UNIT 11 MARRIAGE AND FAMILY LIFE,

NOTIONS OF UNTOUCHABILITY,
CHANGING PATTERNS IN VARNA
AND JATI
Structure
11.0 Introduction
11.1 Inter Personal Relationships: Gender in Family Life
11.2 Marriage: Facets of Social Reproduction
11.3 Changing Social Pattern: Varna and Jati
11.4 Summary
11.5 Glossary
11.6 Exercises

11.0 INTRODUCTION
The earliest Vedic literature comes from a background of pastoralism giving way
gradually to agricultural settlements. The social philosophy enshrined in Rig-Veda had
evolved into a new entity through a sustained philosophical discourse over a couple
of millennium and accumulated historic experience of the then society. The end
product of the social evolution was found to be a plummet of rituals that promulgated
the supremacy of ‘twice-born’ and protected the hierarchical social structure. This
created a lot of dissent in the lower end of the social hierarchy. Buddhism and
Jainism appeared in the mean time as alternatives to the hierarchical and non-
egalitarian ideology and practice of Hinduism. The questions about caste and supremacy
of Brahmins appear quite frequently in the Buddhist and Jain texts. This suggests that
this was a major social problem and philosophical pre-occupation of the time. The
early Buddhist literature suggests a more settled agrarian economy and an emerging
commercial urban economy. The Mauryan period (4th and 3rd century BC) saw the
development of an imperial system based on an agrarian economy. Subsequent five
centuries saw a series of small kingdoms ruling in various parts of the subcontinent
and at the same time a tremendous expansion in both internal and external trade.
These changes brought several changes in the social and cultural spheres. In this unit
we will study some of the major changes in the social sphere. We will start this
discussion from the marriage, the most elementary form of social institutions.
Section-I thus discusses the gender relationship in a conjugal life, which is the foundation
of family. Section-II then proceeds to discuss the cultural dynamism of social
reproduction. Section-III at the end then covers wider social categories such as Jati
and Varna.

11.1 INTER PERSONAL RELATIONSHIPS:

GENDER IN FAMILY LIFE
A close look at the Buddhist and Jain literature gives some glimpses of inter-personal
relationships and gender relationship in conjugal life. There existed conjugal love and
affection between husband and wife. Sometimes, however, the wife’s devotion to her
husband arises out of duty rather than love. Still, a woman is valued by her husband
more than by her other relatives. In Sigalovada Sutta, it is said that husband should
treat his wife with respect, courtesy and faithfulness. In turn, she should be hospitable
and chaste, skilled and diligent at work and should safeguard the property of her
33
Early Historic Societies: husband. In another place Buddha addressing young women about to go to their
6th Century B.C. to 4th husband’s house says: (1) A wife rises earlier than her husband and is the last one
Century A.D.
to retire, she willingly helps her husband, carries out his wishes and speaks with him
affably. (2) She honours, reveres and respects all whom her husband reveres, such
as his parents, samanas, and Brahmanas. (3) She manages the household and those
who live in it. (4) She is deft and nimble in the crafts of her husband’s household and
she knows how to get the work done and how to do it herself. (5) She safeguards
her husband’s property. Only such a wife, the Buddha adds, can be born a Deva
after death.

In another instance, Buddha advises Sujata, the unruly daughter in law of

Anathpindika who comes from a rich family. He says there are seven types of
wives, some approved and others not so. The first is ‘the slayer’ (vadhaka) who is
pitiless, corrupt and neglect the husband at night, and passes her time with others.
The second type is ‘the robber’ (Chorisama), who takes his money and longs to
impoverish him. The third is ‘mistress-like wife’ (ayyasama) who is lazy, indolent,
expensive to maintain, who loves gossip and talks with strident voice. She lessens her
husband’s zeal and industry. These three are harsh and distrustful, and live in the hell
after their deaths. But, the fourth type is ‘the mother-like wife’ (matusama), who has
sympathy for her husband, cares for him as she would for an only son, and safeguards
her husband’s property. The fifth type is ‘the sister-like’ (bhaginisama), who respects
her husband as she would an elder. The sixth type is ‘the companion-like’ who is full
of joy on seeing her husband, just as one meeting a friend after a long time. The last
type is ‘the slave-like wife’ (dasisama), who does not fear to take beating from her
husband and is calm, patient, and obedient. These wives are virtuous and will go to
heaven after death. Interestingly, Sujata after listening to Buddha’s deliberation chooses
to be a ‘slave-like wife’.

