headquarters in Francistown. The postal and telecommunications (telephones,
telegrams, telexes), services have greatly expanded since Independence,
especially in linking main towns and villages. The remote areas, however, still
have a poor telephone and postal system. Many do not have a telephone service at
all. Before 1957 the postal system was a branch
of the South African postal system. In 1957 the Protectorate Government
controlled it from Mafikeng. By 1963 the system operated from Lobatse, and
later it was transferred to Gaborone. In 1980 the Botswana Telecommunications
Corporation was formed to run the telecommunications, leaving the Post Office to
be in charge of the postal services and a savings bank. A further improvement was
the completion of a satellite station at Kgale Hill in 1980. This makes it possible,
to communicate with the outside world without going through South Africa.
Cattle farming
Cattle were the main agricultural activity which brought revenue. The good work
in cattle health begun by the Colonial Government continued after Independence.
The Government took further measures to control and eradicate foot-andmouth
disease. More cordon fences were erected and the Veterinary Department carried
out more
240

vaccinations. More spraying was carried out to destroy the tsetse fly. See Fig.
178. The Government expanded the Veterinary Department by training more
Batswana. In 1982 a Motswana became the head of the Veterinary Department.
The Government also realised that good animal health care would improve the
quality of beef. The Ministry of Agriculture extended its services to many parts of
the country. It distributed officers to advise cattle owners on animal health care.
Radio programmes were devised and a newsletter was started to spread
information about livestock care.
As a result of these measures cattle numbers, which were very low after the
drought of the 1960s, increased. There were about three million in the 1970s. But
most cattle are owned by only
a few Batswana, and the majority do not benefit much from cattle. The
Government is, therefore, encouraging more Batswana to own more cattle. They
can do this by borrowing money from the National Development Bank (NDB).
This Bank was created by the Government in 1965 in order to give loans to
Batswana.
After successfully controlling foot-and-mouth disease for several years, the
disease reappeared in 1977. The Botswana Government built more cordon fences.
It also created the Vaccine Institute which now produces a strong vaccine against
the disease. Because of the disease Botswana could not sell its beef to Europe for
some time.
Some new developments took place after Independence. Because the Lobatse
Abattoir has
Fig. 178 Vaccine being prepared at the Botswana Vaccine Institute. The Institute
makes many of the vaccines needed in Botswana and exports some also

become too small, the Government has started to build another slaughterhouse at
Maun in Ngamiland. A third abattoir is planned near Francistown for the northern
areas. These new abattoirs will enable Botswana to export more beef. Batswana in
far off areas will not have to drive their cattle to distant Lobatse.
Tribal Grazing Land Policy (TGLP)
As the number of cattle increased, it became clear that they would destroy the
land through overgrazing. This would lead to soil erosion. So the Government
introduced the Tribal Grazing Land Policy in 1975 to deal with the problem. The
new policy aimed to control grazing by reducing the number of cattle in the
communal areas and to increase production. This would be done by opening up
new grazing areas in regions generally not used by anyone. The new areas would
be turned into commercial farms. These would be leased to individuals or
syndicates for a 50 year period. To be allowed to rent such a farm the person or
syndicate must have at least 400 livestock. Arrangements were made for those
interested to borrow money from the National Development Bank. The policy
also aimed to protect the interests of the many Batswana who do not own cattle or
have few cattle. These are largely the people who live in the remote areas. This
would be done by safeguarding their
Fig. 179 The success of the cattle industry depends on good grazing like this ....
land or by getting large cattle owners to move out of communal areas to
commercial farms. In this way it was hoped that the gap between the poor and the
rich would be narrowed. TGLP divided merafe or 'tribal' land into three zones or
parts: commercial areas, communal land and reserved areas. Commercial areas
would be divided into farms. Communal areas would continue to provide grazing
for merafe cattle as before. Reserved areas would provide more land for those
with few-or nocattle. at all. The Government gave the Land Boards in each
district the power to allocate the new farms.
Results of Tribal Grazing Land Policy
The Government had expected to allocate about a thousand ranches by 1980. In
fact, only very few leases, about 17, were signed by that date. So progress has
been slow. There are a number of people interested in leasing farms, but there are
not enough of them. This is because so far, the Government has not been able to
find sufficient new grazing areas. In some districts the people are not willing to
implement the new policy because they have doubts about it. But the main reason
for the lack of new grazing land is that areas which were thought to be vacant
(empty) are in fact occupied. In some cases large cattle owners with boreholes in
commercial farms areas are unwilling to lease farms. The crowding
Fig. 180 ..... while overgrazed land impoverishes the industry

and overgrazing in communal areas has not lessened. This is because in general
large cattle owners have not moved out, and there is no law to force them to do
so. Some cattle owners have moved into commercial areas, but still retain their
grazing rights in communal areas. This gives such people an advantage over other
communal area dwellers. In some cases commercial ranches have been allocated
in areas where remote area dwellers live. There is a danger that commercial
farmers might expel these people from their farms. If the government is unable to
resettle them, then they would become landless people. Another problem is that
Batswana are not yet used to the idea of syndicates in cattle farming. And yet
poorer people need a syndicate in order to have the 400 livestock required. The
result is that generally only the already rich cattle owners are able to lease
ranches. This further increases the gap between the rich and the poor, which is
against the Government policy of social justice.
Arable farming
Like the previous Colonial Government, the new Government did not pay much
attention to arable farming until recently. Until 1973 the Department of
Agriculture concentrated on assisting the small group of master farmers. After
1973 the Department thought of new ways to teach more Batswana modern
methods of farming. This was done through radio programmes and lessons given
to farmers by agricultural demonstrators. The Government built the Bot. swana
Agricultural College at Sebele to trainV demonstrators. In 1967 a research station
was established to study new and better methods of farming. By 1976 some of
these methods were being tried. At the same time a new kind of plough was
invented (made) in Botswana. It is called Makgonatsotlhe, the (conqueror of all
machine). It is light and can be pulled by four donkeys. The machine, however, is
not yet used by many Batswana.
One problem faced by Batswana was that there was no good market for their
crops in the coun-
try. They sold surplus crops to traders who sold the crops to the South African
Maize Board. In years of drought the Batswana bought back the food they had
sold earlier, at much higher prices. This discouraged Batswana from producing
more crops. In order to solve this problem, the Government established the
Botswana Agriltural Marketing Board (BAMB) in 1974.
AN buys grain at fairly-good prices and stores it. Some of this grain is exported.
The rest is sold to Batswana at reasonable prices during times of need. The
Government assists BAMA financially to carry out this process. This is
encouraging Batswana to produce more food crops. Some Batswana are also
producing cash crops such as groundnuts and sunflowers.( Cotton is grown at
such places as Talana 'i-anch in the Tuli Block, Mabadisa in Bangwaketse area, et
. Citrus fruit Igrowing has been going on in the'-TuIEloel-since 1944. But until
the late 1970s, the Government did not help the poor Batswana farmers much.
Only people who had oxen and donkeys managed to benefit from farming. In
1979 the Government introduced a new programme aimed to help the %poor
small farmers. It is called the Arable Land
evelopment Programme (ALDEP). Its main alms are to increase food production
by enabling more Batswana to farm, and to create selfemployment. In this way
Batswana will not rely on food imports and more Batswana will get money by
selling their produce. This will, it is hoped, reduce rural poverty and
unemployment. The farmers are assisted by loans from the NDB to buy donkeys
or oxen to plough with and to buy ploughing equipment. These loans are
subsidised by the Government. They are given mostly to poorer Batswana who
have few or no cattle at all. Loans are also given for fencing, buying tractors and
for developing water resources. It is too early yet to judge how successful A IJD-
F' will be.
Another majr development was the introduction ofAriceg gwing in Botswana. In
1978 the Government asked the Government of the People's Republic of China to
teach Batswana how to grow rice using water from the Okavango
243

Fig. 181 Growing rice near Maun. Diversification from the arable sector of the
economy
Delta. The aim was to grow enough rice to feed Batswana and to export. Research
now aims at investigating the possibility of large-scale production.
Mining
At Independence in 1966, Botswana was one of the poorest countries in the
world. Today it is no longer classified as one of the poorest nations. It is now
among the richer developing countries. This is because of its minerals, mainly
diamonds. See Fig. 182. Botswana has large deposits of diamonds, coal and soda
ash as well as small quantities of asbestos, gold and manganese. More minerals
may be discovered in the future as more mineral exploration is carried out.
Before Independence, minerals belonged to the different merafe. Soon aften
Independence the new Government successfully persuaded the merafe to give all
mineral rights to the state. This
traditional arable agriculture helps to expand
was important because it enabled the Government to make a common policy for
mining throughout Botswana. It also enabled Government to use mining revenues
for the development of the whole country instead of just those areas with
minerals.
DeBeers Botswana Mining Company was \formed in 1969 to mine diamonds at
Orapa. Production started in,-974-. In 1977 mining started at Letlhakane. Ir 197N
DeBeers discovered a very large diamondpipe at Jwaneng. Full production began
in 198, and a large town is developing around tie mine. Copper-nickel mining at
Phikwe was started by the Bamangwato Concessions Ltd (BCL) in 1973/74. The
mine had several problems. This together with the low prices for copper and
nickel all over the world made the mine unprofitable. A second mine was started
at Selebi in 1979/80. Coal mining at Morupule began in 1973. The main user of
the coal is the mine at Selebi Phikwe. There are plans for further expanding coal
mining in

