MPS-102 / OSOU

MPS-102: International Relations: Theory and Problems

Brief Contents
Block Block Unit Unit
No No
1 Introduction to 1 International Relations: Meaning,
International Relations Nature and Evolution as a
Discipline
2 Idealism Vs Realism, Morganthu
Theories of Political Realism

3 Neo Realism
4 Power; its significance, Balance of
power ; its relevance

Block Block Unit Unit

No No
2 Theories of International 5 Neo Realism and Functionalism
Relations 6 Decision Making and
Communication Theory
7 Game Theory
8 Dependency Theory

Block Block Unit Unit

No No
3 Debates on International 9 Post-Modernism and International
Relations Relation
10 Feminism and International
Relations
11 Colonialism and Post Colonialism
in International Relations
12 Constructivism and International
Relations

Block Block Unit Unit

No No
4 Multilateral Forums 13 Multilateralism
14 Regionalism
15 Global Civil Society
16 Global issues and challenges
 ODISHA STATE OPEN UNIVERSITY, SAMBALPUR
Programme Name: Master of Arts (Political Science) Programme Code: MAPS

Course Name: International Relations: Theory and Problems Course Code: MPS-102

Semester: I Credit: 4 Block No. 1 to 4 Unit No.1 to 16 Pages: 1-237

EXPERT COMMITTEE

Prof.Surya Narayan Misra (Chairman) Prof. Amareswar Mishra (Member)

Former HOD of Utkal University, former Professor of Political Sceince,
Bhubaneswar. Utkal University, Bhubansewar

Prof. Gitanjalii Dash (Member) Dr. Antaryami Beriha (Convener)

Former Professor, Dept. of Political Science Academic Consultant,
Fakir Mohan University, Balasore OSOU, Sambalpur

COURSE WRITERS

Prof. Ramakhurna Pradhan Dr. Santosh Kumar

Professor, Guru Ghasi Das Central University, Assistant Professor,
Chhattisgarh. Punjab Central University.

Dr. Sushant Kumar Jha Dr. Pratip Kumar Mishra

Assistant Professor, Delhi University Former Reader, Pranaath Auto.college

Dr. Nanda Kishor M.S Dr. Manas Behera

Associate Professor, Pondicherry University Assistant Professor, Ramadevi University
Bhubaneswar.
Dr. Sumit Jha
Assistant Professor, Delhi University.

EDITORIAL COMMITTEE

Prof. Ramakhurna Pradhan Dr. Prabira Setty

Professor, Guru Ghasi Das Central University Assistant Professor, Delhi University
Chhattisgarh.
Dr. Antaryami Beriha
Academic Consultant, OSOU

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 MPS-102 / OSOU

MPS-102 International Relations: Theory and Problems

Content

Block/Unit Page No.

BLOCK-1 Introduction to International Relations 1 - 51

Unit-1 International Relations: Meaning, Nature and Evolution as a Discipline: Objectives,

Introduction, Meaning and Definition of IR, International Relations and International Politics,
Nature and scope of International Relations, International Relations: Understanding the Level of
Analysis, Three levels of analysis, Evolution of IR as a Discipline.

Unit-2 Idealism Vs Realism, Morgenthau Theories of Political Realism: Objective, Introduction,

Idealism, Realism, Hans J. Morgenthau’s Six Principles of Classical Realism.

Unit-3 Neo-Realism: Objectives, Introduction, Difference between Realism and Neo-Realism,

Basic Tenets of Neo-Realism, Defensive Realism and offensive realism,

Unit-4 Power; its significance, Balance of power ; its relevance: Objectives, Introduction,
Concept of Power, National Power and its Elements, Critical Analysis of National Power,
Balance of Power, Characteristics of Balance of Power, Role of Balancer.

Block-2 Theories of International Relations 52 - 101

Unit-5 Neo-Realism and Functionalism: Objectives, Introduction, Origin of Neo-realism as an

Approach to International Politics, Core Assumption of Neo-realism, Selected Literary Works on
Neo-realism, Debate on the Relevance of Neorealism: A critical assessment, Functionalism in
International Politics.

Unit-6 Decision Making and Communication Theory: Objectives, Introduction, Decision-

Making Theory, Communication Theory, Significance of Decision-Making Theory and
Communication Theory.

Unit-7 Game Theory: Objective, Introduction, Definition, Game Model and derivative
Definition, Limitation of Game Theory, Game Models application in International Relations.

Unit-8 Dependency Theory: Objective, Introduction, The concepts of Dependency Theory,

Approaches to Dependency, Critics of Dependency Theory
 MPS-102 / OSOU

Block-3 Debates on International Relations 102 – 163.

Unit-9 Post-Modernism and International Relation: Objective, Introduction, The Origin of

postmodernism, Interface with International Relations Theory, Post-Modernism and the Global
South.

Unit-10 Feminism and International Relations: Objective, Introduction, Feminism and

International Relations.

Unit-11 Colonialism and Post Colonialism in International Relations: Objective, Introduction,

Colonialism, Post-Colonialism, Post-Colonialism in International Relations, Three Movements
in Post-Colonial.

Unit-12 Constructivism and International Relations: Objective, Introduction, Constructivism in

International Relations: A General Overview, Alexander Wendt and Constructivism, Norms and
Constructivism: Identity, Strategic, culture and security Community.

Block-4 Multilateral Forums 164 - 237

Unit-13 Multilateralism: Objective, Introduction, Defining Multilateralism: Institution vs Norms,

Multilateralism in the Contemporary World Order, Rationalist and Reflectivity Theorization on
Multilateralism: A Comparison of Western and Indian Perspectives,

Unit-14 Regionalism: Objective, Introduction, Historical background, Theories of Regionalism,

Functionalism in International Politics, Constructivism in International Relation, Regional
Organization,

Unit-15 Global Civil Society: Objective, Introduction, Civil Society: Meaning and Definition,
Origin and Development of Civil Society, Contemporary Political Discourse, Global Civil
Society and Gramscian Theory, Conceptualizing Global Civil Society, Development of Global
Civil Society, NGOs as agents of Global Civil Society.

Unit-16 Global issues and challenges: Objective, Introduction, Global Issues, Global Challenges.
 Block-1
Introduction to International Relations

Unit-1 International Relations: Meaning, Nature and

Evolution as a Discipline

Unit-2 Idealism Vs Realism, Morgenthau Theories of Political

Realism

Unit-3 Neo Realism

Unit-4 Power; its significance, Balance of power; its

relevance
 MPS-102/OSOU

UNIT-1: INTRODUCTION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS:

MEANING, NATURE, AND EVOLUTION AS A DISCIPLINE

Structure
1.1 Objectives
1.2 Introduction
1.3 Meaning and Definition of IR
1.4 International Relations and International Politics:
1.5 Nature and scope of International Relations:
1.6 International Relations: Understanding the Level of Analysis
1.7 Three levels of analysis
1.7.1 Individual Level of Analysis
1.7.2 State Level of Analysis
1.7.3 System Level of Analysis
1.8 Evolution of IR as a Discipline
1.8.1 Pre-Westphalia
1.8.2 Treaty of Westphalia and the rise f the modern state system
1.8.3. Post-Westphalia State Systems
1.8.4 Challenges to the Westphalian System
1.9 Summary
1.10 Exercise
1.11 References

1.1 OBJECTIVES:

After studying the unit you will be able of understanding:

• The meaning and Definition of International Relations
• The learner will be able to differentiate between International relations and
International Politics
• The students will be able to understand the nature and scope of International
Relations
• The students will be capable of looking at IR from three different levels of
analysis
• The students will learn about the emergence of the International State System

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• The pre-Westphalia and Post-Westphalian system.

1.2 INTRODUCTION

The discipline of international relations as an independent field has gradually

developed over the period spanning the nineteenth and twentieth century. The phrase
‘International’ was first used by English philosopher and jurist Jeremy Bentham in
1780 when he spoke about ‘international Jurisprudence’ as a branch of law. Since
then the term international is used to refer to those relations carried on among or
between different states.

However, international relations as an academic discipline emerged after World War

I. As political activity, international relations date back to the time of Greek city-
states and the work of Thucydides, the Greek historian (460-395 BC) who wrote the
History of the Peloponnesian War. The Greek city-states were facing problems
associated with managing recurring conflicts between them, a problem central to the
later understanding of international relations. The conflict between Athens and
Sparta, the former being a weak city-state in comparison to the latter, reflected
another important issue of international relations the issue of power and the powerful.
It was based on the index of power that the Roman Empire later prevailed over the
Greek city-states. According to Barry Buzan and Richard Little, ‘the interaction of
ancient Sumerian city-states starting in 3500 BC can be considered as the first full-
fledged international system. The original point in the development of international
relations must be traced to the period of Greek city-states because of the presence of
conflict and small-scale wars among the Greek city-states for domination. The entire
period from the Greek city-state to that of the Roman Empire is beset with the theme
of war, annexation, and domination the themes central to the formulation of
international relations as a subject. This is also the period when discourses on inter-
state relations were discussed in ancient India. Kantilla’s Arthashastra was a treatise
on the conduct of inter-state relations. But the origin of modern international relations
can be traced back to the beginning of the 20th century. When scholars attempted to
explain why states behave in a particular manner that results in war and how conflicts
or war could be avoided. International relations as an academic area of inquiry began
to emerge as an independent discipline in the aftermath of World War I with the
establishment of an independent chair of International Politics at the University of
Wales, United Kingdom. In 1920 at the London School of Economics an independent
chair for international relations was created in the name of Phillip Neol Baker. Before
WWI, the study of international relations was part of political science, history, and
International law. Therefore the origin of international relations is not very old and IR
as an academic field is very recent. Modern nation-states have become far too
interdependent and relations among them whether political or those related to trade

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and commerce, have developed into an essential area of knowledge. The discipline of
IR tries to scrutinize some of the vital issues of our times like the changing nature of
international cooperation and conflict, diplomacy, power struggle, nature and impact
of globalization on various nations, and security issues such as terrorism, issue related
to climate change, trafficking, migration, and poverty, etc.

The traditional core of IR has to do with issues concerning the development and
change of statehood in the context of the larger system. It focuses on states and the
relations of states to help explain why war and peace is the central problem of
traditional IR. However modern IR is not only concerned with political relations
between the states but also concentrates upon issues such as human rights,
multinational organizations (MNCs), International organizations, environment,
gender, development, terrorism, and so forth.

This chapter will try to introduce the historical background of IR. At the outset, it will
attempt to discuss the meaning and defining features of international relations within
the field of political science as a discipline. It will then turn towards elaborating on
the difference between the notion of international relations and international politics.
The next segment of the chapter will deal with issues about the need for studying
international relations through the lens of different levels of analysis, namely,
individual, state, and international standpoints. It will further delve into the topic of
the emergence of international state systems vis-à-vis the pre-Westphalia period, the
birth of modern states, and the post-Westphalia approach.

1.3 MEANING AND DEFINITION OF IR

There is no unanimity among the writers and scholars of IR regarding the meaning
and definition of IR since there have been various meanings and definitions offered
on the subject. Because of various explanations and definitions given by various
scholars, it is essential to examine some of those definitions of IR. According to
Quincy Wright, ‘the official relations between sovereign countries are described as
international relations. So according to Wright, IR should tell the ‘truth about the
subject’ which means how such relations are conducted and as a discipline IR should
treat them systematically and scientifically. In other words, IR must focus on the
study of all relations political, diplomatic trade, and academics among sovereign
states which constitute the subject matter of international relations. The discipline of
IR should include the study of various types of states or groups of states, forms of
governments, peoples, regions, alliances, confederations, international organizations,
even cultural organizations, religious organizations etc. which are central in the
conduct of international relations. Prof. Schleicher defines International relations as

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relations among states. Hans J Morgenthau in his famous book ‘Politics among
Nations: The struggle for power and peace’ states that, ‘International Relations has
struggled for power among nations. Charles Reynolds regards international Relations
as the process by which conflicts arise and are resolved at the global level. In this
environment, nation-states try to serve their political interests utilizing their policies
and auctions which may conflict with those of other nations. Thus the study of
international relations is the study of conflicts, how they originate, how the parties in
conflict behave in an attempt to deal with them and how these conflicts are resolved.