Now let us turn to the Hindu texts to see what they have to say about personal
relationship between married couples. In Abhijnanasakuntalam, the admonition
addressed to the king by the sage Kanva’s disciple, we have echoes of rules in
Smritis deprecating long residence of the wife with her paternal relatives and admitting
the husband’s complete authority over her. Kanva’s own summary of the duties of
a wife, addressed to Sakuntala on the eve of her departure for her husband’s place,
is based on the rules laid in earlier Smritis and Kamasutra. In the character Dhuta,
wife of the hero in the Mrichchakatika we have a typical instance of the good wife
described in Smritis. The belief in the extraordinary powers of the devoted wife
(pativrata), which is expressed in the Mahabharata and other works, is reflected
in a story of the Dasa-Kumar-Charita. The attitude of high-born ladies is illustrated
in another story of the same work, where a woman, repudiated by her husband,
declares it to be a living death for women of high birth to he hated by their husbands,
for the husband alone is the deity of such women. Still another story shows how the
qualities of economic housekeeping and absolute devotion to the husband were highly
prized among wives. Following is a description of an ideal wife based on various
Smritis and Kamasutra.

Vatsyayana draws a picture of the good wife and may be taken as to be a faithful
reflection of real life. The picture exhibits those qualities of service and self-restraint
as well as sound household management, which have remained the hallmark of
Hindu, wives down to the present day. The wife is supposed to devote herself to her
husband as though to a deity. She should personally look after the comforts of her
husband. She shares her husband’s fasts and vows, not brooking into refusal. She
attends festivities, social gatherings, sacrifices, and religious processions, only with his
permission. She engages sports approved by him. She avoids company of disreputable
women, shows him no signs of displeasure, and does not loiter about at the doorstep,
or in solitary places for a long time. She is not puffed up with prosperity, and she does
not give charity to anyone without informing her husband. She honours her husband’s
34
friends, as is their due, with gifts of garlands, unguents, and toilet. She serves her Marriage and Family Life,
father-in-law and mother-in-law and abides by their commands. When in their presence, Notions of Untouchability,
Changing Patterns in
she makes no replies, speaks few but sweet words, and does not laugh aloud. She Varna and Jati
engages servants in their proper work and honours them on festive occasions. Above
all, when her husband is gone abroad she lives a life of ascetic restraint: she gives
up wearing all ornaments excepting the marks of her married state: she engages in
religious rites and fasts: she acts as bidden by her superiors: she does not go out to
visit her relations except on occasions of calamities or festivities: when she visits
them, she does so only for a short while and in the company of her husband’s people.
When her husband returns home, she goes forth immediately to meet him in her sober
dress, and then she worships the gods and makes gifts.

Apart from attending to her husband and his parents, relations, as well as his friends,
the wife has complete and comprehensive charge of the household. She keeps the
household absolutely clean, adorns it with festoons of flowers, and polishes the floor
completely smooth. She looks after the worship of the gods at the household shrine
and the offering of bali oblations three times a day. In the garden attached to the
house she plants beds of various vegetables, herbs, plants, and trees. She keeps a
store of various provisions in the house. She knows how to spin and weave, how to
look after agriculture, cattle-breeding, and draught animals, how to take care of her
husband’s domestic pets and so forth. She frames an annual budget and makes her
expenses accordingly. She keeps daily accounts and makes up the total at the end
of the day. During her husband’s absence she exerts herself in order that his affairs
may not suffer. She increases the income and diminishes the expenditure to the best
of her power. In case the woman has a co-wife she looks upon the later as a younger
sister when she is older in age, and as a mother when she herself is younger.