Fig. 182 A miner underground in the Selebi Phikwe copper-nickel mine

order to export coal to other countries. Also a power station will be built at
Morupule. It will use coal to produce electricity. Shell Coal is intending to open a
large coal mine at Kgaswe, near Morupule.
The Government does not do the mining itself. It encourages private companies to
do so, but it makes laws to regulate and control mining activities. For example,
the Government has negotiated with each company what share of the mining
profits the Government should get. The most important policy is to use mineral
revenue to develop rural areas especially. So far the results of the policy are small
because most development has occurred in the towns. In order to create
employment and get higher profits, the Government has decided that, where
possible, minerals should be processed (prepared) in Botswana.
Advantages of mining
1 Mining has brought Botswana more money.
This money is used for all kinds of
development.
2 Mining has led to the building of more
roads, and even railways such as the stretch of railway from Morupule to Selebi
Phikwe.
There is now talk of building a railway to link Botswana to Walvis Bay in
Namibia.
This would transport coal and other
minerals for export.
3 Batswana have learned new skills from
mining.
4 New towns have developed around the
mines and new businesses and industries
have been established there.
5 Mining has given employment to many
Batswana.
The main disadvantage of an economy which depends on mining is that minerals
can become exhausted (finished). Then the towns around the mines die out.
Mineral prices can also fall and force a country to lose money. Mining has created
some social problems. The

Fig. 183 The mine at Selebi Phikwe. Unless controlled, smoke and fumes from
industry can damage the environment of Botswana
water used for washing mineral ore sometimes flows into nearby rivers and makes
them dirty. The fumes or smoke from mines can also dirty the air. This is
pollution of the environment. It can be harmful to people, animals and vegetation
living around the mining areas. Ways have been developed to reduce the danger
of environmental pollution.
Wherever mining has developed, towns have sprung up where miners and people
doing business in these towns live. Many people moved from the rural areas to
seek jobs at the mines. But not all these people found jobs. Instead of returning to
the villages, they settled around mining towns. These settlements, such as
Botshabelo in Selebi Phikwe, are called squatter townships. Quite often these
settlements did not have facilities like schools, clean water, clinics, a sewerage
system. Children often had to walk long distances to school, and they had to go to
the main town for shopping and health care. There was high unemployment. In
such circumstances crime increased. The squatters cannot be forced back to their
villages. So attempts are now being made to improve their lives by providing
some facilities such as clinics, shops, schools, etc. The squatters themselves have
found many ways to survive. For example, they sell traditional beer or they start
Shebeens where they sell non-traditional beer and spirits illegally. Some become
barbers or sell firewood, etc.
Manufacturing
At Independence, there were hardly any industries in Botswana. The few small
ones that existed were in Francistown and Lobatse. These were a bone-meal
factory and leather tannery in Francistown, and a small meat cannery and maize
meal factory in Lobatse. Gaborone had

none. The main reasons for this situation were that:

1 Batswana did not possess enough money to
start industries or businesses,
2 Batswana lacked industrial skills and
knowledge of running industries,
3 Botswana's small and scattered population
did not provide a profitable market for
manufactured goods,
4 there was competition from large South
African industries which made cheaper
goods,
5 because of the Southern African Customs
Union, Botswana could not prevent competition from South Africa,
6 there was a problem of scarce water and few
natural resources.
These problems still exist, but some progress has been made. Industrial and
commercial activities remain less developed than mining or agriculture.
Starting in 1968 the Government decided to expand commerce and industry. In
1973 a Ministry of Commerce and Industry was established to develop industry.
Between 1973 and
1978 some progress was made in industrialisation.
From the beginning, it was realised that foreigners controlled industry. The
Government tried to find ways to help Batswana to participate in industry.
Government also found ways of encouraging foreign investment especially in
industries where Batswana were not active. Botswana's economic policy is that of
free enterprise. This means that the Government does not itself engage in
producing things or in running businesses. It encourages individuals and
companies to do this. Because there were few Batswana in industry, the
Government has sometimes created parastatal bodies or Government companies
to run businesses. The aim was to stop foreigners from running all businesses.
Often these bodies run enterprises (businesses) jointly with foreign companies.
The Government took the following steps to promote industry. It negotiated a new
customs agreement (see page 239), which enabled the Government to protect new
industries.
A Government-owned public company called the Botswana Development
Corporation (BDC)
Fig. 184 A furniture factory in Gaborone. Industrial growth is important for the
development of the nation

was formed in 1970. The Corporation enabled the Government to participate

directly in industrial and commercial development. In this way, the Government
was able to compete with foreign companies and to create revenue. The BDC also
aimed to work in partnership with foreign companies as long as such companies
did business which created employment and trained Batswana. The BDC aimed
to:
1 assist in the establishment of enterprises
which could create employment,
2 train Batswana,
3 produce products which could replace
foreign imports,
4 exploit Botswana's resources,
5 create new business opportunities for
Batswana.
It has become involved mainly in the areas of transport, tourism, hotel business,
brewing, property development, agriculture and financial services. The
Corporation has made some progress in these areas. BDC, however, has not
succeeded so far in starting development projects which can employ many
Batswana, especially in the rural areas.
In 1973 the Government created the Botswana Enterprises Development Unit
(BEDU) within the Ministry of Commerce and Industry. Finan-
cial assistance for BEDU came from the Swedish International Development
Agency and the United Nations Development Programme. BEDU aimed to
encourage and train Batswana to run businesses of their own. A number of BEDU
premises were built at places such as Gaborone, Pilane and Francistown.
Batswana ran businesses in these facilities. BEDU and the National Development
Bank provided loans to poor Batswana who could not start in business on their
own. The NDB was given more funds to enable it to serve Batswana better.
BEDU has faced such problems as competition from large manufacturers in
neighbouring countries, lack of properly trained people especially at technical and
managerial levels, and the lack of local raw materials. However, some progress
has been made. Some Batswana have been successfully trained, and BEDU
projects have created some employment. But BEDU has not yet started operating
effectively in the rural areas. As a result of these measures and the general growth
of the economy, a number of industries have developed. Examples are meat
canning, tanning and leather works, weaving, clothing, wood and steel furniture,
light engineering, mineral processing such as diamond cutting, etc. Most of these
are in urban areas. Very little
Fig. 185 BEDU workshops provide opportunity for the small-scale businessman

Fig. 186 Weavers at Odi. Production cooperatives also play a part in the economy.
At this cooperative fine tapestries (like the one on the cover of this book) produce
export earnings
industrial activity takes place in the rural areas. There are still very few Batswana
owning and running industries. Most Batswana who own businesses have small
retail shops.
An area in which Batswana have succeeded is the cooperative movement. It
began in the 1960s and has Government support. The cooperative movement has
supermarkets and shops in all towns and in many villages. The consumer
cooperatives are the most successful. Producer cooperatives, such as the cattle
marketing ones, are small but growing.
In 1982 the Government introduced the Financial Assistance Policy. This was to
help Batswana engage in productive employment (job) creating projects. This is
an important step because lack of finance has always been one main
Fig. 187 Clean water, pumped from thousands of boreholes throughout the
country, is a key to a healthy population and to rural development
reason why Batswana have not carried out large projects.
Water development
The water development programme started in colonial times was expanded. More
boreholes were drilled. A major new development was the provision of clean
water to nearly all villages of reasonable size. Water pipes provide water to
various parts of the village. This has removed the burden of women carrying
water from long distances. Clean water has resulted in better health for the
villagers.
The development of mining, industry and large towns made it necessary to
provide even more water sources. So dams were built for these
249
purposes. Examples are the Shashe and Mopipi dams which were built to serve
the mines. The growth of the economy has resulted in the rise and growth of
towns. Before Independence, Lobatse and Francistown were the only urban
centres. To these were added the new towns of Gaborone, which was a small
camp until it became the capital, Selebi Phikwe, Orapa and Jwaneng. The
populations of these towns are rapidly growing as shown on the table below.
Urban population 1964-81
I 1964 1971 1978 1981
Francistown 9 521 19 903 36 000 31 100 Gaborone 3855 18 436 47 000 59
700
Lobatse 7613 12 920 17 000 19 000
Selebi Phikwe - 4 940 28 000 30 200
Gradually a new generation of urban people is growing up. Traditional customs
practised in the villages are disappearing in the towns, and a new industrial
culture is developing. The growth of wage employment has led to the growth of a
labour movement, which is gaining in strength. It plays an important part in
protecting the interests of the working class. It promotes better wages and
working conditions.
Social developments
Health
The social services which were very poor in colonial times have been greatly
improved. The Government concentrated on education and health as the most
important services. The aim was to make these services available to more people
throughout the country and as cheaply as possible.
Before Independence, health work was done almost entirely by the missionaries.
After Independence, the Government took over most health care work. Rather
than build expensive hospitals for the urban areas alone, the Govern-
ment has built rural health centres and clinics in nearly all villages. The
Government also aims to prevent rather than just to cure diseases. So public
health officers are trained and sent to the villages. They teach people how to avoid
disease by living clean lives. Family planners teach mothers how to plan the size
of their families, how to space their children and how to feed and care for
children. These measures are meant to ensure that both mothers and children are
healthy. The Government also provides immunisation for children against
common child diseases. This is done free of charge.
The Government has built the National Health Institute to train nurses.
Scholarships are provided to train Batswana doctors abroad. Recently a degree
course was started at the University to train better teachers of nurses. All these
measures have resulted in a healthier population. More recently the Government
has begun to turn its attention to the care of the handicapped. Until recently only
churches and some private organisations had cared for these people.
Education
At Independence there were few well educated Batswana. The Government
decided to expand the education system quickly so as to provide manpower to run
the country. So a lot of money was spent on education at primary, secondary and
university levels. Several new primary and secondary schools were built.
Bursaries (funds) were provided by the Government to enable Batswana to study
both at the local University and abroad. The Government's aim was to provide at
least primary education for all who needed it. So primary school fees were
abolished in 1980. The problem is that not all children who complete primary
education can find places in the fewer secondary or vocational schools. So there
are many young people with primary education who want to, but who cannot
continue with their education.
The question then was what to do with children who could not go on with their
education. How could they be made productive and useful