Another comprehensive definition of IR has been put forward by Harold and Margret
Sprout. They define IR as those aspects of interactions and relations of independent
political communities in which some element of opposition and resistance to conflict.
According to Professor Alfred Zimmern who had written before World War II
International Relations does not cover a single discipline or subject in the usual sense
of the word. It does not provide a single body of teaching matter. It is not considered
with any particular subject but constitutes multiple subjects of law, economics,
political science, geography, and so on. Hartman defines International Relations as a
field of study which focuses on the "processes by which states adjust their national
interest to those of other states." Since the national interests of different states are
often in disagreement and conflict, Morgenthau concludes that international politics,
like all politics, is a power struggle. Therefore, power is the means by course by
which states uphold their primary national interest.

Thus, almost all the writers have focused that IR is concerned with relations among
states. However, other scholars have included in their definitions of international
relations the study of relations involving non-state actors as well. Therefore the study
of international relations is interdisciplinary. IR is a combination of political science,
history, and economics to examine issues such as human rights, global poverty,
climate change, economic issues, and globalization. It also covers various security-
related issues as well as the political environment.

1.4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICS

The terms International relations and international politics are often used
interchangeably. They are often used as synonyms too. Some of the most renowned
scholars of International politics such as Hans J. Morgenthau and Kenneth Thompson
have used these terms interchangeably. The term international relations is used in a
larger context than international politics because it includes different kinds of aspects
such as political, social, cultural, diplomatic, and non-diplomatic relations. Harold
and Margaret Sprout have viewed international relations as human behaviour on one

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side of national boundaries affecting human behaviour on the other side of the
country. The term international politics is used in a narrow sense. The term
international politics is concerned with the study of conflict and cooperation among
nations essentially at the political level. As Padelford and Lincoln define it,
international politics is the interaction of state policies within the changing mode of
power association. Palmer and Perkins express similar views when they opine that
international politics essentially deals with the state system.

International relations and international politics also differ concerning the

methodology of the study. International relations as a subject is descriptive that
includes the study of various factors systematically while international politics is
analytical. In this sense, international relations are much vaster than international
politics. But there is a close relationship between international relations and
international politics. Some scholars have regarded international politics as a subfield
of international relations. Despite some differences between the two, it cannot deny
that International relations and international politics intend to pursue the same goals
and objectives.

1.5 NATURE AND SCOPE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Grayson Kirk identified in 1947 five crucial subject matters of IR; the nature and
operation of state-system; factors that affect the power of a nation-state; the
international position and foreign policy of Great Powers; the history of recent
international relations and the building of a more stable global order. The Paris
Conference of International Political Science Association in 1948 decided that the
subject matter of IR should include international politics, international organization,
and administration, and international law.

Karl Deutsch has identified twelve major aspects of IR subject matter which include:
state and world; global process and global interdependence; war and peace; power
and limitation; international politics and society; world population and environment
challenges; poverty; freedom and oppression; perception and illusion; activity and
apathy; revolution and stability; identity and transformation. Vincent Barker (1970s)
has identified seven elements as the basic subject matter of IR; elements of national
power; tools available for promotion of national interests; nature and principle forces
of international politics; political, social, and economic organization of international
life; limitation and control of national power; foreign policy of one or more major
powers and occasionally of a small state; history of recent international events.

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Baylis and Smith in their famous book entitled ‘Globalization of World Politics: An
Introduction to International Relations’ have argued that in the background of
globalization many new issues have been included within the scope of IR. This scope
of IR includes; Human Rights, Environmental issues, and Gender issues. The scope
of IR in the modern period remains within the large framework of appropriate
establishment of the relationship between national interests and international
obligations for every state. Due to this reason, Baylis and Smith have proposed the
use of the term world politics instead of international relations to make the scope of
IR more inclusive.

1.6 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: UNDERSTANDING THE LEVEL OF

ANALYSIS

The reason why we study IR is that the entire population of the world is divided into
different states. Together these states form an international state system. So legally
states are independent of each other. But that does not mean that they exist in
isolation. On the contrary, they adjoin each other and affect each other in various
ways in the international state system. So they form a system, which is the core of IR.
We are today living in an interdependent state - system. All of us need to have a clear
idea of what is happening in the world. Political events are important, but even
economic developments, trade, commerce, and activities of actors like multinational
corporations are no less significant.

The discipline of IR has broad objectives in today’s society, as it tries to explain: first,
the origin of war and maintenance of international peace, second IR tries to
understand the nature and exercise of power within the international framework and
lastly, the discipline of IR tries to understand the changing nature of state and non-
state actors which are main players in the decision making in the global system.

We live in an age of growing international cooperation. Therefore, not only do the

activities of the United Nations and its numerous agencies affect all the nations and
their peoples, but regional organizations like the European Union, South Asian
Association of Regional Cooperation (SAARC), Association of South East Asian
Nations (ASEAN) and the Organization of African Unity (OAU) also play important
roles in our lives. International terrorism has been a concern for human societies at
large. It has also served to be important for economic institutions like the World Bank
and the World Trade Organization (WTO) that affect international relations. The
study of International Relations has therefore become highly useful and enlightening
for the scholars and students of IR.

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1.7 THREE LEVELS OF ANALYSIS

This section aims to examine the significance and usefulness of the level of analysis
which is a central concept of IR. In IR generally, three levels are used to analyze
international relations. The debate related to the level of analysis began in IR in the
1950s when Kenneth Waltz (1959) published his book titled ‘Man, the state and war.
In his book, Waltz propounded three levels or three images to explain the behaviour
of states or decisions of states concerning war. Waltz suggested that there are three
levels of analysis that can be utilized in the study of how wars occur. So level of
analysis explains the ways of analyzing how foreign policy decisions are made at
different levels of the state, individual policy makers, and the bureaucracy or the
states as a collective.

1.7.1 Individual Level of Analysis:

According to Waltz the first level of analysis is the individual level, in which Waltz
argues that wars are often caused due to patterns of human nature (human behaviour)
or by the nature of a particular political leader. Individual level of analysis focuses on
human nature. These individuals make decisions related to foreign policy and other
political relations in the state system that determine the behaviour of other states in
the global system. Individual level of analysis sees the political leaders of states as
being the largest influencers of foreign policy. According to the individual level of
analysis, the locus of the important causes is found in the nature and behaviour of
man. Wars result from selfishness, misdirecting impulses, from stupidity (Waltz
1959: 16). So the individual level of analysis focuses on human behaviour which
means wars occur due to human nature or the nature of particular statesmen or
political leaders like Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Napoleon and the policy of Hitler
during the World War II.
1.7.2 State level of Analysis:
The second level or image examines the behaviour of states. In the second level
Waltz considers the argument that the property of the state matters in affecting its
behaviour. These include its form of government, internal constitution, or mode of
production and distribution. In other words, Waltz suggests that this level of analysis
focuses on the internal structure of the state. The State level of analysis examines how
a state’s characteristics determine its foreign policy behaviour. This level of analysis
also sees states as having cultural characteristics based on their religious and social
traditions, and their historical legacy, and includes an analysis of the economy and
geographical factors. Waltz in this second level of analysis contends that wars are
caused by the domestic structure (internal political structure) of states. In this
context, Waltz refers to Lenin’s theory of imperialism that point out that the main

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cause of war is rooted in the need for capitalist states to continue opening up new
markets to perpetuate their economic system in their home country. For instance,
some believe that democratic countries behave in a certain manner or don’t fight with
each other while capitalist states and socialist states generate different attitudes and
behaviour. A failed state like North Korea may equally affect state behaviour and the
failure of domestic democratic institutions may also result in war. We can also use
state-level analysis to understand US intervention in Iraq. The US always had an
idealist line in its foreign policy e.g. democratization of the world.

1.7.3 System Level of Analysis:

The system-level analysis looks at the international system; particularly, how the
international system affects the behaviour of states. Waltz examines a property of the
international system (anarchical) for causality in state behaviour. In this level of
analysis, the international system causes the state to behave in a certain way. Hence it
is the features of the international system that causes states to behave in the direction
they do. This implies that any change in the international system will also be
accompanied by a change in state behaviour. The key element in the international
system is the power of a state. Some states are more powerful while others are
weak. The cold war involved two powerful states. The behaviour of all states was
influenced by the cold war since both the US and USSR were the two powerful states
in a bipolar system. Today, the world is identified as unipolar with one superpower
(or hyper power) and that defines the behaviour of all other states in the system. So
this level of analysis can prove to be beneficial in explaining the US intervention
in Iraq as a power of the US, the superpower, that attempts to order the world against
states that serve to act as its threat. The US wants to maintain its supremacy and
therefore defeat all opponents.

1.8 EVOLUTION OF IR AS A DISCIPLINE

This section will discuss the evolution of the international state system and its
relevance in contemporary international relations. Generally, the scholars of IR trace
the origin of the state system to the year 1648 when the treaty of Westphalia was
signed, which brought the thirty years' war to an end. This section is divided into
three parts; the state system in the pre-Westphalia period, the second; Westphalian
system, and the third the post-Westphalian system.

1.8.1 Pre-Westphalia
Much before the treaty of Westphalia was signed the political arrangements which
worked in form of states did exist and ties between other such units were common in
nature. However, the only difference was that these political arrangements which

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operated in form of states were not sovereign entities. The church in Rome largely
served as the controlling authority. For most of human history, people have organized
their political lives in different ways, the most common being in form of political
empires such as the Roman Empire or the Ottoman Empire. In the future, the world
may cease to remain organized into a state system. People may eventually give up on
sovereign statehood and abandon the institutions associated with it. People
throughout history have abandoned many other ways of organizing their political
lives including city-states, feudalism, and colonialism. It is not unthinkable to be of
the view that a form of global political organization that is better or more advanced
than states and the state system will eventually be adopted (Jackson & Sorenson,
2009:8). There was no existence of independent sovereign states before the 16th
century after which state system first began to be organized in Western Europe.

The first relatively clear historical manifestation of a state system is that of ancient
Greece (500-100 BC). Ancient Greece was not a nation-state the way it is today.
Rather it was a system of many states. Athens was the largest and most famous, but
there were also many other city-states, such as Sparta and Corinth. Together they
formed the first state system in European history. There were comprehensive relations
between the city-states. But ancient Greece city-states were not modern sovereign
states with extensive territories. The Greek state system was ultimately destroyed by
neighbouring empires and Greeks became part of the Roman Empire, which was
spreading its territories and ruling in most of Europe, large parts of West Asia, and
North Africa. Thereafter the Roman Empire had to tackle various political
communities that were acquired. It followed a policy of subordinating the acquired
territories rather than reorganizing them. Instead of international relations or quasi-
international relations, under Roman Empire, the only option for political
communities was either submission to Rome or revolt. Finally, peripheral countries of
the Empire started to revolt. The Roman army could not contain the revolts and began
to move away. Many a time, the city of Rome itself was invaded by tribes.
Eventually, Roman Empire was brought to an end after many centuries of success and
survival.

The empire system was the common pattern of the political system that gradually rose
in Christian Europe over several centuries after the disintegration of Europe. The two
successors of the Roman Empire were first, the Western Europe medieval catholic
empire based in Rome, and second Eastern Europe and the near east, the Byzantine
Empire. Apart from these two state systems North Africa and the Middle East formed
a world of Islamic civilization that emerged in the Arabian Peninsula during the 7th
century. There were other civilizations like India and Iran as well. The other oldest
empire was the Chinese empire which was ruled by various dynasties. The medieval

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period was an era of empire and the relations and conflicts of various empires. During
these centuries states did exist but in the form of empires. First, they were not
independent and sovereign in the modern sense. Second, there were no well-defined
territories and borders. So the territorial political independence that we have in the
modern state system was completely absent during the pre-Westphalia period. The
pre-Westphalia period was also one of considerable dismay, disorder, conflict, and
violence due to a lack of clearly defined territory and control. These empires were
always at war sometimes wars were fought between religious organizations and
sometime between kings such as the hundred year’s war between France and
England. During this period the king was the only source of power.