The rule of life for the virtuous wife sketched above from the smritis and the
Kamasutra appears to have been generally followed in the Gupta Age. Again, according
to Katyayana and Veda-Vyasa, the wife is to be associated with the husband in the
performance of his religious acts, but all acts done by her to secure her spiritual
benefit without his consent are useless. On the other hand, husband must maintain
his wife. Some of the texts even prescribe penance for a husband for deserting a
faultless wife.

Interestingly, we mark a striking similarity in Buddhist and Hindu sources on the inter-
personal relationship in a conjugal life. The woman was mostly responsible for the
household management and subservient to her husband. Unlike the Vedic period,
women no longer enjoy equality with their husbands. They are also marginalised in
other spheres of public life. The basic framework of the social structure thus can be
inferred to be patriarchal, though there are rare instances of royal women acting as
sovereigns. In Orissa, several queens of Bhaumaka dynasty occupied the throne in
the absence of male heirs. Hence, it is hard to generalise for the whole subcontinent.

11.2 MARRIAGE: FACETS OF SOCIAL

REPRODUCTION
In the Rig Vedic times, the most ancient of the Vedic traditions, the woman enjoyed
an exalted position and she was on perfect equality with her husband. The wedding
hymn in Rig Veda narrates the marriage of Surya, the Sun-maiden with Soma. The
hymn metaphorically describes the bride and the groom, with all rituals, formulas and
sayings. The marriage becomes a visible reality when the parents give the bribe the
farewell blessings. At least eight different forms of marriages were recognized.
There was a distinct sanction for the remarriage of widow. Men of one caste married
widows of another caste (Atharvaveda V: 17-18) and marriage of near-blood was
objected for third and fourth generation. But as we move into later Smriti period, we
35
Early Historic Societies: find more and more restrictions to be included and the system becomes more rigid
6th Century B.C. to 4th and static.
Century A.D.
The ascendancy of rival faiths such as Buddhism and Jainism resulted in strong
brahmanical reaction. As Buddhism and Jainism looked more reformists, the Brahmanic
movement of counter-reform also gained strength. This Brahmanic reaction to the
reformist alternative religious philosophy was successful by integrating the foreigners
who entered the Indian society from north and northwest. The orthodox brahmanical
society strategically conceded to these powerful ruling classes the status of Kshatriyas.
In the meanwhile, the resurgence of trade and industry especially during Gupta rule
raised the standard of living of many social groups and urbanization took place in all
parts of the country. More and more groups were allowed to hold better social
positions in the structural matrix of Brahmanic social order. The social groups who
gained new social positions now enviously guarded them by following the social
customs rigidly. The rules of marriage and social interaction became more restrictive
and stringent. Thus, on the whole, during this period albeit the philosophical challenge
from Buddhism and Jainism, the social rules did not depart much from their earlier
practice.

Like Smritis, Vatsyayana contemplates marriage as being normally arranged by the

parents or other guardians of both the parties. There are only four forms of marriages
recognized in this period out of original eight. The four types of marriages recognized
were: Brahma, Prajapataya, Arsha, and Daiva. The parents and relatives, in usual
circumstance, would search for a match. Occasionally there was a ceremony for
selection of the bride. The parents or guardians of the bride usually took the advantage
of occasions of festivities and social gatherings to show the bride to the groom’s
selection party. Thus, both bride and groom were not involved in the selection process;
it is parents or elders in the family who took the decision.