Fig. 188 Expansion of education has been one of the Government's top priorities
since Independence
citizens? In 1963 Patrick Van Rensburg started a new kind of school at Swaneng
Hill in Serowe. He was at that time a political refugee from South Africa and is
now a Botswana citizen. He used money from private overseas organisations to
start the school. The Swaneng Hill School would give a different kind of
education from the other schools. Normal secondary school courses would be
taught, but there would be some practical subjects too. This would encourage
Batswana not only to receive academic training but also to develop manual work.
It was hoped to create a spirit of self-reliance in the students. However the School
could not provide education for all the primary school leavers who wanted it.
Van Rensburg realised that it was unlikely that more secondary schools would be
built for the
Fig. 189 Patrick Van Rensburg, founder of Swaneng Hill School and the Brigades
movement in Botswana

Fig. 190 Shashe Builders' Brigade at work. The idea of combining education with
production is still one of the central issues in education in Botswana today
many Primary School leavers. There was no employment for them. In 1965 he
decided to start the Serowe Brigade near Swaneng Hill School. The brigade was
separate from the secondary school. The first brigade was the Builders' Brigade.
Later other brigades followed, such as those in metalwork, weaving, carpentry
and so on. As time passed, other places such as Shashe introduced their own
brigades and gradually the idea spread throughout the country. This came to be
known as the Youth Brigade Movement and it became more widespread after
Independence.
The brigades aimed to turn primary school leavers into productive citizens who
relied on their own labour to make a living and to get education. This was done
through a combination of work and training. The students learned skills on the
job. They spent a lot of time learning by doing things with their hands together
with their teachers. Only short periods were set aside for lessons in a normal
classroom. The
students built their own classrooms and dormitories. They earned money from
their work to pay for running the brigade schools. Brigades aimed to cover all
their own costs. They were a good example of self-reliance. Brigades produced
goods which had been imported before. In this way they created wealth for the
nation and contributed to the development of Botswana. They created jobs for
many. They used local materials such as wood and leather to produce goods.
Above all brigades produced young men and women who were confident, proud
and useful citizens. The brigades were so successful that the Government decided
to help by giving them financial assistance.
The main problem faced by the brigades was that students found it difficult to do
manual work while students in non-brigade schools did not do any such work.
There were also some problems caused by poor management. This caused some
brigades to close. However, brigades still exist and some changes are being

made to make them work better. In part, the brigades idea made Government
decide to change the education system in Botswana. The Government wanted
education which would make Batswana more productive by doing things with
their hands. So in 1975, a Commission on Education was appointed to examine
the education system in Botswana and to make recommendations on how to
improve it. One of the recommendations is that practical work should be
introduced in the schools.
All schools face the problem of lack of trained teachers, especially in the science
subjects. The Government uses expatriate teachers while Batswana are being
trained. Teachers are trained in the Teacher Training Colleges and at the
University of Botswana.
Vocational or practical training has remained the weakest branch of the education
system. There are hardly any vocational training schools. Many of the practical
skills are obtained from such government departments as Public Works,
from the brigades, or by learning on the job. Some vocational training is now
being done in a few schools. The Botswana Polytechnic teaches courses in
welding, electrical work, painting, carpentry, refrigeration, plumbing, etc. The
courses are taught at the lower and advanced levels. The Automotive Trades
Training School in Gaborone trains motor mechanics. The brigades, as stated
above, also do a lot of vocational training. The Botswana Institute of
Administration and Commerce teaches courses in such subjects as accountancy,
commerce, business management, secretarial practice, typing, shorthand, etc.
Non-formal education: education outside school
In 1973 the Botswana Extension College (BEC) was formed with the aim of
providing Junior Certificate and School Certificate courses for students who could
not normally enter formal secondary schools. Teaching was done by
correspondence (post), books and instruction being
Fig. 191 The University of Botswana from the air. The University became fully
independent in 1982

A A*
Fig. 192 The University produces high level manpower for the country. Here a
student teacher is in practice
sent to each student. Each student then sent work completed back to a teacher or
tutor, by post.
In 1978 the BEC was absorbed into the new Department of Non-Formal
Education (NFE) and about 4 000 students were studying at one time. In 1979
NFE started a huge literacy programme to help the large numbers of illiterate
adults in the country to read and write. Assistants were appointed in each district
to carry out the programme. By 1984 the programme is due to be completed. The
Institute of Adult Education at the University of Botswana also provides non-
formal education. It trains adult educators and teaches many other courses.
University education
For degree education, students go to the University of Botswana, which was
established in July,
1982 when the University ofBotswana and Swaziland (UBS) was closed by
agreement between the Governments of Botswana and Swaziland. The UBS itself
was formed after UBLS broke up in October 1975. The break up took place
because Lesotho pulled out of UBLS and took over the University at Roma.
Botswana and Swaziland were forced by this action to expand their own
University Colleges quickly. These Colleges became full-grown, independent
Universities in July 1982. The University of Botswana teaches certificate,
diploma and degree courses.
For courses or training not offered in Botswana, the Government sends students to
study abroad. There are now many more educated Batswana at all levels than
there were at Independence. They provide much needed manpower to develop the
country. Many of these
254

ecucated Batswana now hold important jobs in Government and industry.

Although much remains to be done in training more Batswana, a great deal has
been achieved in the field of education.
Questions
1 Write briefly and in your own words about
the improvements in communications since
Independence.
2 In no more than five sentences describe what
has been done to improve cattle health since
Independence.
3 What has been the general effect of the
Tribal Grazing Land Policy? Was this what
the Government intended?
4 Draw a sketch map showing the position of
the mines in Botswana.
5 Hold a class discussion about the meaning of
the statement, 'Botswana's economic policy
is that of free enterprise.'
6 What are parastatal bodies? Discuss their
role in Botswana's development.
255
27 Botswana and the World
Foreign policy
Every state has what are called a foreign policy and a domestic or internal policy.
Domestic policy means all the things a state does inside its own boundaries.
Foreign policy means what a country does outside its borders. It means how a
country deals with problems of the world. It also means how a country works with
other countries to solve world problems. The way in which a country relates to
other countries is called international relations. No state can exist in isolation.
States are interdependent. This means that they cooperate or work together. When
a country makes its foreign policy, it makes sure that this policy will not damage
its own interests. Thus any country's foreign policy is guided by selfinterest.
States usually recognise each other's self-interest when they deal with one
another. Nations exchange ambassadors who look after their countries' interests
abroad. Nations also form international organisations where they exchange views
from time to time.
Botswana's foreign policy
Botswana became independent on 30 September 1966. Some people thought that
it could not have an independent foreign policy because it was so economically
dependent on (tied to) South Africa. Indeed South Africa expected Botswana to
follow a foreign policy that would not criticise it. But Botswana has worked out
an independent foreign policy which has won the
country praise and respect in the world. The policy did not seem quite clear in the
early years of Independence. President Khama clarified the policy at the
Organisation of African Unity (OAU) summit in Lusaka in 1969. He said:
'But we are not deterred by our present economic weakness from speaking out for
what we believe is right. We have made no secret of our detestation [dislike] of
apartheid. We have condemned the theory and practice of the racial policy of
apartheid... Botswana does not endorse [agree with] the denial of
selfdetermination, human dignity and equality to people anywhere on the face of
the earth.' Later that year he stressed this policy at the United Nations General
Assembly. Foreign policy is made by the President with the advice of the Cabinet.
The Minister for Foreign Affairs heads the Department of Foreign Affairs which
carries out foreign policy. Botswana's ambassadors carry out the policy in foreign
countries. Botswana's foreign policy can be looked at in terms of how the country
deals with regional problems and with problems of the wider world.
Botswana and Southern Africa
The geographical location of Botswana has influenced its foreign policy very
much. At Independence the new Republic was surrounded by Southern
Rhodesia, South Africa and Namibia. All these countries were ruled by small
groups of white people who oppressed black
256

people. They did not want the Africans in those countries to be independent or to
participate in politics. They all practised racial discrimination. The only link with
independent African countries to the north was a small point across the Chobe-
Zambezi Rivers at Kazungula. Botswana also depended on the transport and
communications systems of Southern Rhodesia and South Africa. Her economy
was also heavily dependent on South Africa for many reasons.
Because of all these factors Botswana had to be careful not to offend her racist
neighbours. Botswana's foreign policy, therefore, aimed at criticising the White-
ruled states, but being careful not to cause them to attack her. Similarly, Botswana
assisted the oppressed people in these countries, but was careful not to provoke
the white minority governments there. This careful policy was not always
successful. For example in 1977 the white government of Rhodesia attacked
Botswana several times.
Racism and apartheid
From the very beginning Botswana made no secret of her dislike for racial
discrimination. President Khama publicly criticised Rhodesia and South Africa
for their racial policies. This is why even though Botswana's economy was so
dependent on these countries, she did not establish diplomatic relations with them.
There is no Botswana ambassador in South Africa, and there was none in White-
ruled Rhodesia.
Botswana's policy towards South Africa is to have minimum political contact with
that country. The contacts which exist are mainly economic ones. Most of the
goods Botswana uses are made in South Africa. She exports goods to South
Africa or through South Africa to other countries. Her imports come through
South Africa. The South African Government however, sometimes prohibits some
Batswana from entering South Africa, usually for unknown reasons.
Botswana's relations with White-ruled Rhodesia were the same as those with
South Africa. The economies of the two countries were interdependent. More
importantly, Botswana relied
on the railway line belonging to Rhodesia. But Botswana prohibited racial
discrimination on the Rhodesian trains while they were in Botswana. Free
movement of Rhodesians into Botswana was stopped when Rhodesia continually
attacked Botswana during the liberation (freedom) war. So in 1978 all Rhodesians
required visas (permits) to enter Botswana.
The liberation struggle
Botswana, like most countries, prefers to use peaceful means to solve problems.
This is the method preferred by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to solve
the problems of Southern Africa. The OAU declared this policy in 1969 in Lusaka
in a document (paper) called the Lusaka Manifesto. But the OAU also stated that
if the white minority governments refused to free the people of Southern Africa, it
would support armed struggle (fighting) by the liberation movements.
Botswana supports this OAU policy regarding liberation. She emphasises that she
prefers peaceful means, but she understands why people have to fight to free
themselves. But Botswana also realised that she could not allow liberation
movements to fight from her soil because she feared that she would be attacked
by the powerful white governments.
Even though Botswana follows this policy, she recognises (accepts) liberation
movements and helps people who are oppressed. She recognises the liberation
movements recognised by the OAU, such as the South West Africa People's
Organisation (SWAPO) of Namibia, the African National Congress (ANC) and
the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) of South Africa. Before Zimbabwe became
independent, Botswana recognised the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe.
Botswana assists the liberation struggle and the oppressed people in the following
ways.
1 Botswana has an open policy towards
refugees, and accepts all true refugees.
These are people who flee from their countries because of oppression. Botswana
settles them, feeds them, allows them to run