1.8.2 Treaty of Westphalia and the rise f the modern state system
The contemporary international state system was established by the treaty of
Westphalia in 1648. This treaty formally ended the thirty years' war (1618-48) which
began in 1618 over religious issues. The war was fought within the Holy Roman
Empire between the Catholic Hapsburg dynasty and their protestant subjects in
Bohemia. During these years, the conflict developed through a series of phases into a
large political conflict involving Austrian and Spanish branches of the Hapsburgs
along with their allies among the catholic German Princes against Denmark, Sweden,
France, and their allies among the protestant German Princes. Therefore this war
involved the entire Europe and most of the part of Europe was devastated. The thirty
years' war came to an end with the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, in
which major European powers agreed to respect each other’s sovereignty and
territorial integrity. The peace of Westphalia paved the way for the rise of the nation-
state system by recognizing state sovereignty. The conclusion of the Thirty Year War
in the Peace of Westphalia marked the starting point for new norms governing the
behaviour of states in their relations with each other. So the concept of sovereignty,
mediation between states, and diplomacy all find their emergence in the treaty. The
treaty of Westphalia determined relations among states and their subjects. It was one
of the first attempts toward codifying an international set of laws that essentially
provided the basis for international communities such as the European Union and the
United Nations. This also laid the groundwork for an early American nation. The
modern international system is the reflection of the Westphalian system. Hence
Westphalian system remains the model for international relations around the world
and the notion of sovereignty, solidified by the peace, is still the basis for modem
international treaties and conventions. After the Peace of Westphalia territorial states
emerged as the sole legitimate players in the new international system. Only
sovereign states could either wage wars or enter into treaties or alliances with each
other. After the treaty of Westphalia, states were seen as the only legitimate political
system of Europe based on their independent territory, sovereignty, and government.

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Through this treaty, the state recognized the principle of sovereignty, the principle of
territorial integrity, and the principle of equality.

1.8.3. Post-Westphalia State Systems

The Westphalian system began in 1648 within the next few centuries spread from
Europe to the rest of the world. The Westphalian system assumed vital importance
due to three reasons. First, it secularized international relations by separating them
from religious grounds, anchoring them instead on the doctrines of national interest.
Second, it promoted the idea of sovereignty in international relations. And, third, it
accepted the notion of an international community based on the equality of states. So
over the next three centuries, the principles and ideals of the Westphalian treaty
gradually reached Europe Asia, Africa, and Latin America. The Westphalian system
reached at peak in the late 19th century. The diplomatic form which emerged from the
peace of Westphalia provided the framework or structure upon which global
negotiations happened down through WWI until the treaty of Versailles in 1919.
Even after international relations were renegotiated after WWI, scholars argue that
the effects of the peace of Westphalia and the structure that it provided can be seen in
many modern international communities including the United Nations, formally the
League of Nations, and the European Union (EU). The charter of the United Nations
created in 1945 has some of the very same provisions as the peace of Westphalia.

The recent trend in the transformation of the global system is often depicted as a shift
from Westphalia to post-Westphalia. According to this notion, the Westphalian
system comprising sovereign states that interact under anarchic conditions gives rise
to a post-Westphalian system. This is not to say that a centralized world state is in
making. The emerging post-Westphalian order remains fragmented: issues of area-
specific orders continue to coexist. Yet within some orders, international
organizations gain political authority and, thus increasingly introduce vertical
elements into the otherwise horizontal international order.

1.8.4 Challenges to the Westphalian System

There has been debate among scholars and policy formulators regarding whether the
Westphalian system continues to dominate in the present century. Modern
international relations are shaped by centrifugal and centrifugal forces. At the same
time that globalization is pulling many of the inhabitants together, fragmenting
processes are pushing people apart. The world is simultaneously becoming more
cosmopolitan as well as more parochial. Many non-state actors such as International
organizations and MNCs are now competing with sovereign states. There has been a
sharp increase in the number of global organizations and institutions. Under
globalization, politics can operate above the state through political integration

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schemes such as inter-governmental organizations like International Monetary Fund

(IMF), World Bank, and World Trade Organization (WTO). Today nation-states are
entangled in a very complex network of global governance that includes MNCs, IOs
(international Organizations), and NGOs (Non-governmental organizations. Hence
the contemporary world is being shaped by forces that are challenging the
Westphalian system.

The results of globalization are not only confined to the rules of global interactions
but also challenge the power that rests with nation states and raising it to a higher
level. A state can hardly do anything even when it has taken momentous decisions on
policy issues, because, with increasing proportion the operative part of it is dependent
or is the responsibility of a variety of non-states actors, international organizations,
and MNCs. Globalization increased this trend in the decade of 1990s with the
growing belief that the multi-dimensional process of globalization had the potential to
erode or limit state sovereignty. Hence the notion of the nation-state has undergone a
significant change in terms of its purpose and sovereignty. State sovereignty is an
issue that has become highly questionable in the age of globalization. In the post-
WWII period, the concept of nation-states has been effectively restrained in their
individualistic pursuit of goals and payoffs by the proliferation of International
organizations and regimes and the internalization of global norms and rules by
domestic countries.

Nation-states and their sovereignty are also challenged by the emergence of global
governance. Global governance is operating through a host organization ranging from
international organizations to regional or local organizations. Some of these
institutions or organizations can be identified as the United Nations and its various
organs and agencies such as WHO, WTO, IMF, and regional organizations like the
EU, ASEAN, SAARC, and NATO. So the end of the Cold War saw growing
integration and the erosion of Westphalian sovereignty.

Scholars would agree that the Peace of Westphalia was, for its time, a revolutionary
and monumental achievement; it developed the framework for international
diplomacy, a construct that simply did not exist before the 17th century. This peace
was extremely influential down through the Treaty of Versailles and the Westphalian
tradition can still be seen in modem international politics. The decisions that were
made in the year 1648 on the issues of individual state sovereignty, religious
tolerance, and diplomatic solutions to international warfare were the precedents of
common and international law that held importance during the First World War and,
arguably, still form the core of foreign policy. The Westphalian tradition can be seen
in various modem international forums including the United Nations and is one of

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history’s leading examples of how one conflict can impact the affairs of dozens of
independent nations for centuries.

1.9 SUMMARY

The present chapter has mainly introduced the discipline of International Relations
that has flourished in contemporary times and acquired a major ground as a field of
study of its own. The chapter began by underlining the meaning and different
definitions of International Relations that have been put forward by eminent scholars
and researchers within the field. The development of International Relations as an
academic discipline has been discussed at length. Thereafter an attempt has been
made to lay out the differences that exist between International Relations and
International Politics as it is well known that these two terms are quite often used
interchangeably and sometimes as synonyms as well. The subsequent section of the
chapter has dealt with the levels of analysis that are used to understand the subject
matter of international relations. There are three levels of analysis, namely, the
individual level, the state level, and the system level which are used while analyzing
and studying issues within the discipline of International relations. The emergence of
the international state system has been elaborately taken up for discussion following
the framework of levels of analysis. It has been argued by experts in the field of
International relations that the international state system that took shape mainly
resulted from the treaty of Westphalia of 1648 which gave birth to the modern and
sovereign states. Before the existence of the present state system, the world was
organized in form of different political arrangements and the last such setting was in
the shape of empires. These empires were unlike the present states. The difference
between empires and modern states has been explained briefly in the chapter.
However, many argue that the modern states which came up in the post-Westphalia
phase have undergone a huge transformation with the concept of globalization set in.
Globalization is argued as a system that has questioned the sovereign nature of
modern states as they are closely tied with each other, interacting and in relationship
with each other. In a world marked by globalization, the modern states have entered a
new phase of political arrangement which has given birth to an international-state
system where one state interacts with another state as well as various other non-state
actors.

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1.10 EXERCISE

1. What is the meaning of International Relations?

2. What is the difference between International Relations and International
Politics?
3. What is the scope of International Relations?
4. What is Westphalia Treaty?
5. Discuss the evolution of International Relations.

1.11 REFERENCE

Baylis John, Smith Steve and Patricia Owen (eds), (2008) ‘The globalization of World
Politics: Introduction to International Relations Oxford University Press.

Christian KreuderSonnen and Bernhard Zangl (2015) Which post Westphalis?

International organizations between constitutionalism and authoritarianism’ European
Journal of International Relations, vol 21(3).568-594.

Jackson Robert & Sorenson George, (2010), “Introduction to International Relations;

theories and approaches” Oxford University Press.

Jayabrata Sarkar (2015) ‘debating a post-Westphalian international order’

Mainstream, vol III, No 5.
K. Booth and S. Smith, (eds), International Relations Theory Today, Pennsylvania,
The Pennsylvania State University Press.

Lansford, Tom. (2000) „Post-Westphalian Europe? Sovereignty and the Modern

Nation-State‟.International Studies 37(1): 1-15.

Level of analysis in international relations by Webber:

https://www.academia.edu/25476049/Levels_of_Analysis_in_International_Relations
#:~:text=Levels%20of%20Analysis%20in%20International%20Relations%20Politica
l%20Science%20151%3A%20Professor,complex%20problems%20in%20world%20
politics.

Little, Richard.(2005) „Sovereignty‟.encyclopedia of International Relations &

Global Politics, ed. M. Griffiths. London: Routledge.

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M. Nicholson, (2003) ‘International relations: A concise Introduction’ New York

University Press.

M. Smith and R. Little (2000) (eds.), Perspectives on World Politics, New York,
Routledge.
Patton, Steven (2019) "The Peace of Westphalia and its affects on International
Relations, Diplomacy and Foreign Policy,” The Histories: Vol. 10: Issue 1:
https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories/vol10/iss1/5

Raymond, Gregory A. 2005. „Westphalia ‟ encyclopedia of International Relations &

Global Politics, ed. M. Griffiths. London: Routledge.

Vaughan Michael, ‘After Westphalia, wither the nation states, its people and its
governmental Institution’ paper was presented at the international Studies Association
Asia Pacific Regional Conference on September 29, 2011.

Vermani RC (2017) ‘Perspectives on International relations and World history’

Gitanjali Publishing House, New Delhi.

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UNIT-2: IDEALISM VS REALISM, MORGANTHU'S

THEORIES OF POLITICAL REALISM

Structure
2.1 Objective
2.2 Introduction
2.3 Idealism
2.4 Realism
2.5 Hans J. Morgenthau’s Six Principles of Classical Realism
2.6 Summary
2.7 Exercise
2.8 Reference

2.1 OBJECTIVE
After reading this unit, you will be able to understand:
• The concept of idealism
• The importance of realism in international relations.
• The concept of classical realism
• The six principles of classical realism

2.2 INTRODUCTION

InternationalRelationsis a very dynamic concept and a popular branch in the subject

of Political Science. Though comparatively, it is a new area in understanding world
politics and its various dimensions yet it has made attempts to access the various
forces that drive conflicts and cooperation in global politics in contemporary times.
Though it is conceptualized to deal with relations amongst nations through their
foreign policy yet it has a multidimensional character it embraces both the political
and non-political issues relating to the social, economic cultural legal official,and
non-official relations.

In the 21st century perspective, academic institutions all over the globe have accepted
it as an autonomous discipline with separate departments of international relations.
Today it has become an organized and systematic study of the way nations interact in
maintaining relations at the international level.20th-century developments and spilling
over to the 21st century with four important issues at the turn of the century like
Climate change and other environmental issues, International Terrorism in its various

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manifestations, Non- conventional security threats, systematic development of

technology, and the fourth industrial revolution, water, food, and energy security
worldwide. The growing tensions and conflict latest being the Taliban in Afghanistan
and Russia- the Ukraine war is drawing new pathways in the study and research in
international relations.

During the past century, a variety of approaches and theories have been developed by
academia, scholars, and researchers. However, the approaches can be analyzed and
discussed in two parts. Though it catered and was relevant for its time yet its essence
is not completely lost. It has been intertwined modified and made relevant in
contemporary times.

1. Traditional or classical approaches

2. Modern Scientific or behavioural approaches.
Idealism and Realism have been the two competing traditional approaches. Both
strive for recognition as a clear and sound approach to the study.

2.3 IDEALISM

Refers to an approach to international politics that seeks to advance certain ideals or

moral goals the basic objective being to make the world a more peaceful, just, and
comfortable place to live as humanity can only sustain itself by peaceful coexistence.
Applying the concept in the foreign policy context it holds that a nation-state should
make its internal policy and philosophy the goal of its conduct and rhetoric in
international affairs. Idealists believe that if we can tackle the basic humanlike
poverty at home then it can also be coupled with and tackled in the international
domain with the afro Asian and Latin American region or the countries of the south
drawing a parallel of these issues added with hunger, and malnutrition disease. Covid
19 pandemic also exposed how inter-governmental initiatives are necessary to tackle
these unexpected issues.