However, Vatsyayana mentions in special circumstances, a young man can on his

own win the girl of his choice by courtship or even by trickery and violence. He
though discusses Gandharva, Paisacha and Rakshasa forms of marriage in these
special circumstances, yet they are not favoured. The literature in Gupta period
contain repeated references to Gandharva marriages between the leading characters,
but, these are concerned in general with ancient kings, or heroes, or with fictitious
character of princes and nobles. The popular attitude on this point is well expressed
by Kamandaki to the love-lorn heroin of Malatimadhava. She says that generally
father as well as destiny have authority over the disposal of maidens, the contrary
examples of Sakuntala marrying Dushyanta, Urvashi marrying Pururavas and
Vasavadatta marrying Udayana involve rashness and therefore do not deserve to
be followed. In historical example, princess Rajyasri of Thaneswar, her father, king
Prabhakaravardhan, arranged her marriage. The mother meekly acquiesced the choice
with the observation that ‘the father is the judge in the bestowal of the daughter’.
Hence, the patriarch or elder male members of the family mostly took the decision
of the marriage. The opinion of the mother in such matter played a marginal role. Any
role of the bride and groom in such a context seems far-fetched.

As every social group consciously guarded their social positions, the instances of
marriage between different groups reduced considerably. The Sastras now made
rules where marriages in the same caste were preferred. Vastyayana in his Kamasutra
declares that a man uniting himself in love according to canonical rites with a virgin
of the same Varna obtains the blessings of progeny, fame, and public approval. The
contrary practice of making love to girls belonging to higher Varnas as well as to
married women is forbidden. The intermarriages between different Varnas were
hedged around with even greater restriction in the society of Vatsyayana’s time than
those contemplated by Smritis. According to Vatsyayana, not only is marriage in the
pratiloma order absolutely forbidden, but also marriage in the anuloma is put on the
36 same low level as union with harlots.
The effect of stringent marriage rules and the prescribed punishment and social Marriage and Family Life,
ostracism was shed upon the age of the marriage. To exercise the absolute control Notions of Untouchability,
Changing Patterns in
over the marriage, the growing patriarchy in the society adopted rules that favored Varna and Jati
early marriages. To keep the purity of the social groups and thereby preserving the
social status of the group, now women became the symbol of social prestige. Several
texts of this period thus put forth rules to maintain the social purity by stringently
regulating marriage options. Though, there was some space provided for the boy for
any aberrant behaviour, the control over girls was absolute. Some texts made it
compulsory to marry the girl before puberty. According to Vishnu Purana the age
of the bridegroom should be three times that of the bride, but according to Angiras
the difference in age should be considerably less. Hence, though there is no agreement
by different authors on the age of marriage of girls, but it can safely be said that the
marriageable age of the girl had considerable gone down in this period in comparison
to the earlier Smriti period.

The ceremony of marriage was as ever. The stepping round the fire, offering of
grains as sacrifice, utterance of some promises by the bride and bridegroom by way
of canonical hymns were essential rites. The parents usually took various precautions
for the happiness of the daughters. Before selecting a suitable bridegroom, they
matched the gana, i.e., classes of both agree or not. All men belonged to three
ganas viz., deva-gana (divine class), nara gana (human class) and rakshasa gana
(demonical class). A married pair of like ganas has the best constancy. Deva and
nara ganas make middle combinations; deva and rakshasa inferior; nara and
rakshasa are opposed or inimical. A boy or girl’s gana is determined by the rasi
(sign of the zodiac) and nakshatra (constellation) under which she or he is born.

The Smriti law of pre-Gupta period requires the widow as a rule to live a life of strict
celibacy and self-restraint, though Brihaspati recommends, as an alternative, that she
should burn herself on the funeral pyre of her husband. Literary references show that
the custom of sati was extolled by some authors, but strongly condemned by others
in the Gupta period. But a wide spread prevalence of this practice in the Gupta Age
is disproved by the complete silence of the observant Chinese travelers on this point
and frequent references to widows in the Smritis and other literature. On the whole,
we may infer, on general grounds, that widows in the Gupta Age, as in the earlier
times, usually live the chaste and austere life prescribed by the Smritis. But the
remarriage of widows, and of other women, though gradually coming into disfavor,
was not absolutely forbidden.