Fig. 193 Seretse Khama as President addressing the UN General Assembly in

1969: the speech that clarified Botswana's foreign policy, particularly with regard
to South Africa
businesses, gives some of them work and admits some of them to her schools and
the University. Those who qualify for citizenship are allowed to become citizens
if they
should want to.
2 Botswana gives diplomatic and political support to the oppressed. This means
that she speaks out against oppression at international conferences such as at the
OAU and
the UN.
3 Botswana takes part with the other Front
Line States in assisting the liberation movements to negotiate a peaceful
settlement. They helped the Patriotic Front to negotiate with Britain in the late
1970s.
They are now helping SWAPO to negotiate
for the Independence of Namibia.
4 Botswana, together with liberation movements, believes in and insists on true
Independence for the whole of South Africa.
For this reason she rejects 'Bantustans' such as Venda, Transkei, Bophuthatswana
and so on because they are not independent countries.
Policy on sanctions
In order to force South Africa to end apartheid, the OAU and the United Nations
have asked states to apply economic sanctions against that country. While
Botswana does not oppose sanctions, she is unable to apply them because they
would damage her own economy. She cannot stop trade between the two
countries because she relies on South African goods. In addition South Africa
could punish Botswana painfully by preventing her imports and exports from
passing through. Botswana does not, therefore, apply sanctions because of her
own self-interest. However, her policy is that she would not oppose those who
wanted to apply sanctions so long as her interests were protected.
In the case of Rhodesia, however, Botswana applied some sanctions against the
illegal (unlawful) white government after Ian Smith unlawfully declared Rhodesia
independent in 1965. For example, in the early 1970s she banned Rhodesian
goods such as tobacco and beer from the whole of Botswana, except for the
Chobe area. This area depended almost entirely on Rhodesian goods. Rhodesian
construction companies were not allowed to work in Botswana. Oil and weapons
were not allowed to pass through Botswana to Rhodesia.
The Front Line States
In 1974 a group of African States consisting of Angola, Botswana, Mozambique,
Tanzania and Zambia formed a regional group called the Front Line States. They
were so named because they were closely involved in helping those fighting for
freedom. Their main role was to support and advise liberation movements in all
negotiations. They also tried to unite these movements. For example they helped
to unite Joshua Nkomo's Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), and Robert
Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) into the Patriotic Front.
They advised the OAU, the UN and other organisations about the liberation
struggle. The Front Line States concentrated on Zimbabwe and Namibia. Sir
Seretse Khama played an active
part in that grouping. President Masire is continuing with that work. In April 1980
Zimbabwe became independent and became a member of the Front Line States.
The response of the white governments
Starting in 1977, Rhodesia attacked Botswana on several occasions. She claimed
that Botswana had freedom fighters' camps. But there were none in Botswana.
The northern and northeastern parts of Botswana were in great danger. Some
Batswana and refugees were killed and property was destroyed. For example the
ZAPU office in Francistown was destroyed. In 1978 15 young Batswana soldiers
were killed at Leshoma.
Botswana replied by appealing to the UN which sent a team to Botswana to
recommend ways of helping the country. The UN appealed to states to assist
Botswana. Various states and the UN through the High Commission for Refugees
assisted in caring for the refugees. Other countries helped in such projects as
Fig. 194 President Khama receiving the Nansen Medal in Geneva for the care
Botswana has given to refugees
259

Fig. 195 A scene at Leshoma following the disaster in killed by troops from the
Rhodesian army
Fig. 196 BDF soldiers demonstrating modern weapons to President Masire
1978 when 15 young Batswana soldiers were
building oil storage tanks. Botswana also created the Botswana Defence Force in
1977 to defend the country against Rhodesian attacks. South Africa has not
attacked Botswana yet. But from time to time South African soldiers have entered
Botswana. Sometimes there has been some shooting between Botswana and South
African soldiers on the borders. Sometimes the South African Government has
protested against speeches made against it by Botswana. At times she has made
difficulties for Botswana in transport, for example by not supplying sufficient
railway trucks.
Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) Origins of
SADCC
SADCC was formed by the Front Line States.
As early as 1977 these States, which had so successfully cooperated in the
liberation struggle, decided to cooperate in economic development as well. Most
of the planning for the establishment of SADCC was done by the Botswana
Government. The President of Botswana, Sir Seretse Khama was the Chairman of
all the major preparatory meetings. The first meeting was held in Gaborone in
May 1979 by the Front Line Foreign Ministers. The next meeting was that of the
Front Line Economic Ministers in Arusha, Tanzania in July 1979. All these
meetings prepared for the 1980 Lusaka meeting to which the other independent
countries of Southern Africa were invited and asked to join SADCC. This
meeting was chaired by the President of Botswana, Sir Seretse Khama. In all
these preparatory meetings Botswana officials,
Ministers and the President played leading roles. Today the members of SADCC
are Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania,
Zambia and Zimbabwe.
Aims of SADCC
The main aims are as follows.
1 To reduce economic dependence on South
Africa in particular, but also on other countries outside the SADCC area. All the
SADCC countries except Angola and Tanzania are economically dependent on
South
Africa.
2 To promote trade between SADCC countries.
3 To unite SADCC countries in getting
foreign aid for development projects.
4 To develop joint projects which benefit
SADCC countries.
Fig. 197 Lusaka, 1980: the birth of SADCC; Sir Seretse Khama, founder and first
Chairman of SADCC, seated right, with President Kaunda of Zambia seated left

In order to carry out development projects, SADCC set up commissions

(committees) in each state to deal with different projects. Botswana is, for
example, in charge of animal health because of its experience in this area.
Botswana is the headquarters of SADCC, and the Secretariat is based in
Gaborone. Since 1980 the President of Botswana has been the Chairman of
SADCC and Zimbabwe has provided an Executive Secretary.
It is still too early to judge whether SADCC will succeed. But some results are
already seen, such as the roads which are being built or improved to link SADCC
countries. Some of the problems SADCC may face are as follows.
1 The different economic and political
systems of the SADCC countries could
cause disagreements.
2 In order to protect their own industries,
some SADCC countries could make it difficult for regional trade to develop.
3 Lack of sufficient funds could slow down
certain projects.
4 External forces, such as South Africa, which
fear competition from SADCC, may try to
weaken the organisation.
Reducing dependence on South Africa
Even before the formation of SADCC, Botswana had tried in a small way to
reduce dependence on South Africa, and to some extent on Rhodesia. With regard
to Rhodesia, Botswana decided to take over the railway line inside Botswana. The
Nata-Kazungula road was built to link Botswana to other African countries to the
north without going through Rhodesia.
To reduce dependence on South African airports, an international airport is being
built near Gaborone. A telephone system which links Botswana to the outside
world without passing through South Africa has been established. In 1976,
Botswana introduced its own currency (money), the Pula. Botswana hopes to use
SADCC to further reduce its dependence on South Africa in the future.
Botswana and the wider world
Although Botswana's foreign policy focuses mainly on Southern Africa,
Botswana is also interested in dealing with countries outside its region.
The Organisation of African Unity (OAU)
Botswana is a member of the OAU and plays an active role in it. The roots of the
OAU are found in the Pan-African Movement. This movement developed
throughout the world wherever black people lived during the 19th century. Its
earlier aim was to unite all black people throughout the world against racial
discrimination. Young Africans studying in Europe learned the ideas of Pan-
Africanism there. They brought these ideas to Africa after the Second World War.
In Africa, Pan-Africanism now aimed to decolonise all Africa. The cry
everywhere was 'Africa for Africans'. Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana was the chief
spokesman for the movement. He wanted Africa to unite because through unity it
would be strong enough economically and politically to compete with other
continents. In 1957 Ghana became the first African colony to gain Independence.
After many more colonies became independent, a conference was held in Addis
Ababa, Ethiopia in May 1963, to establish the OAU. Its headquarters is in Addis
Ababa. The main aim of the OAU is to work for a strong Africa through
cooperation among African states. This cooperation can be in the economic,
political, and military areas. One of the ways to ensure unity is for the OAU to
solve disputes among African states. Another aim of the OAU is to help to
liberate those parts of Africa which are not yet free. The OAU has not succeeded
in achieving some of its goals. But it has succeeded in helping to decolonise
Africa.
The problems of the OAU are generally caused by:
1 differences between African states caused
mainly by their different political views and
self-interests,
262

Fig. 198 The Botswana delegation led by Seretse Khama at an OAU summit
2 interference by outside powers,
3 the difficulty of so many countries in such a
big continent being able to work together.
Botswana supports the OAU by supporting its aims. It cooperates with other OAU
members at the UN and other international meetings to defend African interests.
Botswana benefits from the OAU in some ways. For example it gets some
financial assistance in times of trouble such as during the Rhodesian war. It also
gets loans from the African Development Bank which is supported by the OAU.
The OAU gives Botswana political support against South Africa.
Other international organisations
The Non-Aligned Movement
Botswana is a member of the Non-Aligned Movement. After the Second World
War the great powers, the United States of America (USA),
and the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics (USSR) or Russia, competed for
control and domination of the world. They wanted to do this by creating spheres
of influence. This would divide the world into blocks or groups. One block would
be led by the USA, and the other by the USSR. They are sometimes referred to as
the Western block and the Eastern block. This competition led to the 'cold war'
between East and West. The world feared that real war might break out.
Some leaders of the Third World (developing countries) decided to establish a
movement that would work for world peace by not aligning with (joining) the
East or the West. This was the Non-Aligned Movement whose first conference
was held in Belgrade, Yugoslavia in 1961. It was started by Tito of Yugoslavia,
Nehru of India, Nasser of Egypt, Soekarno of Indonesia and Nkrumah of Ghana.
The movement aims to work for world peace by helping to end the cold
263