Idealism can be viewed as a metaphysical concept associated with reality to ideas in

the mind rather than to material objects. It emphasizes the spiritual components of
experience and resources or tries to explain the notion of material existence. Plato the
Greek political philosopher is regarded as the father of idealism in political
philosophy. His ideas were elitist making the philosopher King the ideal ruler.

The idealist approach holds that old, ineffective, and harmful modes of behaviour like
a war where there is a brutal use of force and violence should be abandoned in a

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search for new ways and methods determined by rationality, knowledge, reason,
compassion, self-restraint, self-control of the senses to diffuse tensions and conflict.

Idealism stands for improving the character of International Relations by eliminating

war, poverty, hunger, inequality, tyranny, force, suppression, and subjugation, and for
the removal of violence in its various manifestations in International Relations. These
are the perennial evils that have to be done away with to save humanity and the planet
Earth with its beautiful flora and fauna. Idealism foresees the possibility of creating a
world free from these evils by highlighting reason science and education as the
medium to instil awareness of the good over evil amongst the people in the entire
world.

“Political Idealism in International Relation represents a set of ideas which together

oppose war and advocate the reform of international community through dependence
upon moral values and the Development of International institutions and International
Law” Bertrand Russelis of the opinion that a world full of Human happiness is not
beyond human power to achieve. In other words, it is in the minds of men to decide
on war or peace.

The idealist approach advocates morality as the means for securing the desired
objective of making the world an ideal one following the path of ethics and morality.
It believes that by adhering to these values the relationships among nations can serve
their own best interest of human and social development and will provide the antidote
to conflicts and clashes around the world in their various manifestations. As already
highlighted War, Inequality, despotism, tyranny, violence brutality, and force.

The Idealist approach derives its strength from the general theory of evolutionary
progress in society and the spirit of liberal idealism which was seen in the United
States’s Policies, particularly during the Interwar period. From the end of the First
world war to the beginning of the second (ie 1919-1939) U.S. President Mr Woodrow
Wilson became one of its first and most forceful exponents among nations by
removing the evils present in the international environment.

Columbis & Wolfe “For the idealists’ politics is the act of good government and not
the act of only possible. Politics provide for good life and respect for his fellow
humans both domestically and internationally.”Thus idealism advocates the need for
improving relations among nations by removing the unpleasant and harmful elements
present in the International environment.

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To further understand the influences of idealist theory, it is necessary to look at its

features.
1. Human Nature is essentially good and capable of good deeds in International
relations.
2. The basic concern is Human welfare and advancement of the civilization to a
higher echelon.
3. Human behaviour impacts and bad quality influences the environment and
institutions.
4. Reckless and bad human behaviour can be eliminated by reforming the
environment.
5. The worst feature of a negative relationship is War.
6. The very idea and execution of war can be done away with if we reform
International Relations.
7. It is only the global community that can initiate and resolve violence and
tyranny by removing all the instruments of war.
8. With a world body in place and various regional organization, it is time that
the international community should work together in dismantling all those
elements like ideas, practices, and machinery that induces war.
9. We are in the Knowledge century which is the only power that will bring
about a progressive international order regulated by international law that will
develop peace, prosperity, and development. The commitment should be from
the apex body United Nations.
We have seen several supporters of the Idealist approachWoodrow Wilson, Bertrand
Russel, Mahatma Gandhi, Aldous Huxley, William Ladd, Richard Cobben, Margret
Mead, and others.

They are in unison with the view that Science, Education, reason, and rationality can
pave the way for a better world sans parochial national interest and the abuse of
power to achieve their ends.

2.4 REALISM

The realistic approach is based on the assumption that there is a perpetual existence of
tension and conflict among nations. It may be due to ethnicity, natural resource,
ideology, and subjugation. It is associated with the names of Machiavelli, Hobbes,
Max Weber, EH Carr, Frederich Schuman, Nicholas Spykman, Reinhold Niebuhr,
Arnold wolves, Kenneth Thompson, George F. Kennan, Hans J. Morgenthau, Henry
Kissinger and others.

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They all try to present their perspective on power as the perspective of International
relations spanning over centuries.

Realism holds politics as a struggle for power and seeks to explain it with various
components like power, security, and national interest. Defining power as a
psychological relationship in which one actor can control the behaviour of another
actor. Thus, the apolitical actor may be an individual or nation who always tries to
secure one’s interest aligned with power. Political realism also regards balance as the
guide to perspective politics. It is Hans J. Morgenthau who has given the best
perspective of the realist theory of international relations. He says “international
politics like politics is a power struggle. ”and states six principles.

Couloumbis and Wolfe in analyzing the basic feature of realism observe that “to act
rationally (that is to act in one’s interest) is to seek power, and thereby having the
ability and willingness to control others.

To understand the essence of Realism, we have to go through its key features.

1. History has provided enough evidence to prove that humans by nature are
wicked and sinful.
2. Lust for power and dominance has been a major trait, an important and all-
pervasive fact of Human nature.
3. Yet the human instinct for power can be eliminated.
4. Struggle for power is the inconvertible and eternal reality of international
relations.
5. We know that each nation always seeks to serve the goals of national interest
defined in terms of power.
6. The law of self-preservation governs the behaviour of all the states at all times
in the global world.
7. We have seen that nations always seek power, demonstrate power and use
power. In all its manifestations.
8. Peace can be preserved only by the management of power through devices
such as the balance of power. Collective security, world government,
diplomacy, alliances, and the like.
An accomplished writer Mahendra Kumar holds that the basic assumption underlying
the realistic approach is rivalry and strife among nations in some form or the other is
natural and not a mere accident. One action in the pursuit of a particular interest is
political and its roots lie in human nature. Power is desired to pursue one’s interest
and that’s dictated by the law of nature. Realism is pragmatic and a vital principle that
can help the understanding of the entire domain of International Relations and help in
the formulations and implementation of policies designed to secure the national

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interest. Hans J Morgenthau believes that realistic theory explains the whole matrix of
politics among nations. J.H. Haz “says it is rather a set of ideas which take into
account the implications of security and power factors.” (Political Realism and
Political Idealism p.18)

The basic assumption underlying the realist theory is the perpetual existence of
conflict among nations in various formats. Thus, a contest for power is going on in
the world and this can neither be controlled nor regulated by international law or
world government, nor an international organization. Thus, Realism unequivocally
accepts as its guiding principle the permanence of the power struggle.

George Kennan and Hans J Morgenthau are the leading exponents of this theory and
both of them start with the conviction that the national interest is a reliable guide to
intelligent policy. The main consideration before every state is to safeguard its
national interest. Kennan insists on adoptingthemoral an approach in the formulation
of policy while safeguarding the national interest while Morgenthau ignores the moral
aspect-completely and insists on taking national interest as they are the real guide in
the formulation and understanding of International Relations However both of them
regard power politics as the basis of global political relation.

Morgenthau is credited for bringing about a systematic and comprehensive theory of

International Politics at the dawn of cold war politics. Political Realism was also
prevalent in the 18th& 19th centuries. But, his six principles of Realist theory provide
the core of 20th-century Political Realism. It is a Realistic theory and approach that
relates to human nature and it reflects in its real sense amongst Nations too. As all
modern nation-states are driven to secure national interests by the exercise of national
power. Thus, when each state uses its national power to achieve its objective, a power
struggle emerges within the nation.

2.5 HANS J. MORGENTHAU’S SIX PRINCIPLES OF CLASSICAL

REALISM

The first principle of political realism states that “Politicslike society, in general, is
governed by objective laws that have their roots in human nature.”Thus, it becomes
necessary to have a comprehensive understanding of the laws and build up a rational
theory of international politics. When we understand these objective laws, it will be
easier to make inroads in the study of international politics. Further, it is necessary to
initiate the study of human relations. With an empirical and rational theory, a nation’s
foreign policy can be framed which will serve as a guide to states in conducting their
relationship with other nations of the world.

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The second Principle holds that nations define and act in securing their national
interest by the exercise of power. National interest is passionately linked to National
Power. First national interest is conceptualized and then achieved by executing
national power. History is a glaring example of this. Without a link between national
interest and national power, it can just be a vision without action. A gap between
vision and action mode Political Realism assumes that “statesmen think and act in
terms of interest defined as power, and we have historical evidence to this. Foreign
Policy experts have always regarded power as the central theme of politics. It also
suggests that foreign policy through a study of the motives of a statesman might end
up in a futile exercise and deception. This may also occur due to the distorted or
personalized interest and emotion of the actor and the observer which might go
beyond recognition. Instances from history also reveal that even good motives and
thoughts may not yield successful policies and might result in the opposite of what is
desired. As a case study comparing the policies of both the British prime minister
Neville Chamberlain and Winston Churchill. The former followed appeasement as a
policy to prevent the Second world war. While Churchill based his on national
interest and power and had a high success rate in real terms.

Thus, it can be said that Political Realism judges more on performance in securing the
goals of national interest than only weighing the motives of a statesman.

Further ideology as a basis in foreign policy is also rejected. It is used as a veil or

camouflage to cover up nationalistic actions. So, it is misleading to judge the actions
of the state with the ideological preferences of a statesman. Another example comes
from the Sino-Soviet conflict of 1969 lasting seven months and was not necessarily
an ideological conflict as it appeared in the realm of world politics. It is perceived as
a clash of interest and independent perception of the relationship with the western
world, in world politics rather than a conflict of interest or clash of
ideologiesbetweenMao Tse Tung and Nikita Khrushchev. The deception in Chinese
foreign policy towards her neighbours has been on two planks. The policy of peaceful
coexistence but in reality has been its expanse of power and influence thereby
building up to be a superpower in global politics. Thus 21st century foreign policy of
major powers has been of National interest expressed through national power. Having
an impact on foreign policy.

1. This principle of Morgenthau is the master key to international politics. “ It

imposes intellectual discipline upon the observer and infuses national order
into the subject matter of politics.

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2. The third principle: Explains that interest is always dynamic. Though the
concept of Political Realism has universal validity. As we understand the idea
of national interest is the essence of Politics and is not affected by the
situation, time, and place. Yet national interest is dynamic and has to be
analyzed in a continuous process with the changes in the national regional and
global environment where each state is an actor in securing its national
interest.

As observed by scholars that the nature of interest that determines Political

action in a particular period is dependent on the political, economic, historical,
and social context within which the framework of foreign policy is conceived
and formulated. This also applies to National Interest which also changes
according to the environment in which it has to operate in realizing the
national objective. If we take the example of India. We know that ever since
independence and the division of the country with hostility inherent from our
eastern neighbour China and Pakistan national security have been the main
concern. Aligned with this national power which also changes to the needs of
the time. Change in leadership and the new perception of world order calls for
modernization of the military and strategic planning for enhancing the
capability and strength of our defense forces from time to time. Thus, Political
Realism emphasizes a scientific analysis of international relations in changing
times. More or less broadening the scope of the relationship and international
understanding.

3. Fourth Principle: Abstract Moral Principles cannot be applied to Politics.

Though Political Realism understands the significance of morality in Political
action it emphasizes that universal moral principles cannot be applied in state
action and has to be analyzed only in specific conditions and circumstances.
Though it may not determine policies and state actions yet can be a source of
influence on the moral conduct of men. “Let Justice be done even if the whole
world perishes” are quotable quotes issued by statesmen. But in the realistic
sense, the Nation cannot standby by slogans as it is the sole custodian of the
security, liberty, and welfare of the people and cannot compromise with these
pertinent issues. Thus, Politics can be on ethical standards but National power
and National interest have to combine in sufficing the demands of the citizen.
Yet in the Global arena prudence has to be observed by nation states in
realizing their national Interest.

4. Fifth principle: Difference between Moral Aspirations of a Nation and the

Universal moral principles. A dichotomy exists between the moral aspirations

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of a nation and those that govern the universe. Though each nation strives to
cover its national interest with moral cover yet its manifestation may be
different. The anti-terrorist policy of Unites States is more in its national
interest and to an extent making the world safe for democracy and infinite
freedom. Thus, it cannot be deduced that there can be the application of moral
principles in the same manner by the belligerent and non-aggression states.