Thus, on the whole, the social and domestic life in this period continued from the
earlier period with the following restrictions:
1) No intermarriage, inter-dining and exogamy.
2) Ancient eight forms of marriage were falling into disuse. Only the first four were
recommended and supported viz., Brahma, Daiva, Arsha, and the Prajapatya.
3) Early marriage of girls was now insisted upon.
4) Remarriage of widows was still in use, though regarded with disfavor since
Manu.
5) Of the 12 kinds of sons, only two were recognized, viz., aurasa (legitimate) and
dattaka (adopted).
Now, looking at the Buddhist sources one does not notice any remarkable difference
from the Hindu sources on these matters. One finds various forms of marriages and
unions mentioned in the Buddhist texts. There are ten forms of unions mentioned in
one place. These are:

37
Early Historic Societies: 1) when woman is bought with money (dhanakkhita).
6th Century B.C. to 4th
Century A.D. 2) When woman stays of her own accord with a man (Chandavasini).
3) When a man gives her money of union (bhogavasini).
4) When a man gives her clothes (patavasini).
5) When an ablution of water is performed (odapattakani).
6) When she removes her head wear (obhatacambata).
7) When she is also a female slave (dasi nama).
8) When she is also a servant (kammakari).
9) When she is temporarily with a man (muhuttika).
10) When she is captured in a raid (dhajahata).
This list of unions throws adequate light on prevailing social situation within which
these relationships took place. But, the most acceptable form of social union of both
sexes was in the form of marriage, which is referred in many texts as avaha-
vivaha. Avaha literally means the leading of the bride and vivaha leading her away
by bridegroom’s family. In this form of marriage, the families of both parties were
mostly unknown to each other. The marriage was arranged through an intermediary.
It is the status and position in the society of the families on both sides, which are of
the importance. Presumably, the families must be equal. However, when the marriage
is being arranged, the rites and practice held the bride’s family to be superior. The
individual opinion of the girl and the youth like the Hindu practice is absent though
compatibility is suggested by imputation of identical qualities of both parties.

One also finds reference to marriage practices in non-Buddhists in Buddhist literature.

Vinaya Pitaka mentions five types of brahmanas in relation to marriage. The first
type of Brahman is brahmana brahma-sama, celibate like God. Second type is
brahmana devasama and the third brahmana mariyada, those who follow traditions.
The second and third types must marry only brahmana women and with a ritual in
which water is poured on woman. The fourth type, those who break traditions-
brahamana sabbhinnamariyada; and the fifth is the brahmana outcaste or brahma
chandala. The fourth and fifth types of brahmana marry both brahmana and other
woman. The ceremony in the last two types is through pouring of water as well as
through buying and selling. All types of brahmanas irrespective of their behaviour
are described as pure in lineage and also versed in the Vedas. It is obvious that only
the first three types of brahmanas carry some approval. The last two are disapproved
of but do not lose their caste affiliation.

A comparison of both Hindu and Buddhist practice thus suggest close resemblance.
Both the societies held patriarchal attitude to arrange marriage, where the opinion of
the parties to the marriage held no or marginal importance. The compatibility in Hindu
system was ensured by astrological and caste background. To the contrary, however,
in Buddhist practice, the economic background and status of the family ensured
compatibility between husband and wife. Hence, in both the societies marriage led
the foundation for a patriarchal family. The interpersonal relationships within the
marital bond favoured patriarchal ideals.

11.3 CHANGING SOCIAL PATTERN: VARNA AND

JATI
Our information on the Varna concept comes largely from the Dharmasastras, and
description of it in those sources is not always corroborated, and occasionally even
contradicted by other sources. The concept of varna is seen to be closely associated
38
with the concept of dharma, understood in sense of universal law. Dharmasastras Marriage and Family Life,
state that the society was made up of four orders, and later a fifth order was added. Notions of Untouchability,
Changing Patterns in
The first four were the Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra. The fifth order was Varna and Jati
later identified with untouchables. This schema of social structure is traced from the
purushasukta, the tenth mandala of Rig Veda. This tenth mandala is believed to
be a later addition. The reference to Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra as a social
category is only found in this last mandala and is conspicuously absent in other parts
of Rig-Veda.