Fig. 199 T. Tlou, Botswana's former Ambassador to the UN, being received by
the Secretary-General, Kurt Waldheim (January 1977)
war. It also opposes interference in the internal affairs of other states, especially
by the big powers. It opposes the division of the world into spheres of influence or
blocks. It expects its members to follow an independent foreign policy without
dictation (being forced) from the big powers.
Botswana plays an active part in this movement which has supported the OAU in
the struggle to liberate Southern Africa. Between 1977 and 1979, Botswana was a
member of the Bureau (executive committee) of the movement. To show that it is
a non-aligned country, Botswana has established diplomatic relations with
countries from different political systems. There are embassies from the capitalist
countries such as the USA and Britain, and socialist countries such as the USSR
and China.
The United Nations
Botswana belongs to the United Nations and
benefits from it in several ways. UN agencies such as the United Nations
Development Programme grant funds for various development projects. The
World Food Programme gives food in times of starvation. The World Health
Organisation helps in health care. The United Nations Childrens' Fund feeds
school children and other vulnerable (weak) groups. The High Commissioner for
Refugees cares for refugees in Botswana. The UN also gives Botswana political
and diplomatic support in times of need such as during the Rhodesian war.
The Commonwealth of Nations
Within the Commonwealth of Nations Botswana helps to solve problems facing
other member countries. These are mainly political and economic problems. For
example, in 1980 the Commonwealth took part in helping to solve the problem of
Zimbabwe. Commonwealth countries also discuss how to cooperate in

Fig. 200 President Masire at the EEC headquarters being met by Botswana's
Ambassador to the EEC, G. Garebamono (extreme right)
economic development, education, health, sports, etc.
The European Economic Community
An international organisation from which Botswana benefits a lot economically
is the European Economic Community (EEC) consisting of countries of Western
Europe. When Britain joined the EEC in 1972, her Commonw ,alth partners were
allowed to export to the EEC some of their products needed by the EEC countries
at favourable prices. In order to promote this cooperation and to get better prices,
in 1975, some African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries joined to form an
organisation to negotiate with the EEC. Botswana exports its beef to the EEC.
The EEC also helps Botswana in its economic development by granting it funds
or loans. The problem with the EEC market is that it is not always dependable. It
is quite clear from this chapter that although
Botswana is a small country whose economy is tied to South Africa, it has
followed a fairly bold foreign policy with regard to Southern Africa. It has also
played its part in world affairs. This has won the country some respect
internationally. The main focus of Botswana's foreign policy is Southern Africa
because what happens in that region affects the country directly.
Questions
1 Explain what we mean when we say Botswana is 'non-aligned'.
2 Name the Front Line States. Why do we use
this name?
3 Name the members of SADCC. Write a
brief essay on SADCC using the following
headings.
(a) Aims (b) Results (c) Problems
4 List the other international organisations to
which Botswana belongs.

Selected Bibliography
Botswana Society, Proceedings of the
Symposium on Settlement in Botswana: The
Historical Development of a Human
Landscape, Heinemann, 1980
Chirenje, J.M. A History of Northern
Botswana, 1850-1910, Associated University
Presses, 1977
Colclough, C. and McCarthy, S. The Political
Economy of Botswana. A Study of Growth
and Distribution, OUP, 1980
Dachs, A.J. Khama of Botswana, Heinemann,
1971
Inskeep, R. The Peopling of Southern Africa,
David Phillip, 1978
Lee, R.B. and De Vore Irven (eds.), Kalahari
Hunter Gatherers. Studies of the !Kung San
and their neighbours, Harvard University
Press, 1978
Lye, W.S. and Murray, C. Transformations on
the Highveld: Tswana and Southern Sotho,
David Phillip, 1980
Parsons, N. A New History of Southern Africa,
Macmillan, 1982
Sillery, A. Botswana, A Short Political History,
Methuen, 1974
Sillery, A. John Mackenzie of Bechuanaland. A
Study in Humanitarian Imperialism
1835-1899, Balkema, 1971
Vengroff, R. Botswana Rural Development in
the Shadow of Apartheid, Associated
University Presses, 1977
The following will also be of interest to younger readers.
Chirenje, J.M. Chief Kgama and His Times,
the Story of a Southern African Ruler, Rex
Collins, 1978
Lichtenstein, W.H.C. The Foundation of the
Cape: about the Bechuanas translated O.H.
Spohr, A.A. Balkema, 1973
Thomas, E.M. The Harmless People hardback
Alfred Knops, 1959, paperback Random
House, 1965
A number of articles of interest may also be found in Botswana Notes and
Records and Pula: Journal of African Studies.
Since 1976 fourth year students of History at the University of Botswana have
produced theses which are available at the National Archives and at the
University Library.

Abbreviations
AAPC African Auxiliary Pioneer Corps ALDEP Arable Lands Development
Programme Bechuanaland Border Police Botswana Agriculture Marketing Board
BDP Botswana BIP Botswana BNF Botswana BPP Botswana BEDU
Botswana
Unit
BDC Botswana
Democratic Party Independence Party National Front Peoples' Party Enterprises
Development
Development Corporation
BSAC BWCC EEC HC LMS NDB OAU RC SACU TGLP UN
British South Africa Company British Westland Chartered Company European
Economic Community High Commissioner London Missionary Society National
Development Bank Organisation of African Unity Resident Commissioner
Southern African Customs Union Tribal Grazing Land Policy United Nations
BBP BAMB

Terminology
It is necessary to explain the use of certain names in this book. We have tried
wherever possible to call the various people mentioned in this book by the names
they use to refer to themselves. For example, the Amandebele and not the
Ndebele or the Matabele as they are called in many books; the Bakalanga, and not
the Bakalaka or the Makalaka, and so on. For the people generally referred to as
the Basarwa or 'Bushmen', we use the name San to refer to the whole group of
people who speak a variety of San dialects. But where we speak of one particular
group of San, we use the name they use for themselves. For example, the !Kung.
the symbols !, I and II represent click sounds.
Similarly we have used the name Khoe for the Bakgothu who others often call
'Hottentots'. Some modern books call them Khoi but this is more correctly spelt
Khoe. The name Khoesan is used to refer to the Khoe and San together. In many
books the names of people are used without the prefix, for example, the Tswana,
the Sotho and so on instead of the Batswana, the Basotho. But the people
concerned never drop the prefix. So we too have not dropped the prefixes from
peoples' names. In some cases we have retained certain names such as 'Kalahari'
which the Batswana call 'Kgalagadi'. This is because Kalahari is the name
commonly used.
270

Glossary of Non-English Terms

Bakgothu: Khoe Bantu-speaking: people who use African
languages which use the word stems 'nt',
'th,' 't' for persons, e.g. 'batho' (Setswana) Basarwa: San
Boer: White South African farmer of mainly
Dutch, French or German origin
Bogadi: cattle (usually), bridewealth given to
parents of the woman by parents of the man
on marriage
Bogosi: kingship Bogwera: male initiation Bojale: female initiation Difaqane:
troubled times associated with the
rise of Shaka's Zulu state
Griqua: Khoe living on Orange River who had
some white ancestry and spoke Dutch as
their home language
Khoe: Bakgothu or 'Hottentot' Khoesan: a collective word describing all Khoe
and San people
Kgosi: king or ruler
Kgosing: king's ward of a village or town Kgotla: meeting place; court Lekgotla:
ward of a village or town Letsholo: regimental game hunt Mafisa: cattle lent out
to secure service in
return
Malata: serfs or semi-slaves Mambo: king
Mokoro: canoe
Mophato: regiment Morafe: nation Motlhanka: servant, sometimes used to mean
serf or semi-slave
Muslim: Trader from the east Coast who
practises the worship of Allah San: Mosarwa or 'Bushman' Sebilo: specularite
Sehuba: tribute (literally 'chest') Setswana: language of the Batswana Trekboer:
Boer (op.cit.) who stays in one place
for only a few months or years before
moving on