5. Sixth Principle: Autonomy of International Politics. By looking at all of the

above five principles of Morgenthau it can be said that there is a wide
difference between his Political Realism and that of other theories. It is quite
distinct and focused on intellectual and moral attitudes regarding political
matters thus, it is maintaining an autonomous status in the study of
international relations. It can be said that Political Realism is neither idealistic
nor legalistic nor moralist in its approach. The bottom line being it studies
power and its struggle between nation-states either to maintain it at the desired
level or to increase it and be a focus of attention in global politics. However,
in the context of securing peace, he advocates the idea of accommodation.
Diplomacy and mediation may be the instruments of power management.

Making a critical assessment it can be said that power may not be the only motivation
that influences human nature there can be other incentives and drives which influence
world leaders and their nation-states. So, linking power and politics is the wrong
speculation.

Going by the dictum of Morgenthau that all nations perennially seek to utilize power
for struggle and dominance states is just like saying that states are and will be always
in a continuous state of war.

Morgenthau also projects a narrow view of human nature as power centric and holds
it responsible for all human actions. There is no critical assessment of the other
avenues of human nature. There are contradictions in his theory when he says that
there is the possibility of establishing peace by mediation and diplomacy and other
means where able statesmen can carry out this process but at the same time says that
finding able statesmen is difficult and it’s a rare breed in contemporary times.

He overlooks the fact that international relations changes with time. He has over-
emphasised power through which nation-states can achieve their goal and national
interest. Theories are to be dynamic and not static thereby creating confusion. There

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cannot be universal adoption of his theory. Later scholars have termed one-sided
theory.

Despite certain drawbacks, the realist theory has shown a way to the development of
international theory and the research and orientation given by its exponent cannot be
ignored. Realism paved the way for the emergence of Neorealism. However, the
question comes up is Realism still relevant in the 21st century?

The steady surge of globalization has indeed created a blur among states as regards
state sovereignty which has accelerated foreign state intervention for over a century.
We have also seen the massive conversion of power of coalition states to brunt
transnational terrorism which has penetrated and caused breaches in global security,
especially in the emerging democratic states.

However in conclusion it can be said that even though globalization has brought in
the liberal agenda and the interdependence of states and a borderless world. Still,
Nation-states and major powers act primarily on national interests rather than global
issues. The vaccine diplomacy during Covid 19 pandemic and stabilizing respective
domestic economic infrastructure have brought about Neo nationalism. Realismfrom
a new perspective.

2.6 SUMMARY

1. Classical Political Realism highlights Power Politics, National Interest,

Conflict, competition for Global Resources, survival instincts in a nuclear-
charged world, security, and statism.
2. It takes Human Nature as its basis to have an understanding of international
relations. From the local to the global politics is shaped and materialized
through human nature. Typical of Hobbes's perception Realists also view
human nature as self-centred and competitive rather than benevolent and
selfless. Thus, arises the power to subjugate and dominate others or the
tradition of hegemony.
3. State as the major player. Leaders are the drivers. Realists emphasize that state
power dominates international politics as it is aligned with National Interest.
In subscribing to the End and means theory. National interest is the objective
or the end. Power is the Means to achieve it. This is the reason major powers
of the world are in the race for acquiring more power, dominance, and
influence in world politics.

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4. Though the realists agree that morality should be an essence of the state’s
national power and interest in the domain of international politics yet they are
pessimistic about fair play, a gap between ideal and real.

Thus, there are a lot of criticisms levelled against the realistic approach by the Neo-
Realist. Development of the eighties was spearheaded by Kenneth Waltz.

2.7 EXERCISE
1. What is idealism in international relations?
2. What is realism? How does power relates to realism?
3. What is classical realism?
4. Discuss Morgenthau's six principles of classical realism.

2.8 REFERENCES

Agnew J 2017-Globalisation and sovereignty. Beyond the territorial trap,

Rowman and Little field Publishers New York

Brightman E 1933, The definition of Idealism, The Journal of Philosophy Vol 30

(16)

Cohen J- 2012vGlobalisation and sovereignty, Rethinking Loyalty, legitimacy

and constitutionalism, Cambridge University Press, New York.

Solomon H 1996- In defense of Realism: confusions of a fallen idealist, African

security studies.

Waltz K. 2000, Structural Realism After the cold war, International security
J.STOR, vol.25(1)

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UNIT-3: NEO-REALISM

Structure
3.1 Objectives
3.2 Introduction
3.3. Difference between Realism and Neo-Realism
3.3.1 Realism
3.3.2 Neo-Realism
3.3.3 Similarities
3.3.4 Differences

3.4 Basic Tenets of Neo-Realism

3.5 Defensive Realism and offensive realism

3.5.1 Defensive Realism

3.5.2 Offensive realism

3.5.3 Differences between Defensive and Offensive Realism

3.6 Criticism
3.7 Summary
3.8. Exercise
3.9 References

3.1 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit, you will be able to understand:
• the core ideas of Neo-Realism
• differences between Realism and Neo-Realism
• distinctions between Defensive Realism and Offensive Realism
• limitations of Neo-Realism
• relevance of Neo-Realism to the study of International Relations

3.2 INTRODUCTION
Few theories have shaped that branch of political science known as International
Relations as powerfully as neo-realism. Realism is not a single unified theory. There

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are many variants of realism such as classical realism, neo-realism or structural

realism, neo-classical realism, and rational choice realism. Among various variants of
realism, the most powerful variant is neo-realism or structural realism. Kenneth Waltz
is the ardent exponent neo-realist theory of International Relations. In his famous
book Theory of International Politics (1979) various distinctive features of the neo-
realist or structural realist theory of International Relations. Neo-realism, developed
largely within the American political science tradition, seeks to reformulate the
classical realist tradition of E.H.Carr, Hans Morgenthau, and Reinhold Niebuhr into a
rigorous and positivistic social science.

Neo-realism or structural realism is a theory of international relations that emphasizes

the role of power politics in international relations, sees competition and conflict as
enduring features, and sees limited potential for cooperation. As a variation of
realism, neo-realism predominantly focuses on the international system rather than
human nature. While the state remains the key actor, greater attention is given to the
forces above and below the state through the level of analysis or structural-agency
debate- with the international system as a structure acting on the state and individuals
below the level of the state acting as an agency on the state as a whole. Main
advocates of neo-realism are- Robert Jervis, Kenneth Waltz, Stephen Walt, John
Mearsheimer, and Robert Gilpin Neo-realism is also termed “structural realism,” and
a few neorealist writers sometimes refer to their theories simply as “realist” to
emphasize the continuity between their own and older views. Its primary
theoretical claim is that in international politics, war is a possibility at any time.
Neorealism is also subdivided into defensive and offensive realism.

3.3. DIFFERENCE BETWEEN REALISM AND NEO-REALISM

3.3.1 Realism
Realism gives centrality to human nature which shapes the behaviour of the state's
international relations. Realism paid more importance to the individualistic aspect of
social life. Unchanging human nature was given more importance by the realists.
Thus, political situations were deemed self-interested in character and nature. Realism
aims more at the analysis of the roots of conflict in international relations. It also
believes in the implementation of strategies to approach conflict in international
relations. When it comes to the politics of realism, what we can see is that realist
politics is an autonomous sphere. A realist believes in designing proper definitions of
economy and culture. Realism is hierarchical. Unlike neo-realism, realism does not
believe in the supremacy of central authority. On the whole, it can be said that realists
do not believe in anarchy. In realism, power is a very important aspect. The power of
a state is considered based on factors such as the military power the state holds.

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3.3.2 Neo-Realism
Neo-realism focuses on the structure of the international system and anarchy (absence
of rule). Neo-realism did not pay much attention to the individualistic aspect of social
life. On the other hand, neo-realists said that the conflict in international relations can
be solved and explained more by the state of anarchy. This is one of the main
differences between realism and neo-realism. When it comes to the politics in neo-
realism, what we can see is that neo-realist politics is not an autonomous sphere. Neo-
Realist does not believe in defining economy and culture. Neo-realism is anarchical.
It is not hierarchical, unlike realism. Neo-realism takes a different approach to
explaining the nature of the conflict in international relations. It considers that
interstate conflict is rooted in the absence of central authority. When it comes to the
use of strategies, although the neo-realist believes in defining strategies to approach
conflict in international relations, this approach is more inclined towards security.

3.3.3Similarities
Realism and Neo-realism are two different schools of thought that showed a
difference between them when it comes to their outlook on international relations.
Both of them differed in their approach to the problem of identifying the various
causes of conflicts in international relations. Though they have different approaches,
there are some fundamental similarities between the two as well. Both belief in the
anarchical structure of the international system and emphasize central aspects of
statism, survival and self-help Realism and neo-realism explain the word as it is.
They do not explain the word as it should be. So, they are realistic. They both show
that the domestic politics of a country is separate from foreign policy. In these two
approaches, states are defined as rational actors rather than agents of morality.

3.3.4 Differences
• First, realism believes that conflicts arise because states are self-interested and
power-seeking units as they are made of people who are self-interested and
unchanging. Neo-realism believes that conflicts arise because of anarchy.
Since there is no central authority, the states try to seek power to help
themselves.

• Secondly, realism focuses its interest on human nature. Neo-realism focuses

its interest on the structure of the system.

• Thirdly, realism is interested in power, while neo-realism is interested in

security.

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• Fourthly, realism believes in the implementation of strategies to approach

conflict in international relations. Although the neo-realist believes in defining
strategies to approach conflict in international relations, this approach is more
inclined towards security.

• Fifthly, Both realism and neo-realism speak about system polarity. In realism,
since the focus is more on gaining power, the unipolar system is the type of
system of polarity the realists speak the most about. In a unipolar system,
there is only one great power. So, to balance the power in an international
system, all other countries have to come together to equal the power of one
great power. In neo-realism, the bipolar system is the most stable. In a bipolar
system, there are two great powers. So the international power is balanced.
The multipolar system, though it is talked of by both realists and neo-realists,
is not a very favourable topic. That is because it means there are more than
two great powers. In such a situation, balancing power can be a great problem.

• Lastly, Realism believes that conflicts arise because states are self-interested
and power-seeking units as they are made of people who are self-interested
and unchanging. Neo-realism believes that conflicts arise because of anarchy.
Since there is no central authority, the states try to seek power to help
themselves

3.4 BASIC TENETS OF NEO-REALISM

The basic tenets of neo-realism enable the systematic approach to studying shifts in
state behaviour. Six fundamental neorealist concepts are respectively introduced in
this section; There are six fundamental tenets of neo-realism: anarchy, structure,
capability, the distribution of power, polarity and national interest. These concepts are
evoked by many realist scholars of international relations.

Anarchy and Structure

The first two concepts; 'anarchy' and 'structure'; are intertwined. The 'structure' of the
international system is said to be 'anarchic'. 'Anarchy' does not imply the presence of
chaos and disorder. It simply refers to the absence of a world government. With no
overarching global authority that provides security and stability in international
relations, world politics is not formally and hierarchically organized. International
politics is structured by 'anarchy', in contrast to domestic politics which is structured
by 'hierarchy'. The international system is thus defined in terms of an anarchic
international structure.

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An 'anarchic structure' has two main implications. Firstly, every actor in the
international system is responsible for looking after itself, rendering the international
system a "self-help system". This system is thus composed of self-regarding units,
that primarily seek to survive. Therefore, the organizing principle of the international
structure is 'anarchy', and this 'structure' is defined in terms of states. Secondly, states
perpetually feel threatened by a potential attack from others. Where no one
commands authority, no one is obliged to obey.

Capability
The anarchical structure of international fosters fear, threat and doubt among nations-
states which leads to the third concept of 'capability'. Capabilities are instrumental for
states to ensure their survival. The survival aim encourages relative gains. Neorealist
scholars thus strive to paint a relational picture of the capabilities each state possesses
at any given time. This is referred to as 'relative capability.'

Distribution of Capabilities
However, in such a system states are perpetually insecure, they perpetually wish to
acquire capabilities. Because of the security dilemma, competition ensues and the
vicious circle of security and capability accumulation is on. In the security
competition, states will achieve varying levels of capability. Thus, capabilities are
distributed differently across the constitutive units of the system. Such an assessment
of the 'distribution of capabilities' constitutes the fourth concept of neorealism.
Countries’ ranking depends on how they score on all the aforementioned components
of ‘relative capability.

Polarity
Both realism and neo-realism speak about system polarity. In realism, since the focus
is more on gaining power, the unipolar system is the type of system of polarity the
realists speak the most about. In a unipolar system, there is only one great power. So,
to balance the power in an international system, all other countries have to come
together to equal the power of one great power. In neo-realism, the bipolar system is
the most stable. In a bipolar system, there are two great powers. So the international
power is balanced. The multipolar system, though it is talked of by both realists and
neo-realists, is not a very favourable topic. That is because it means there are more
than two great powers. In such a situation, balancing power can be a great problem.