In the later period, Manu provides a list of Varnas and occupations associated with
them. Though other Hindu sources recognise a hierarchical social composition of the
contemporary society, yet there is no sufficient evidence to suggest they resembled
the varna system described by Manu. Had the varna system functioned as a
superimposed hierarchical layer of social groups, the distinction between the four
main groups and other permutation and combinations would have remained very clear
and distinct. What is curious however that while the identity of the brahmana and
the untouchable is generally clear, references to the intermediate groups often appear
to be of a rather confused, if not contradictory kind. In large number of instances
provided in the non-Dharmasastra sources one finds a contrary situation. Buddhism
is viewed as a system, which was more sympathetic to oppressed groups and it
provided an economic, political, and social solution to the caste oppression. In
Buddhist literature no one is ever described as belonging to brahmana varna,
kshatriya varna, vaisya or sudra varna. It seems to have remained a theoretical
concept without any parallel in actual practice. On the other hand, the terms jati and
kula appear in concrete situations quite frequently. What really seems to matter the
Buddhists were the kula and jati divisions.

The vinaya pitaka states that there are two jatis: the low jati (hina jati) and the
excellent jati (ukkatta jati). Buddha also accepts this bipartite division, but at several
instances refuted the relation of jati in the matter of spiritual attainment. In doing so,
Buddha though recognises the importance of jati and gotra in social interaction, but
rules out their extrapolation to the spiritual field. In purana kassapa, a distinct
Buddhist text, six social divisions are conceptualised based on occupation, trade, caste
and sect affiliation. They are:
1) Kanhabi jati- Black jatis mostly comprising of those who follow a bloody trade,
i.e., mutton butchers, pork butchers, fowlers, hunters, fishermen, robbers etc.
2) Nilabhi jati- Blue jatis comprising of Bhikshus.
3) Lohitabhi jati- Red jatis which includes Jainas.
4) Halladdabhi jati- Yellow jati, which includes white robbed householders or
gahapatis.
5) Sukkabhi jati- White jati comprising of Ajivikas and their followers.
The scheme not only provides this broad structure of the society in terms of different
colour groups, it further resolute low jati group into a hierarchical scheme of
occupational groups. This textual resolution of the low jatis into occupational groups
starting with pukusuka should be taken to indicate an order of lowness. This in
overall character seems as a forerunner to Manu’s scheme. The Buddhists believed
that good behaviour and wisdom being rewarded with rebirth in the high kulas of
Kshatriya and Brahmanas and Gahapatis. The opposite characteristics on the other
hand would result in rebirth in the low kulas of Chandala, nesadas, vennas and
pukkusas.

Rhys Davids drawing conclusion from the recruitment practice and principle of
Buddhism proves that the jati was not a determining criterion in Buddhist Sangha.
But, in practice the egalitarian principle of Buddhism could not influence beyond life
39
Early Historic Societies: in Sangha. Other section of the society and the social interaction however still
6th Century B.C. to 4th followed the discriminatory practice of the caste system. Rhys Davids believed that
Century A.D.
“had Buddha’s view own the day, the evolution of social grades and distinctions
would have developed differently and the caste system would never have been built
up”. Oldenberg, on the other hand, has pointed out that despite the fact that Buddhist
theory acknowledged the equal rights of all persons to be received into the Sangha,
the actual composition of the Sangha suggests that it was by no means in the
keeping with the theory of equality and that a marked leaning to aristocracy seems
to have lingered in ancient Buddhism. Similarly, Fick states that the development of
caste was in no way broken or even retarded by Buddhism. Charles Eliot in his book
Hinduism and Budhism also suggest that while Buddha attacked both the ritual and
philosophy of the brahmans, so that after his time the sacrificial system never
regained its earlier prestige, he was less effective as a social reformer. Buddhism did
oppose the Brahministic ritualism, but did not preach against the caste system as
whole. E. Senart in his book ‘Caste in India’ also writes that the conflict
between the Buddhists and Brahmans was primarily a struggle for influence, and that
there was nothing in the Buddhists stand which aimed at changing the entire caste
system.