Index
Abattoir: First, 191; BMC, 241-2 Acheulian Culture, 12-13, 19 Agriculture: see
also Cattle and Crops; introduction, 22, 30-3; new methods, 141; Colonial period,
189-92; modern, 242-3
African Advisory Council (Native),
171, 182-3
African Auxiliary Pioneer Corps (AAPC), 210-1 African Civil Service
Association,
220-1
African National Congress (Native),
171, 209
African Teachers' Association, 203,
221
African Treasuries, 186 Afrikaners, see Boers Aluwi, see Balozi Amahlubi, 103
Amakhumalo (Amandebele), 73, 85,
108-13, 170
Amangwane, 103 Amanguni, 57, 85, 102, 103 Andersson, C.J., 3 Anglican
Church, 133 Angola, 39, 41, 99, 259 Apartheid, 146, 170, 257 Archaeology,
science of, 2-3 Archell, J., 136 Arden-Clarke, C., 186 Army: historic, 75; BDF,
260; see also War
Ashton, Rev. W., 136 Australopithecines (Early Man), 5-6
Babirwa, 73, 85, 167, 199-200 Babolaongwe, 60, 64-5, 68, 103 Badighoya, 60
Bafokeng, 60, 61, 63, 103
Bagaseleka (Baseleka), 117, 167 Bahlakoana, 103-5 Bahlubi, 103
Bahurutshe, 60, 61, 64, 71, 72 Bain, A.G., 3, 106 Bakaa, 67, 68, 73, 85 Bakakhwe
(Khoe subgroup), 93 Bakalanga, 5, 46, 73, 81-8 Bakgalagadi (includes many
subgroups), 57, 68-70, 73-4, 91, 200
Bakgatla, 60, 61, 64, 66-7, 73, 145,
169
Bakgwatheng, 60, 64, 65, 68, 75 Bakhurutshe, 67, 85, 98 Bakololo (formerly
Bafokeng), 78, 98-9, 104-6
Bakwena, 60-2, 64-7, 73, 77 Balala, 200
Baldwin, W.C., 3 Balete, 79, 85
Balozi (Aluwi), 73, 93-5, 102 Bamangwato Concessions Ltd., 195,
244
Bambandyanalo (S. Africa), 47-51 Bambata (pottery type), 37, 41 Bangologa, 60,
65, 68, 70, 90, 98-9 Bangwaketse, 5, 62-7, 71, 77 Bangwato, 62-7, 71, 73, 77,
213-19 Banoka (Khoe subgroup), 22, 24, see also Bateti
Bantu-speaking Peoples, 22, 26, 29-33, 35, 40, 53, 57, 60 Bantustans, 171, 258
Bapedi, 60-1, 64, 68, 85, 104, 166 Baphaleng, 65, 68, 90 Baphofu (Phofu
Confederacy), 64-5 Baphuting, 103-6 Barolong, 60-8, 71, 77, 85, 90, 105-6
Bashaga, 68, 91, 103
Basimane ba kgosi, 117 Basimane ba mafatshe, 118 Basotho, 53, 62, 85, 102
Basubiya (Bekuhane), 89-90, 93, 95 Batalaote (Bandalaunde), 73 Bataung, 104-6
Batawana, 64, 71, 78-80, 97-100 Bateti (Khoe subgroup), 32, 53, 75, 91 Bathoen
I, K. of Bangwaketse, 136,
153, 159-61
Bathoen II, (Hon. B. Gaseitsiwe, CBE), 173, 186, 214, 217, 221, 233, 236
Batlhanka (Servants), 74, 75, 80, 99-100, 185
Batlhaping, 3, 65, 68, 71, 104-5 Batlharo, 60, 64, 68, 71, 77, 90 Batlokwa, 64, 71,
80, 103 Bavenda, 57, 68, 85 Bayei, 70, 89, 93, 95-6, 98-100 Beads, glass, 40, 44,
46, 48, 50, 55, 83, 87
Bechuanaland Border Police, 176 Bechuanaland, British, 152 Bechuanaland,
Protectorate: Declaration of, 146-52, Early years, 152-3, Administration of 175-
228 Berlin Conference, 143 Bethell, Cristopher, 147 Bewlay, Charles, v
Biddulph, J.R., 106 Boabile, Tepo, 147 Boers: 113, 116, 133, 143-5, 149-53,
165-74; see also Great Trek
Bogosi: traditional, 72, 75-80, 115-17,
124, modern 185-7; loss of power, 233-4; see also House of Chiefs Bome, son of
K. Makaba, 115 Bosman, John, 163 Bosutswe Hill, 39
273

Boteti River, 21, 22, 31, 37-8, 53, 91 Botha, Louis, 170 Botlhapatlou, 60
Botswana Civil Service Association, 220
Botswana Development Corporation, 248
Botswana Enterprises Development Unit, 248
Botswana Teachers' Union, 221 Botswana Vaccine Institute, 241 Boundaries,
Colonial, 177-81 Brigades, 252-3 British South Africa Company,
154-65
British Westland Chartered Company,
162-3, 181
Broadhurst, 68 Brockway, Fenner, 217 Broederstroom (S. Africa), 36-7, 42,
57-60
Brooks, Alison, v Burchell, W.J., 3 Bushman Mine, 194 Bushmen (Basarwa), see
San
Campbell, Rev. J., 129, 136 Canoes (mekoro), 95 Caprivi Strip (in Namibia), 181,
209 Catholic Church, Roman, 205 Cattle: Introduction of 22, 31;
Customs relating to, 72-4; Mafisa,
73; Kgamelo, 117; in modern
economy, 190-1, 240-3 Central Government, 231-3 Chamberlain, J., 147, 160-1,
166 Changamire, 84 Chiefs, see Bogosi Chikaranga Language, 81 Chishona
Language, 46 Chobe River, 31, 37, 39, 89, 94 Christianity, see Missionaries
Churches, Independent, 135-6 Cilliers, 113
Civil Aviation, Dept. of, 239 Climate, past, 8 Cloth: Introduction of, 49, 50, 55;
local manufacture, 48-9 Collins-Hooper, Jerry, v Colonial Development and
Welfare Fund, 188, 192 Colonialism, 143, 154-5, 188, 199, 220-1
Commerce & Industry, Min. of, 246
Commonwealth Development Corporation (formerly Colonial), 191
Commonwealth of Nations, 264-5 Communications, modern, 239
Concessionaires, 154-6 Concessions Commission, 158-9 Constitution (of
Botswana), 230-1 Cooke, John, v Cooperative Movement, 249 Copper: Early
mining of, 35, 42; modern mining, 194-5, 230, 244 Crops: Introduction of, 34-6;
traditional cropping, 78-9, 87, 97; in the modern economy, 190, 243-4 Crown
Land (State Land), 181
Dambe, Amos, 225 Danangombe (Dlhodlho, Zimbabwe), 84
Daniell, Samuel, 3 Dating (Archaeological), 2 De Beers Botswana Mining
Company,
195, 244
Denbow, James, v Diamonds, 230 Difaqane, 71, 85, 101-13 Dikgatlhong (S.
Africa), 65 Dimawe, 116
District Councils, 233-4 District Development Committees,
234
Dithakong (S. Africa), 105 Dithejwane, 62, 65, 70 Dithubaruba, 78, 106 Diyei
(Caprivi Strip), 93 Dumbrell, H.E., 203 Dutch, 3, 21, 26; see also Boers Dutch
Reformed Church, 133
Eastland, Clare, v Economy, modern, 188-198, 230-1,
238-50
Education: For traditional see
Initiation; Missionary, 136-41; Colonial 201-7; Modern, 250-5 Edwards, W., 129
Elections: First 227, 230; Analysis of,
235-7; and Delimitation for, 236 England, Russell (Sir), 190, 221 Environmental
Change, 4-11, see also
Climate
Ethiopianism, 135 European Advisory Council, 183 European Economic
Community,
265
Evans, Admiral E.R.G.R., 184 Evolution, 4-7 Executive of Government, 234
Fawcus, Sir Peter, 220-1, 223, 226 Fertile Crescent, 34 Financial Assistance
Policy, 249 Firearms (guns), 75, 115-17, 123-4 Fishing, traditional, 24-5, 95-6
Flag and Anthem, National, 224, 227-8
Foot-and-Mouth Disease, 191, 240-1 Foreign Policy, 256 Forest Hill Farm, 205
Fourie, Gideon, 178 Francistown, 31, 37 Front Line States, 258-63 Fuller, Capt.
James, 163
Gabamukuni, 94, 99 Gabane, 51
Gaborone (Capital), 228 Gaborone, K. of Batlokwa, 228 Gaborone Farms, 165
Gaborone Secondary School, 217 Gaseitsiwe I, K. of Bangwaketse, 150 Gcwi
(San subgroup), 40 Geological Survey, Dept. of, 188, 192,
194
Germans, 209 German S.W. Africa (Namibia), 148, 209
Germany, 148 Ghanzi, 8, 11, 70, 90, 99, 164, 200 Glossary (Meaning of Non-
English words), 271
Goats: Origin in Africa, 30, Introduction into Southern Africa, 37-40
Godisamang, Elizabeth, 138 Gokomere (Culture), 37, 38 Gold: Early mining, 43,
44; early trade, 47-50; Discovery by Whites, 145, 194
Goshen, Republic of, 148 Gould-Adams, Lt-Col. H.J., 167, 180 Grahamstown (S.
Africa), Ivory Sale,
120
Great Trek, 111-3 Great Zimbabwe see Zimbabwe Town Griqua, 105, 121
Grobler, P.D.C.J. and widow, 177 Gumanye, 47 Gundwane, Lt of Mzilikazi, 85
Gxana (San subgroup), 40