National Interest
Neo-realism tries to analyse national interest relatively. In striving for security, states
seek to expand their capabilities vis-à-vis rival states. Thus ensuring territorial,
economic and military security constitutes the national interest calculus of a state. At

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the same time, the level of capability a state possesses vis-à-vis others constrains or
equips states to pursue such interests. In turn, the scope and ambition of a country's
interests are driven by its level of capability Therefore within a neorealist conceptual
framework, the national interests of states are best understood concerning their
relative capability ranking.

3.5 DEFENSIVE REALISM AND OFFENSIVE REALISM

3.5.1 Defensive Realism

Defensive neo-realism is a structural theory in international relations that is derived
from the school of neo-realism. The theory finds its foundation in the political
scientist Kenneth Waltz's Theory of International Politics in which Waltz argues that
the anarchical structure of the international system encourages states to maintain
moderate and reserved policies to attain national security. In contrast, offensive
realism assumes that states seek to maximize their power and influence to achieve
security through domination and hegemony. Defensive neo-realism asserts that
aggressive expansion as promoted by offensive neo-realists upsets the tendency of
states to conform to the balance of power theory, thereby decreasing the primary
objective of the state, which they argue to be the ensuring of its security. Defensive
realism denies neither the reality of interstate conflict nor that incentives for state
expansion exist, but it contends that those incentives are sporadic, rather than
endemic. Defensive realism points towards "structural modifiers," such as the security
dilemma and geography, and elite beliefs and perceptions to explain the outbreak of
conflict.

Structural realism has become divided into two branches, defensive and offensive
realism, following the publication of Mearsheimer's 'The Tragedy of Great Power
Politics in 2001. Waltz's original formulation of neo-realism is now sometimes called
defensive realism, while Mearsheimer's modification of the theory is referred to as
offensive realism. Both branches agree that the structure of the system is what causes
states to compete, but defensive realism posits that most states concentrate on
maintaining their security (i.e. states are security maximizers), while offensive
realism claims that all states seek to gain as much power as possible (i.e. states are
power maximizers). A foundational study in the area of defensive realism is Robert
Jervis' classic 1978 article on the "security dilemma." It examines how uncertainty
and the offence-defence balance may heighten or soften the security dilemma.
Building on Jervis, Stephen Van Evera explores the causes of war from a defensive
realist perspective.

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3.5.2 Offensive Realism

Offensive realism, developed by Mearsheimer differs in the amount of power that
states desire. Mearsheimer proposes that states maximize relative power ultimately
aiming for regional hegemony. In addition to Mearsheimer, several other scholars
have sought to explain why states expand when opportunities to do so arise. For
instance, Randall Schweller refers to states' revisionist agendas to account for their
aggressive military action. Eric Labs investigates the expansion of war aims during
wartime as an example of offensive behaviour. Fareed Zakaria analyzes the history of
US foreign relations from 1865 to 1914 and asserts that foreign interventions during
this period were not motivated by worries about external threats but by a desire to
expand US influence. Mearsheimer outlines five “bedrock” assumptions on which
offensive realism stands: (1) the international system is anarchic; (2) great powers
inherently possess some offensive military capability; (3) states can never be certain
about the intentions of other states; (4) survival is the primary goal of great powers;
and (5) great powers are rational actors. From these core assumptions, Mearsheimer
argues "three general patterns of behaviour result: fear, self-help, and power
maximization.

Offensive realism, a theory of international relations, holds that states are disposed to
competition and conflict because they are self-interested, power maximizing, and
fearful of other states. Moreover, it argues that states are obliged to behave this way
because doing so favours survival in the international system. Debate continues as to
whether modern states do, or should, behave in this way, but we are struck by a
different question. The main question is whether the three core assumptions about
behaviour in offensive realism—self-help, power maximization, and outgroup fear—
have any basis in scientific knowledge about human behavioural evolution. We find
that these precise traits are not only evolutionarily adaptive but also empirically
common across the animal kingdom, especially in primate and human societies.
Based on these findings, we hypothesize that states behave as offensive realists
predict not just because of anarchy in the modern international system but also
because of the legacy of our evolution. In short, offensive realism may be describing
the nature of the human species more than the nature of the international system.

3.5.3 Differences Between Defensive and Offensive Realism

Similarities

Before discussing the differences between defensive realism and offensive realism,
however, it is first important to understand their similarities. Remember that both
theories are derivatives of realism. One of their general assumptions is that states are

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the primary actors in the international system and there are no other actors that can
regulate their conduct. Even supranational organizations have no real authority over
state actors.

Another similarity between defensive realism and offensive realism is that both assert
that the international system is inherently anarchic because states are primarily and
perpetually driven to maintain power and promote security. Their behaviours and
actions are driven by self-interest and the need to survive.

Both theories also assume that states can never be certain about the true intentions of
other states. However, both also assert that states are rational actors that are capable
of developing and implementing strategies that maximize their prospects of survival.

Differences

Defensive realism and offensive realism first emerged from the separate and
contradicting works of two American political scientists. To be specific, defensive
realism traces its roots in the 1979 book "Theory of International Politics" by
Kenneth Waltz while offensive realism finds its foundation in the 2001 book "The
Tragedy of Great Power Politics" by John J. Mearsheimer. The aforementioned works
provided the groundwork used by adherents to further expand and enrich either of the
two theories. Nonetheless, the following are the specific differences between
defensive realism and offensive realism:

i. Core Arguments: Defensive realism asserts that states develop and maintain
policies and programs aimed at promoting security through a defensive
approach. On the other hand, offensive realism asserts that the programs and
policies developed and maintained by states are aimed not only at promoting
security but also at increasing their power to dominate the international
system. Thus, one of the major differences between defensive realism and
offensive realism centres on their respective interpretations and expansions of
the general assumptions of realism.
ii. Handling Anarchy: The international system is inherently anarchic according
to the school of realism of international relations theory. Defensive realism
contends that states navigate through anarchy by balancing their power
through arms race or capability-building. An imbalance resulting from a state
pursuing dominance is counterbalanced by other states seeking to maintain the
status quo. The international system punishes aggressors according to
defensive realists. However, offensive realism argues that states inherently
desire dominance because they are power-maximizing actors. Furthermore,
offensive realists believe that the international system rewards states that can
secure and maintain their dominance.

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iii. Purpose of Military: The primary purpose of the military of a particular state
under defensive realism is to maintain security by having the capacity for
defending against aggressors. In addition, the defensive capability is superior
to the offensive capabilities. The collective military capabilities of different
states also create a stabilizing effect. Meanwhile, offensive realism argues that
the primary purpose of the military is to display the power of a state through
aggression, thus further depressing threats from other states.
iv. State Survival: States are driven by self-interest and self-preservation
through power and security. Defensive realists and offensive realists both
agree on this fact. However, defensive realists specifically believe that states
are only interested in maintaining their security through defensive measures
while offensive realists think that states are interested in conquest and that the
best way to survive is to demonstrate their power and prevent other states
from attaining a similar level of power.
v. View on Mistrust: Another difference between defensive realism and
offensive realism is the way each of them analyzes the concept of mistrust.
Both theories claim that because states can never be absolute about the true
and specific intentions of other states, mistrust is pervasive among these
actors. Offensive realism specifically argues that mistrust is not only prevalent
but also constant. However, defensive realism contends that mistrust is
variable and amenable to change through international cooperation, primarily
through mutual security agreements.

3.6 CRITICISM

Neo-realism has certain limitations also which is why it has been criticized by various
quarters. Other major paradigms of international relations scholarship, such as
Liberal, Constructivist and Rationalist approaches have criticized neorealist
scholarship in terms of theory and empirics. Within realism, classical realists and neo-
classical realists have also challenged some aspects of neorealism.
i. The weakness of neo-realism is that it cannot explain such changes because of
its static nature. This necessitates the application of other concepts to explain
these changes.
ii. Keohane has criticised it in terms of the definition of state interests. He
considers that the neorealist theories do not say anything about the prediction
of state interests so since systematic theory cannot predict state interests, it
cannot support deterministic conclusions

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iii. Neo-realism has been criticized over the neglect of domestic politics, race,
gains from trade, the pacifying effects of institutions, and the relevance of
regime type for foreign policy behaviour.
iv. David Strang argues that neo-realist predictions fail to account for
transformations in sovereignty over time and across regions. These
transformations in sovereignty have had implications for cooperation and
competition, as polities that were recognized as a sovereign have seen
considerable greater stability. Ashley complains that Waltz's neorealism has
sacrificed the interpretive richness of classical. Realism is a critical theory to
transform into a positivistic problem-solving theory.
v. Lastly, it is also argued that neo-realists minimize the importance of
international interdependence, globalization and the regime created to manage
the interactions. we can not neglect the possibility of cooperation among states
where mutual interests exist.

3.7 SUMMARY

In this unit, you have studied the core concepts of neo-realism, similarities and
differences between realism and neo-realism, defensive and offensive realism, and
limitations of neo-realism. Kenneth Waltz's structural realism has had a major impact
on scholars in international relations. Waltz claims that the structure of the
international system is the key factor in shaping the behaviour of states. Waltz's neo-
realism also expands our view of power and capabilities. However, he agrees with
traditional realists when he states that major power still determines the nature of the
international system. Structural realists minimize the importance of national attributes
as determinants of a state's foreign policy behaviour. To these neo-realists, all states
are functionally similar units, experiencing the same constraints presented by
anarchy. There are six fundamental tenets of neo-realism: anarchy, structure,
capability, the distribution of power, polarity and national interest. These concepts are
evoked by many realist scholars of international relations. Neo-realists accept many
assumptions of traditional realism. they believe that force remains an important and
effective tool of statecraft and the balance of power is still the central mechanism for
order in the system. Structural realism has become divided into two branches,
defensive and offensive realism, following the publication of Mearsheimer's 'The
Tragedy of Great Power Politics in 2001. Waltz's original formulation of neo-realism
is now sometimes called defensive realism, while Mearsheimer's modification of the
theory is referred to as offensive realism. Waltz argues that the anarchical structure of
the international system encourages states to maintain moderate and reserved policies
to attain national security. In contrast, offensive realism assumes that states seek to

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maximize their power and influence to achieve security through domination

and hegemony. Defensive realism asserts that aggressive expansion as promoted by
offensive neo-realists upsets the tendency of states to conform to the balance of
power theory, thereby decreasing the primary objective of the state, which they argue
to be the ensuring of its security. Defensive realism denies neither the reality of
interstate conflict nor that incentives for state expansion exist, but it contends that
those incentives are sporadic, rather than endemic. Defensive realism points towards
"structural modifiers," such as the security dilemma and geography, and elite beliefs
and perceptions to explain the outbreak of conflict.

3.8. EXERCISE

1. Define neo-realism. What are its major concepts?

2. Outline the similarities and differences between realism and neo-realism.
3. Describe the main ideas of defensive and offensive realism.
4. Discuss the major limitations of neo-realism.

3.9 REFERENCES

Ashley, Richard K.(1984). " The Poverty of Neo-realism". International

Organization, The MIT Press, Cambridge.(URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0020
8183%28198421%2938%3A2%3C225%3ATPON%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Q)

Baldwin, David A., ed., (1993). Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary
Debate, Columbia university press: New York.

Biswal, Tapan. ed.,(2009), International Relations, Macmillan: New Delhi.

J. Baylis, S. Smith(2008).The Globalization of World Politics An introduction to

international relations, New Delhi, OUP.

Heywood A. (2011), Global Politics. Palgrave Macmillan: New Delhi.

Khanna V. N. and Kumar L. (2020), International Relations: Vikas Publishing

House, New Delhi

Mearsheimer, J. J. 2001. The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. New York: W. W.

Norton.