Some of the historical evidence in the Gupta Age points to departures from the earlier
Smriti law on varna and jati. An inscription of 5th century AD refers to two kshatriya
merchants living in a city in the upper-Ganga basin, while another inscription of the
same century mentions of a body of weavers from Gujarat as having gradually
adopted various other occupations in their new home in Malwa. This social dynamism
is proved by a number of authentic instances of brahmanas and Kshatriyas adopting
the occupations of the classes below them, and of Vaisyas and Sudras following
those of the classes above them. This social dynamism needs to be understood in the
economic and political dynamism of this period. The economic expansion was integrally
related to the social integration process. The village economy grew from subsistence
production stage to produce social surplus to support trade and commerce. The
imperial polity integrated vast regions into a single political unit allowing different
people, skills and resources to interact. The land grant to kshatriyas expanded the
agricultural practice to nook and corner of the country. The spread of Brahman
groups stretched brahmanical nuclei to foster systematic acculturation in such regions
to the Sanskritic mould. The social groups enjoying different grades of social status
were integrated into the economy and regional polity. The emergence of small kingdoms
at the end of Gupta period thus created many groups to claim Kshatriya status. The
economic opportunities lured some brahmanas to take up trade. New technology and
craft activities provided new opportunities to Vaisyas and sudras. These opportunities
of economic interaction created new rules of social regulations. As we have
discussed in the earlier section, the rules of inter-marriage became more rigid. Though,
some examples of intermarriages between varnas (both anuloma and pratiloma)
can be inferred from the literary sources, yet they seem to be confined to the social
and economic elites. On the whole, the hierarchical model of varna system could not
be rigidly enforced in practice, since it would require a static society for proper
functioning.

11.4 SUMMARY
In this unit, we saw the different patterns of marriages available to the society. This
made the gender relations quite complex. In the section on Varna and Jati we saw
the changing patterns emerging.

40
 Marriage and Family Life,
11.5 GLOSSARY Notions of Untouchability,
Changing Patterns in
Varna and Jati
Household Management : In the ancient texts refers to the task and the art
of running day to day affairs of the household
according to certain canonical requirements. By the
Vedic times the householder or the Grahpati was a
crucial pillar of the society, so, the task of running
the household were now to be congruent with his
newly emerging status.

11.6 EXERCISES
1) Discuss the changing nature of Marriage in the context of Varna and jati.
2) Explain the various forms of marriage in the specificity of Jati contexts.
3) Discuss the institution of Marriage as understood through various sources.

41
Early Historic Societies:
6th Century B.C. to 4th SUGGESTED READINGS
Century A.D.
Allchin, F. Raymond. (1991), The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia: the
Emergence of Cities and States. New York: Cambridge Univ. Press.
Chakrabarti, Dilip K. (1984-5), ‘Iron and Urbanization: an Examination of the
Indian Context’ Puratattva 15: 68-74.
Chelliah, J.V. (1946) Pattupattu-Ten Tamil Idylls. Colombo: General Publishers Limited.
Ghosal, U.N. Economic conditions. In The Classical Age, (Eds.) Majumdar, R.C.,
A.S. Pusalker, and A.K. Majumdar (1997), Mumbai: Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan. Pp.
603-605.
Gurukkal, Rajan, (1995) ‘The beginnings of the Historic Period: The Tamil South’
in Romila Thaper eds. Perspectives on Early Indian History. Bombay: Popular
Prakashan.
Hart, III, George L. (1979) Poet of the Tamil Anthologies (Ancient Poems of Love
and War). Princeton.
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