Hamashi, 94 Hambukushu, 90, 93 Hamilton, R., 136 Hankusi, K. of Bayei, 93

Harragin, Sir Walter, 215 Harris, H.R., 160-1 Harts River (S. Africa), 65 Haskins,
J.G., OBE, 221 Health Facilities, 207-8, 250 Hepburn, Rev. J.D., 132-3
Hermannsburg Mission see Lutheran Church
Hertzog, Gen., 172-3 Hicks, 162
High Commissioner, 175 High Commission Territories, 171,
177, 207
History, Sources of, 1-3 Hitchcock, R.K., v Hitler, Adolf, German Dictator, 210
Homo see Australopithecines Hottentots (Bakgothu), see Khoe House of Chiefs,
226, 233 Houses, Traditional, 26, 37, 46, 79,
81, 95
Huffman, T., v Hukuntsi, 70 Hunting, traditional methods,
23-4, 77-8, 91, 96-7, 116 Huru, son of Mangava, 92
Ikaneng, K. of Balete, 159, 161 Imperialism, 143 see also Colonialism
Independence, 1966, 227-8 India, 40, 48, 51, 55, 82 Indian Ocean, 40 Indirect
Rule, 175-85 Industrial Revolution, 142-3 Initiation (Bogwera & Bojale), 1, 70,
75-7, 134
Iron, introduction of, 30, 31, 37 Iron Age: Early, 31, 33, 34-41, 46-8;
Later, 46-114
Iron Smelting, 34-5, 42-5, 87 Irrigation, 190 Itenge, Land of Basubiya, 93 Ivory
Trade, 48, 75, 82-3, 121-2
Jameson, Dr L.S., 159, 161, 164-5 Jameson Raid, 164-5 Joint Advisory Council,
183 Judiciary, modern, 235 Jwaneng, 244
Kaditshwene (S. Africa), 104
Kang, 70, 77 Kanye, 8, 51 Kapako (Namibia), 40 Katima-mulilo (Caprivi), 93
Kaunda, K. (President of Zambia),
261
Kazungula, 89 Kedia Hill, 98, 106 Kenya, 5, 31
Kgabo, K. of Bakwena, 62, 65 Kgafela, K. of Bakgatla, 67 Kgakgwe Hill, 106
Kgamane, Keaboka, 131 Kgamane, Rasebolai, 217, 219 Kgamanyane, K. of
Bakgatla, 145 Kgari, K. of Bangwato, 106, 117-18 Kgari, Step-brother of Sebele
I, 178 Kgasa, M.L.A., 221 Kgaswe, 245
Kgosidintsi, Brother of Sechele I,
152
Khama II, K. of Bangwato, 98 Khama III, K. of Bangwato, 73, 86,
118, 131, 145, 149, 159-61, 171,
176-7, 184, 199, 292
Khama, Brigadier Ian S.K., 218 Khama, Lady Ruth (Miss Ruth
Williams), 213-19
Khama, Sekgoma, K. of Bangwato,
184, 199
Khama, Sir Seretse (First President),
v, 184, 213-19, 221, 224-8, 261 Khama, Tebogo Jaqueline, 217 Khama, Tshekedi,
Regent of
Bangwato, 173, 184, 186, 205-6,
210, 212-19, 221
Khami (Zimbabwe), 56, 81-4 Khoe (Bakgothu), 17, 20-8, 31-2, 53,
57, 64, 80, 90, 103, 200-1 Khoekhoen, 21 Khoesan, 21-2, 57, 89 Khunwana, 105
Khwebe Hills, 70, 98 Kilwa (Kenya), 51 Kimberley (S. Africa), 128, 147
Kingdoms, early, 41, 46-56, 81-8 Kobe, K. of Bagaseleka, 176-7 Kok, J.M., 129
Koma, Dr Kenneth, 236 Kopong Conference, 152-3 Kruger, Paul, 148, 166
Kuando River, 94 Kudumane (Kuruman, S. Africa), 129-30, 137-8 Kwele,
Daniel, 236-7
Kwena, son of Malope, 60, 62, 65 Kwenaitsile, son of Gaseitsiwe, 136
Land Boards, 233-4 League of Nations, 209 Legislative Council (LEGCO), 221
Legislature, modern, 231-7 Lehututu, 109, 136 Lephepe, 60 Lesoma, 259, 260
Leswingo, 83 Letlhakane, 244 Letlhakeng, 11, 75, 109 Letlogile, K. of Barolong,
157 Letsholathebe, K. of Batawana,
99-100, 131
Lewanika, K. of Balozi, 181 Liberation Struggle, 257-62 Limpopo River, 37, 39,
40, 41, 48, 65 Linchwe I, K. of Bakgatla, 153, 159,
169
Linchwe II, K. of Bakgatla, 233-4 Linyanti River, 93, 99 Literature, early
Setswana, 136 Livingstone, Dr D. & Mrs M., 3,
131, 137
Lloyd, Rev. E., 133 Lobatse, 37, 68 Lobatse Constitutional Conference,
226
Lobatse Farms, 165 Lobengula, K. of Amandebele, 177, 180 Local Government,
235 Loch, Sir Henry, 177, 180 London Constitutional Conference,
227
London Missionary Society, 129-41,
201-2, 217
Lotsane River, 83 Lusaka (Zambia), 261 Lutheran Church, 131-2 Luze (Dutle),
109
McIntosh, Phineas, 184 McNeill's Farm, 199 Maalola Regiment, 169 Mababe, 93
Mabuasehube, 65, 68 Machechele Regiment, 204 Macheng, K. of Bangwato, 145
Mackenzie, Rev. J., 133, 146-7 Mafikeng (Mafeking, S. Africa), 167,
175
Magogwe (S. Africa), 67 Maguire, J.R., 156

Mahalapye, 83, 190 Majojo, 84

Majwanamatshwaana (S. Africa), 65 Makaba, K. of Bangwakwetse, 104-5
Makgadikgadi Pans, 8-9 Makunga, M., v Malema, K. of Babirwa, 199 Malope
(Ancestor of Batswana), 60, 65 Mambari, 94 Mambo, 47, 82-5 Mambo People,
47, 49, 51, 52, 81 Manchester (U.K.), Cotton Mill, 142 Mankurwane, K. of
Batihaping, 148 Manufacturing, modern, 245-6 Manyane, R., v Mapungubwe (S.
Africa), 53 Marapong, 213 Maribe, A., 225 Marico River (Madikwe, S. Africa),
64-5
Maritz, G., 113 Mashango, Mumbukushu rainmaker, 98
Mashi (Caprivi), 98 Masilo (Ancestor of Batswana), 60 Masire, Dr Q.K.J.
(President), 224-5, 233
Mason, R., v Masvingo (Zimbabwe), 54 Matante, Philip G., 222-4, 236 Matebele,
J., 189 Mathiba, K. of Bangwato, 98 Matimela Act, 1968, 233 Matiwane, K. of
Amangwane, 103 Matlapaneng, 38, 39 Matopo Hills (Zimbabwe), 39 Matshege,
K. of Bakgatla, 67 Matsheng, 11, 65, 70, 90 Matsieng/Lowe, 60, 62 Matsitama,
48, 51 Maun, 38, 39, 53 Mbolawe, K. of Babolaongwe, 68 Mebalwe, 137 Melita,
51
Melville, J., 105 Meroe (Sudan), 34 Messina (S. Africa), 51 Metsemotlhaba
River, 71 Metsimaswana Bridge, 168 Mhalatswe River, 52, 56 Mhondoro, 56
Migrant Labour, 124, 128, 197-8, 246 Migrations, early, 31, 46 Millet, 31, 37, 53,
97 Milner, S. A. (later Lord), 166, 169
Mining: Ancient, 34, 42-5, 46, 47-8,
51, 52; Colonial, 194-6; Modern,
244-6
Missionaries, 129-41 Mmadinare, 52 Mmamabula, 195 Mmamagwe, 53
Mmanthatisi, Regent of Batlokwa, 103 Mmashoro, 38 Mochudi, 62
Mochudi National School (now museum), 203-4 Modisaotsile, Headman of
Bobonong,
199
Moeding College, 202 Moeng College (Bamangwato College), 206
Moffat, Rev. J.S., 163 Moffat, Rev. R. and Mrs Mary, 3,
105, 130-1, 136
Mogalakwe, Regent of Batawana, 99 Mogale (Ancestor of Batswana), 64, 73
Mogale, K. of Bakgatla, 67 Mogodi, Khukhu, 133, 138, 163 Mogopa, K. of
Bakwena, 65 Mohurutshe, daughter of Malope, 60, 65
Mokgosi, K. of Balete, 217 Molalatau, 199 Molema, Dr Silas M., 186, 221
Molema, Sebopiwa, 186 Molepolole, 37, 40, 64, 65, 68, 91 Moletsane, K. of
Bataung, 104-6 Molomo, R., 236 Molopo Farms, 191 Monarch Mine, 194
Mongologe, K. of Bangologa, 65 Monnyelatsela, 92 Montshiwa, K. of Barolong,
145,
147-8, 161
Mophuting, K., v Morafe (Group or Nation): 73-80; traditional organisation, 117;
reconstruction after 1840, 117-18, 124-5
Moremi I, K. of Batawana, 98-9 Moremi II, K. of Batawana, 100, 132,
162, 178
Moritsane, 40, 51-2, 68 Moroka, K. of Barolong, 113 Morolong, K. of Barolong,
60, 62, 63 Moruakgomo, Regent of Bakwena, 75 Morupule, 195, 244-5 Mosega
(S. Africa), 109, 113, 143 Mosetlha, daughter of Matshege, 67
Moshaneng Asbestos Mine, 194 Mosiemang, B., v Mosinyi, Goareng, 224
Mothibi, K. of Batlhaping, 129 Mothoagae's Church, 135-6 Motloutse River, 32,
38, 46, 83, 85 Motsete, Dr K.T., 205, 223, 226 Motswakhumo, son of Mathiba,
98-9 Mozambique, 46, 259 Mpanga, Leader of Basotho group, 85 Mpangazita, K.
of Amahlubi, 103 Mpapho, Levuna, 213 Mpho, Motsamai M., 222-4, 227
Mphoeng, brother of Khama III, 159 Mphoeng, Oteng, 213 Mugabe, R., Prime
Minister of Zimbabwe, 259 Mukuru, the first Omuherero, 92 Mulambwa, K. of
Aluwi, 95 Murray, M., 131 Muslim (traders), 51 Mwanambinyi, Mulozi kgosana,
93 Mwari, 56, 86
Mynhardt, Louis, 226 Mzilikazi, K. of Amandebele, 85-6,
104-9
Naletale (Zimbabwe), 83 Nama (Khoe subgroup), 92, 93, 170 Namibia (South
West Africa), 22, 23, 40, 91, 148, 259 Nareng (S. Africa), 85 Nata River, 21, 22,
77 Natal Colony, 166 National Assembly, 226, 231-3 National Commission on
Education, 253
National Development Bank, 243, 248 National Development Plan, 238 National
Health Institute, 250 National Party (S. African), 170 Native Administration
Proc., 1934,
185
Native Fund, 181, 203 Native Recruiting Corp., 1912, 197 Native Tribunals Proc.,
1934, 186 Nchabe River, 39 Ndumba, Mukalanga kgosana, 85 Ngalama, Mulozi
kgosana, 94 Ngami, Lake, 39, 71, 77, 90, 98, 106, 131
Ngamiland (N-W District), 99, 121,
149, 161-4
Ngasa, Land of Bayei, 93 Ngoma, 93
276