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Nye Jr. Joseph S.(2011). Neorealism and Neoliberalism, Published online by

Cambridge University Press: England

SchiederS.,and Spindler M. (2014), Theories of International Relations, Routlege:

NY and London

Waltz, K. N. 1979. Theory of International Politics. New York: McGraw Hill

Web-Link
1. https://www.profolus.com/topics/differences-between-defensive-realism-and-
offensive-realism/
2. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neorealism_(international_relations)#:~:text=N
eorealism.
3. https://www.differencebetween.com/difference-between-realism-and-vs-
neorealism.
4. https://www.researchgate.net/post/What_are_the_basic_concepts_of_neoreali
sm

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UNIT-4: POWER; ITS SIGNIFICANCE, BALANCE OF

POWER; ITS RELEVANCE

Structure
4.1 Objectives
4.2 Introduction
4.3 Concept of Power
4.4 National Power and its Elements
4.4.1 Geography
4.4.2 Natural resources and Raw Materials
4.4.3 Population
4.4.4 National character and morale
4.4.5 Ideology
4.4.6 Diplomacy
4.4.7 Leadership
4.4.8 Technology
4.4.9 Military power
4.5 Critical Analysis of National Power
4.6 Balance of Power
4.7 Characteristics of Balance of Power
4.8 Role of Balancer
4.9 Summary
4.10 Exercise
4.11 Reference

4.1 OBJECTIVE

After reading this unit, you will be able to understand

• The concept of power and its theory and practice.
• The idea of national power and its relevance.
• The notion of balance of power.
• Role of power to balance the international politics.

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4.2 INTRODUCTION

International relations or global politics is centred on power. Despite idealist coatings,

the relations between and among nations are largely decided in terms of power.
Power assumes greater significance in the realist approach to global politics because
it presents a picture of insecurity and fear. So the primary concern of the states is to
increase their power to ensure their security. As there is no world government to
protect the states and restrain them, so they are always engaged in increasing their
power even if it means at the cost of others. Thus the study of global politics or
international relations is incomplete without the study of power and its dynamics. The
word statecraft implies the actions and functions of the states from a global
perspective. The comment of U. Thant given in 1965 on the occasion of the 20th
anniversary of the signing of the United Nations charter, the then secretary general of
the United Nations, is still relevant. ‘The greatest obstacle to the realisation of the
charter is the inescapable fact that power politics still operates, both overtly and
covertly, in international relations. The concept of power politics, whether as the
instrument of nationalism or ideological extremism, is the natural enemy of
international order as envisaged in the charter. It is also an expensive, and potentially
disastrous, anachronism.’ There have not been great changes since then in
international politics so far as power is concerned.

The legal basis of the power of a nation is to be found in sovereignty. States are
responsible for the security and welfare of their people. So it is natural for the states
to increase their security. Power and efforts to increase power need to be understood
in this context to explain the nature of power. In the global political order, power is
regarded as the best mechanism to ensure security.

4.3 CONCEPT OF POWER

In the words of ChrisBrown, ‘power is one of those terms in political discourse that
are so widely used to have become almost devoid of meaning. Common sense usage
of the term power suggests that it is quite closely related to influence- a ‘powerful
person is an influential person –but there are forms of influence that don’t seem to
rely on power as the term is usually understood, and there are forms of power that are
only indirectly connected to influence.’ Power is a complex and multidimensional
concept. To Chris, Brown Power is an attribute, a relationship and a structure. It is an
attribute in the sense that it’s something that states possess. It is a relationship
because states influence others through it. it is structured as it can be exercised by an
agent or actor-like state.

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In the words of McLean and McMillan power is the ability to make people do what
they would not otherwise have done.
Max weber defines power as ‘the possibility of imposing one’s will upon the
behaviour of others.’

In the words of Karl Deutsch, ‘it is the ability to prevail in conflict and to overcome
the obstacle.’

To Morgenthau, power is man’s control over the minds and actions of other men.
Political power is a psychological relation between those who exercise it and those
over whom it is exercised. Power is a relational concept in the sense that individuals
or states exercise power, not in a vacuum but a relation to other individuals or states.
It is not so much the absolute power of a state as its power position over other states
that count.

According to George Schwarzenberger power is the ‘capacity to impose one’s will

on others by reliance on effective sanctions in the case of non-compliance.’
In the words of Duchacek, power is ‘the capacity to produce intended effects-to
realise one’s will.’

To Hartmann, ‘power manifests itself along the line of influence beginning with
latent or unintended use of power (persuasion), through conscious but regulated
power (pressure) and reaching up to its final gradation( force)
Power is different from influence. In the words of Schleicher ‘ power relationship is
marked clearly by the occurrences of threats, influence relationship is manifested
without the presence of threatened sanctions.’

4.4 NATIONAL POWER AND ITS ELEMENTS

Many experts offer a list of elements of national power starting from armed strength,
resources, geographical position and extent, the size and skills of the population, the
infrastructure of a country, the capability of its state institutions, the quality of
leadership, the raw materials etc. some factors may change and accordingly the power
of a nation. A small country with a high production capacity may be more powerful
than a big country with a less productive economy. Then what is national power? E.
H. Carr categorises national power into military power, economic power and power
over public opinion. But they are not separated from each other as power is
indivisible. To Morgenthau national power is the power of certain individuals of a
nation who exercise it in pursuance of the policies of a nation. He explained, ‘when
we speak in empirical terms of the power or of the foreign policy of certain

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individuals who belong to the same nation.’ However, structural realists are using the
term capabilities in place of power. States can be categorised in terms of their
capabilities like population, territory, resources, economic strength, military strength
etc.

4.4.1 Geography
The geography of a nation is still an important element of national power even in the
era of technology and globalisation. The geographical location of a nation is a
decisive factor in the foreign policy of that nation as well as for others. In the words
of Palmer & Perkins ‘history has often been characterised as geography in motion.’
Napoleon also said ‘the foreign policy of a country is determined by its geography.’
This may not be cent per cent true but it underlines the significance of geography for
a state and its foreign policy. Despite the revolutionary changes in the transport and
communication system in the last decades, Geography is still an important factor in
the power of a nation.

The size of a state is an important element of the geography of the nation. The land
area of a nation is in itself an element of power. The size cannot itself be a factor to
increase the power of a nation. Other factors like location, rainfall, fertility,
leadership, technology etc. are responsible for increasing the national power. Japan
being smaller in size than Russia could defeat her in 104-05vwar. Russia’s bigger size
was a problem for her. But size became advantageous to her in World WarII. Thus
size as a factor is influenced by other factors.

Location is another important factor which influences the economic and military
power of a nation. A state may have the locational advantage or not in the words of
Palmer and Perkins, ‘Location in the sense of spatial relationship to other land bodies
and other states also profoundly affects a state’s culture and economy and bothy its
military and economic power.’ Location is also an important factor in the strategy of
war and diplomacy.

Climate also determines culture, economy, natural resources, political organisation,

religion etc. health; the energy of the people as well as food security is affected by the
climate. Monsoons determine the agricultural production in South East Asia. Too
much or too less rain in India makes people suffer. Modern states have tried to control
climates through modern technology. It is adding a new dimension to international
politics.

The shape of a nation’s geographical area and topography are also important factors
in influencing a nation’s power. The length of the Coastlines, ports and their quality,

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access to trade centres etc. may be factors of vulnerability to attack the nation. Rivers
may be important means of communication, irrigation and energy production.
Mountains may act as barriers to invasion but at the same time, they may hinder trade
with the nations.

Boundaries are considered to be crucial factors in a nation’s engagements with

power. Boundaries are either natural or artificial. Most of the boundaries between the
states are defined but still, there are problems between the states on boundary issues
that affect them. The conflicts on boundary issues between North Korea and South
Korea, between India and Pakistan, India and China, and Israel and Palestine create
tensions between the nations and affect global politics also.

Geopolitics became an important factor in shaping the power of a nation in the post-
war period. Rudolf Kjellen coined the term ‘geopolitics’ which means the use of
geography in politics. It is the science of the relationship between space and politics.
It’s more than political geography. Halford Mackinder said that a new world order
must be based upon an understanding of geography and its influences. He believed in
the supremacy of land power over sea power. Likewise, Haushofer considered
geopolitics as a science. However, politics in the nuclear era have questioned the
validity of the geopolitics theory. But it is not altogether irrelevant. Still, there is a
struggle over land and sea as evident in the Russo- Ukrainian war.

4.4.2 Natural resources and Raw Materials

The national power of the states is also determined by factors like natural resources.
Raw materials are different from natural resources. The fertility of the soil, waterfalls,
minerals, flora and fauna are examples of natural resources. But at the same time
minerals and forests can be raw materials. Cotton and rubber are also raw materials.
Raw materials themselves may not be the source of strength unless transformed into
utilities through technology etc. raw materials are of three kinds, vegetable products,
animal products and minerals. All states are dependent on importing raw materials
because no state is self-sufficient in this regard. But a few states have more raw
materials than others and they have advantages over others.

4.4.3 Population
The population is an element of national power. A large population is both an
advantage and disadvantage for a country depending on the use of this resource. The
standards of living, effective use of human resources etc. influence the capacity of the
population. The quality and nature of the population are dependent on factors like
standards of living, health, education, skills, productivity, customs and traditions, and
morality. The different kinds of inequalities like class, caste, gender, religion, region

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etc. also affect the capabilities of a population. Urbanisation, industrialisation, socio-

economic changes, and natural disasters are some of the factors that influence the
population and its productivity. The age distribution is also important. In the words of
Voltaire, ‘God is always on the side of the biggest battalions.’ But with the
development of hi-tech modern warfare, the role of the population as a military factor
has diminished. What contributes to national power is a population that is well-fed,
skilled, educated, and healthy.

4.4.4 National character and morale

It also considered important factors. But they are too broad terms that defy clear
definitions. In the words of Palmer and Perkins, ‘Morale is the spirit made of loyalty,
courage, faith, the impulse to the preservation of personality and dignity. ‘National
morale consists of the willingness of people to sacrifice for the nation. There have
been sociological and anthropological analyses of national characters. But there some
times generalisations.

4.4.5 Ideology
Ideology is defined as a body of ideas concerning economic, social and political
values and goals which posit action programmes for the realisation of these goals.
The term ideology was coined by Destutt de Tracy in 1976. During the cold war
period, ideology is an important factor in global politics. To Joseph Roucek, ‘No age
has seen the struggle of ideology run so deeply and in such complex patterns as the
present century.’ Communism, Fascism, and Liberalism are major ideologies that
influenced global politics. The role of ideology in international politics is often
criticised as idealisation of world politics in a realist framework of global politics, the
ideology is used as cover for practical foreign policy or national interests. Ideologies
can be used as good or bad tools. Sometimes human rights or democracy are used as
covers to dominate smaller nations. J. F. Kennedy’s slogan of a new frontier,
Johnson’s great society and George Bush’s new world order are ideologies to
mobilise support for the American project of hegemony. The ideology of communism
became popular throughout the world, particularly in post-colonial societies after
Second World War. Francis Fukuyama’s end of history was regarded as the de-
ideologisation of global politics, but that was ideology in itself; the reassertion of
liberal ideology. The realities of the post-liberalisation period have exposed the
weaknesses of the theory of the end of history. The search for alternatives to
globalisation out of the anti-globalisation struggles is again ideological in world
politics today.

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4.4.6 Diplomacy
Diplomacy is the principal means of communication and engagement between
modern states. It is the techniques and procedures for bilateral and multilateral
relations. Diplomacy involves a complex mechanism involving embassies, legations,
embassies, consulates and special missions. Diplomacy is mainly bilateral. But the
growth of multilateral organisations, treaties, international conferences, collective
security measures etc. is also multilateral. The present-day relationship among the
states is simply unthinkable without diplomacy.

As per the Oxford English Dictionary, diplomacy is the management of international

relations by negotiation. In the words of Sir Ernest Satow, ‘Diplomacy is the
application of intelligence and tact to the conduct of official relations between the
governments of independent states.’ Diplomacy is different from foreign policy as it
is the process by which the foreign policy is carried out. The object of diplomacy is to
protect the security of a nation and its national power. Diplomats are considered to be
the eyes and ears of their governments on foreign soil. In the words of Palmer and
Perkins, the functions of the diplomat can be divided as representation, negotiation,
reporting and protection of the national interests. The scope and dimensions of
diplomacy have expanded in recent times. The growth of information technology has
influenced modern diplomacy. Global politics and inter-state relationship is still
managed by diplomacy. It is one of the major components of a nation’s power.

4.4.7 Leadership

The quality of leadership of a nation is an important component of national power.