Ngombela, K. of Balozi, 94 Ngotwane River, 66 Ngwaketse, son of Malope, 62,

65 Ngwamamaseko, Leader of Amangoni,
85
Ngwato, son of Malope, 62, 65 Nicholls, 162 Nigeria, 30, 34 Nilotic languages,
31 Nkgaraganye, K. of Bahlakoana, 104-5 Nkomo, Joshua, 259 Nkrumah,
Kwame, President, 262, 263 Non-Aligned Movement, 263-4 Noto, son of
Morolong, 63 Nswazwi, J.M., Mukalanga kgosana,
212-3
Nswazwi People, 205, 212-13 Nunga, 93
Nurses Training Centre, 207 Nwako, M.P.K., 224 Nyamazana, Leader of
Amangoni, 85 Nyambi (Ancestor of Hambukushu),
97
Odi River see Marico River Odi Village, the weavers, 249 Okavango Delta, 35,
90, 161 Okavango River, 40, 90, 94 Olduvai (Tanzania), 12, 19 Omaweneno, 92
Openshaw, J., 222 Oral History, 1, 60 Orange Free State (S. Africa), 65;
Republic of 165
Orapa, 195, 230, 244 Organisation of African Unity, 257-9,
262-3
Oswell, W.C., 131 Ovaherero, 89, 91-3, 103, 170 Ovambanderu, 73, 91-3, 98, 103
Ovambo, 92
Ovimbundu see Mambari
Palapye, 39
Pan African Movement, 262 Panzera, Maj. F.W., 181 Parsons, N., v Persia, 34,
40, 55, 82 Phetlhu, S., 184 Phuduhutswana, K. of Batlhaping, 65 Pilane I, K. of
Bakgatla, 145 Pilane, Bogatsu, 186 Pilane, Isang, Regent of Bakgatla,
145, 183, 204
Pilane, Molefi, K. of Bakgatla, 217
Pilane, T., 184 Pim Economic Commission, 185, 188 Pitsanaphotlokwe, 161, 164
Pitsane, 106
Political Parties: Early formation,
221-6, 235-7; Federal Party, 222;
Peoples Party, 222, 227; Democratic
Party, 224-7; Independence Party,
224; Peoples Party No 1, 224-6;
National Front, 233, 236;
Progressive Union, 237 Price, Rev. R., 180 Prospecting: Ancient, 42-3; modern,
193-4
Public Service, 234 Public Service Commission, 234
Queen's Commissioner, 226
Racism, 111, 146, 171, 214, 256-7 Raditladi, L.D., 222 Raditladi, brother of
Khama III, 159,
180
Railways: Introduction of, 156, 161,
165; Colonial Period, 195; Walvis
Bay, 196, 245; Modern, 240
Ramatlabama Veterinary School, 191 Ramokate, P., K. of Bakhurutshe, 184
Ramokgwebane River, 48 Rasesa, 60
Rathantang (S. Africa), 65 Ratsebe, Leader of Baphuting, 104 Ratshosa, Obeditse,
184 Ratshosa, Simon, 140, 184, 221 Read, James, 136 Recruiting for mines, 197
Refugees, 103, 222, 257-8 Refugees, High Commissioner for,
259
Religion: Traditional, 25-6, 56, 86, 92;
see also Bogosi and for Christian see Missionaries
Rensburg, Patrick Van, 251-2 Resident Commissioner, 175 Rey, Sir Charles, 184-
6 Rhodes, Frank, 161 Rhodes, Hon. C.J., 147-8, 154-65 Rhodesia (Zimbabwe),
156, 171, 258-9, 262
Riley, C., 157 Rinderpest, 191 Road to the North, 146-7 Robinson, Sir Hercules,
148, 161, 175 Rock Paintings, 31, 33, 40 Ruare (Okavango R.), 98
Rudd, C., 156
St Joseph's Mission, Kgale, 206 Sabe River (Zimbabwe), 48 Salt, 49
San (Basarwa, Bushmen), 17, 20-8,
31, 37, 40, 41, 51, 53, 57, 73, 90,
200-1
Sanctions, Policy on, 258-9 Sand River Convention, 144-5 Sargant Report, 202-3
Scholtz, Commandant P.E., 116 Schulenburg, Rev. H. 131, 137-8 Scramble for
Africa, 143 Sebego, Regent of Bangwaketse, 78,
92, 106-9, 178
Sebele II, K. of Bakwena, 150-3,
158-9, 178
Sebitwane, K. of Bakololo, 98-9, 105-9 Seboni, M., 186 Sechele, K. of Bakwena,
75, 116-17,
131, 145, 150-3, 159-61
Sechele, Kgari, K. of Bakwena, 217 Sedie, D. 224
Seepapitso IV, K. of Bangwaketse,
234
Sefunelo, K. of Barolong, 104 Segokotlo, Mokwena kgosana, 75 Segotshane,
Regent of Bangwaketse,
115
Sehuba (trad. tax), 41, 51, 52 Sekgoma I, K. of Bangwato, 117, 133 Sekgoma
Letsholathebe, K. of
Batawana, 100, 133, 152, 163-4, 178 Sekgoma, Peto, 216-7 Sekwati, K. of
Bapedi, 104 Selborne, Lord, 171 Selebi-Phikwe, 195, 230, 244 Seleka, son of
Kobe, 176-7 Seoke, 68
Serondela, 39
Seronga, 94
Serowe, 37, 38, 71, 77, 85 Serowe Public School, 140 Serule, 83
Setswana Language, 60 Seventh Day Adventist Mission, 207 Shaka, K. of
Amazulu, 103 Shakawe, 39, 100 Shashe Builders' Brigade, 252 Shashe River, 37,
39, 41, 46, 85 Sheep, 22, 26, 37, 40, 70, 80, 89, 92 Shells, sea, 40, 48, 50, 52, 54,
55, 67, 81, 83, 85
Shepstone, Theophilus, 166

Shippard, Sir Sidney, 152-3, 161, 175 Shoshong, 32, 37-9, 52, 67, 68, 85, 90, 125
Slaves, 49, 145 Smith, Dr A., 3 Smuts, Jan, 170 Somolekae, 133, 138 Sorghum,
31, 53, 70 Sotho-Tswana Peoples, 60, 64, 68, 102 South Africa: Before Union in
1910,
165-70; During Union, 170-4; As Republic, 1961, 173, 256-63 South African
Native Labour Contingent, 209 South African Republic (Transvaal),
154, 157, 164
Southern African Customs Union, 230, 239, 247 Southern African Development
Coordination Conference (SADCC), 260-2
Specularite, 40, 42, 47, 79 Spindle-whorl, 48 Steesma, Moruti, 204 Steinberg, B.,
225 Stellaland, Republic of, 148 Stone Age: Early, 12-16; Middle, 16; Later, 16,
33, 37, 39 Strombom, 162 Sung, 52
Surmon, W.H., 167 Swaneng Hill School, 251-2 Swaziland, 85
Tati Area 55, 64, 145, 180, 194 Tati Company, 200 Tati Concession Mining and
Exploration Company, 180 Tati Training Institution, 205 Taung (S. Africa), 5
Tawana, K. of Batawana, 98 Tax, modern: Introduction of, 181-2;
Education, 140, 181, 203; War, 212 Terminology (Use of Names), 270 Thabane,
K. of Bakgatla, 66 Thamaga, 43
Thamalakane River, 22, 31, 39, 90 Thaoge River, 99 Thogo, Mokwena guide, 98
Thompson, F.R., 156 Tiger Kloof College, 1904 (S. Africa),
201-2
Tin, 42, 46
Tjikalanga Language, 46, 81-4 Tobane, 39, 44
Toromoja, 53
Torwa State, 81-4 Toteng, 39
Toutswe People, 39-41, 47, 49, 51, 52, 53, 64, 81
Toutswemogala, 29, 39 Trade: Traditional, 31, 40, 44, 46, 47-8, 51-4, 120-1;
wagon trade, 35, 100, 115-16, 121-8; modern, 42,
125, 173, 197
Transfer (Proposed incorporation of Bechuanaland, Basutoland and Swaziland in
Union of S. Africa), 149, 171-3, 183, 186; and with Rhodesia, 156-65, 172, 210
Transportation, modern, 195-7, 239-40
Tribal Administration, 185-7 Tsetse Fly, 30, 31, 85, 89, 92, 241 Tshabong, 92
Tshane, 77
Tsheko Tsheko, 224 Tshesebe, K. of Barolong, 65 Tshwane, Leader of
Baphuting, 104 Tsienyane, 37
Tsodilo Hills, 32, 37, 39, 40, 42, 53, 90, 97
Tsoebebe, A.M., 224-5 Tswapong Hills, 85 Tuli Farms, 165, 199-200
Uitlanders (White non-Boers in Transvaal), 157, 166 United Nations
Organisation, 264 United States of America, 209, 263 University: UBLS, 207;
UB, 254-5
Varozvi, 81-8, 102 Vashona, 53, 170 Vegkop (S. Africa), 113 Vereeniging,
Treaty of, 166 Veterinary Dept., 1905, 191 Village Development Committees,
235 Villages, ancient, 46, 48, 51, 81-2, 86 Voortrekkers, 110-3 see also Boers
Vukwe, 83
Waldheim, K. Secretary-General of
U.N.O., 264
Walshe, A.E., 164 War: ancient, 103; Anglo-Boer,
166-170; First World, 209; Second
World, 209-10, 222
Warren, Sir Charles, 147-52 Water Development: Colonial Period,
191-2; Modern, 249-50 West Africa, 30 White Settlers, Early, 103 Williams,
Rev., 169 Williams, Sir Ralph, 178 Willoughby, Rev. W.C., 159-61 Wookey,
Rev. J., 133, 163
Xau, Lake, 37 Xhumo, 98
Yellen, J. v
Zambezi River, 55, 89, 97 Zambia, 31, 39, 40, 41, 99, 113, 259 Zimbabwe
(Town), 51, 52-6, 81, 84 Zwangendaba, Leader of Amangoni, 85
*1092-248
75=56
cc
278

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