The realisation of the power of a nation can also be possible through able and
effective leadership. Leadership is interrelated to other elements of national power.
These other elements can be properly utilised by effective leadership. Specialised
leadership during war and crisis is also important apart from political leadership.
Leaders like, Napoleon Lenin, Gandhi, Stalin, Mao, Churchill, Roosevelt, Nehru,
Kennedy, Nelson Mandela, and Ho Chi Min are outstanding in leading their nations.
Leadership should have the vision and correct strategy to utilise its resources to the
maximum so that its power can be increased. Military strength and economic
resources are decisive factors that influence the capability of a nation. Though leaders
like Gandhi, Mandela, Mao and Ho Chi Min are powerful and influential beyond their
national resources, the modern nation-state system is dependent on concrete power
that the appeal and influence of the leaders. However it is a fact that a nation with
powerful leadership enjoys more confidence and power than a country with weak and
ineffective leadership.

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4.4.8 Technology

It is said that in modern times the states having technological advantages have an
edge over others in global politics and rightly so. The states having nuclear
technology are more powerful than the non-nuclear states. Technology does not mean
only war technology so far as national power is concerned. It may be agricultural,
industrial, communication, information technology or any other sector that
contributes to the economic growth of the nation and ultimately to its power. Modern
war technology is dependent on other technologies. The atomic and space technology
gives an edge to the nations possessing these technologies over others. Outer space
technology has become an important reflection of national power. Britain was a great
power because of its technological dominance followed by the United States,
Germany, Russia, and China. Technology enables nations not only to dominate
militarily but also economically. This is the age of technology and technology drives
the states to compete.

4.4.9 Military power

Military power is one of the major components of national power. It is the most
obvious and striking manifestation of a nation’s power. The size of the army, military
technology, advanced weapons including nuclear weapons, and military leadership
are parts of the total military strength of a country. Military strength is dynamic and is
changing with innovations in technology. Nuclear bombs, space technology etc. are
changing the narratives of military strength. The concept of military power has
changed radically since the second world war, and so also the superpowers militarily.

4.5 CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF NATIONAL POWER

National power is dynamic and it changes for which it needs constant evaluation.
National power is relative, not an absolute concept. Some state is powerful than
others. This is in a relative sense. The military might or the technological strength or
the skill of its people is powerful or advanced only if it is compared with that of
others. Again power and scope of power of a nation change due to several factors. A
Powerful state becomes weak with the rise of more powerful states than it. History
gives us so many examples of it. Recent happenings like the Russo-Ukrainian war,
and the US-China tensions over Taiwan have redefined the narratives of power based
on Eurocentrism. The problem with the measurement of power is that there is no
accurate method of measurement with exact precision. This is a challenge before the
leaders who are power conscious and try to change the equations of power.

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4.6 BALANCE OF POWER

Classical realism in international relations believes in the Hobbesian approach to the

international state system. Anarchy is the nature of the global state system and it
implies that states need to help themselves for their survival and security. There is no
world government to prevent the use of force by the states. But when the states
arrange their security system it poses threat to others. This is called a security
dilemma. A security dilemma is a situation when a state’s effort to increase its
security becomes the source of insecurity for another state. Then the states resort to
the balance of power to escape the security dilemma. The states try to increase their
power by an act of balancing the relative power of one against that of the other.

Definition
There is no agreed definition of balance of power. However, some of the following
definitions will give some idea about the nature of the balance of power.

Inis. Claude, ‘the trouble with the balance of power is not that it has no meaning, but
that it has too many meanings.’

Georg Schwarzenberger, it is an equilibrium or a certain amount of stability in

international relations.’

Hans Morgenthau it is, ‘only a particular manifestation of a general social principle.

Whenever the term is used without qualifications, it refers to an actual state of affairs
in which [power is distributed among several nations with approximate equality.’ He
has used the term in four senses. 1 as a policy aimed at a certain state of affairs, 2- as
an actual state of affairs, 3- as an approximately equal distribution of power, and 4- as
any distribution of power.

Palmer & Perkins, ‘The essential idea is simple enough: it is an equilibrium of the
type represented by a pair of scales. When the weights on the scales are equal,
balanced results. Applied to the world of sovereign states, uncontrolled by effective
supra-national agencies, the concept of the balance of power assumes that through
shifting alliances and countervailing pressures no one power or combinations of
powers will be allowed to grow so strong as to threaten the security of the rest.’

G. Lowes Dickinson, ‘it means, on the one hand, equality, as of the two sides when
an account is balanced, and on the other hand, inequality, as when one has a balance
to one’s credit at the bank. The balance of theory professes the former, but pursues
the latter.’

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Kenneth Waltz, ‘The balance of power is what will happen if states take notice of
their surroundings, adjust their policies to changes in the configuration of power
worldwide and if the actual distribution of power is such that a balance can emerge .’

Castlereagh, Balance of power is ‘the maintenance of such a just equilibrium

between the members of the family of nations as should prevent any one of them
from becoming sufficiently strong to impose its will upon the rest.’

There are some basic characteristics of the principle of balance of power which can
be enumerated as follows.

4.7 CHARACTERISTICS OF BALANCE OF POWER

i. Equilibrium is its major characteristic though it is a myth throughout the

history of the nation-state system. But the balance or equilibrium is always
subject to change resulting in disequilibrium.
ii. The balance of power system is temporary. The powerful states do not last for
a longer time as such nor does the balance of power system.
iii. Balance of power does not come automatically. It is achieved through effort.
iv. The principle of balance of power tends to favour the status quo. But it should
be dynamic to be effective.
v. A real balance of power is a myth. A nation cannot declare when it achieved a
balance of power.
vi. It is both objective and subjective. The historian has an objective view he says
that there is balance because an opposite party is, to him, equal in power. But
the statesman has a subjective view as he will say that there is a balance if his
side is stronger than the opposite party.
vii. Balance of power often creates tensions between states. The primary aim of
the balance of power is to maintain the independence of the statesman not to
maintain peace.
viii. Balance of power is the game of powerful states. It ignores the small and
weak states. These weak states become victims of the power games between
the strong states.
ix. Balance of power is neither favourable to dictatorship nor democracy.
Dictatorship is interested in dominance over others while democracy becomes
interested in power politics in periods of crisis.
x. Many feel that the balance of power was relevant to the European state
system. With the expansion of the state system and with the growth of nuclear
weapons, the balance of power is no more effective.

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4.8 ROLE OF THE BALANCER

The balance of power can become dangerous for the big powers. The holder of the
balance is the key factor in the system of balance of power. It is the arbiter of the
system, deciding who will win and who will lose. The holder does not allow any
nation or a group of nations to dominate over others. It becomes an important factor
in global politics and preserves its independence as well as of others. The balancer
can exercise its power in three ways. 1-it can join one or the other nation or an
alliance subject to the maintenance of balance.2- it can also support the peace
arrangement for balance, 3- in both the situations above it will see that its interests are
protected while maintaining balance for others.

Methods
The balance of power is maintained through different methods. The following are the
common methods.
1. Alliances and Counter alliances
This is one of the common methods of maintaining the balance of power.
Alliances and counter alliances are formed to give a check to the adversary or
to increase its strength. It is a matter of expediency, not principle. Alliances
serve identical interests of nations. Alliances can be offensive or defensive. A
defensive alliance tries to restore the balance in its favour. An offensive
alliance tries to upset the balance in its favour. The successes of alliances
depend on many factors like common interests, common ideology, economic
interests, culture etc. NATO and Warsaw Pact are examples of military
alliances led by superpowers to maintain the balance of power in the post-war
era.
2. Armaments and disarmament
Arms are the decisive means through which a state wants to increase its power
and keep the balance of power in its favour. The steep competition between
the nations to increase their arms leads to an arms race. This puts a huge
burden on the budget of the states keeping them in constant fear and
insecurity. Again the states agree to reduce their arms to a certain extent so
that a balance of power is maintained. This is called disarmament. SALT-1
and SALT-2 are examples of this strategy of the balance of power between the
former Soviet Union and the USA.
3. Divide and Rule
A state will try to weaken its adversary by dividing it or keeping it divided.
The policy of divide and rule is an old policy. Britain is notorious for
practising this policy. Both the superpowers, USA and USSR used this policy

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to divide the opposite camps in the post-war period to maintain the balance of
power.
4. Intervention and non-intervention
The scope of intervention varies from minor deviations from neutrality to full-
fledged military intervention. Intervention can be used by powerful states
whereas non-intervention is used normally by small states. Powerful states
also use non-intervention when peaceful methods can maintain the balance.
Non-intervention also suggests neutrality.

5. Buffer states
Buffer states are of great significance because of their cushioning effect
between powerful states. Balance of power can be precarious in a world of
bipolarity without buffer zones. When the rival states are in direct contact
with each other the situation becomes volatile in the absence of neutral states
and buffer zones. A buffer state is normally a weak state situated in between
the rival powers. It helps in maintaining the balance of power.
6. Compensation
Compensation entails annexation or division of territory. Strong states make
territorial compensations at the expense of the weaker states, particularly by
the states which win the war. The distribution of colonial territories and
delimitation of colonial and semi-colonial spheres of influence were made
using the principle of compensation. In the words of Morgenthau, ‘ the
bargaining of diplomatic negotiations, issuing in political compromise is but
the principle of compensations n its most general form, and as such, it is
organically connected with the balance of power.’
7. Domestic Measure
States will grow their power through military acquisitions or other means to
secure their position. This is done by a state when it feels threatened by the
growing power of another state. The domestic measures may include both
military and non-military means to increase its power.

4.9 SUMMARY

The theory and practice of balance of power have generated a lot of debate in the
history of international relations. Balance of power has failed to prevent two
devastating world wars. This speaks of the inadequacy of the principle of the balance
of power to maintain peace and stability in the world. Woodrow Wilson remarked
that the great game of balance of power is ‘forever discredited’. Equilibrium and
disequilibrium are both unsafe and insufficient for peace and stability in the world.
War occupies a prominent position in the system of balance of power. If mechanisms

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like arms races or alliances fail then war as a method is resorted to by the powers.
War becomes a means of conflict resolution in politics based on the principle of
balance of power. The calculations of the balance of power are uncertain which
makes the balance of power impracticable. The states try to justify their policies or try
to discredit that of others in the name of maintaining the balance of power. The states
always seek to serve their self-interests, not the balance of power.

Nuclear weapons have changed the nature of the balance of power. It has resulted in
the balance of terror. This was in between the Soviet Union and America because of
their mutually assured nuclear capabilities. It is said that the bipolar world that
emerged out of post-war arrangements maintained peace for a long period. With the
disintegration of the Soviet, Union world has become unipolar. Now the principle of
the balance of power has become redundant. But Kenneth waltz said that this unipolar
world is not durable. Realists consider the theory of balance of power as relevant.
Recent developments like Russo- the Ukrainian war and China –USA tensions over
Taiwan may provoke consideration of the Balance of power theory as becoming
relevant. But the theory has a limited appeal and capacity to maintain peace and
stability while maintaining the balance of power.

4.10 EXERCISE

1. What is National Power? Discuss its various elements

2. Define the Balance of Power and its characteristics.
3. Discuss various methods of Balance of Power
4. Discuss the role of a balancer.

4.11 REFERENCE

Palmer& Perkins (2002) :International Relations, A.I.T.B.S Publishers, New Delhi

Basu. R 2012): International Politics, Sage Publications, New Delhi

Brown, Chris (2005): Understanding International Relations, Palgrave, New York

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Theories of International Relations

Unit-5 Neo Realism and Functionalism

Unit-6 Decision Making and Communication Theory

Unit-7 Game Theory

Unit-8 Dependency Theory

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UNIT-5: NEO-REALISM AND FUNCTIONALISM

Structure
5.1 Objectives
5.2 Introduction
5.3 Origin of Neo-realism as an Approach to International Politics
5.4 Core Assumption of Neo-realism
5.5 Selected Literary Works on Neo-realism
5.6 Debate on the Relevance of Neorealism: A critical assessment
5.7 Functionalism in International Politics
5.8 Summary
5.9 Exercises
5.10References

5.1 OBJECTIVES

After studying this unit, you will be able to understand:

• The origin of neo-realism as an approach to international politics
• The core assumption of neorealism
• The Works on Neo-realism
• The debate on the Relevance of Neorealism: A critical assessment
• Functionalism in International Politics

5.2 INTRODUCTION

Realism and liberalism are the two dominating mainstream approaches to

international politics and a guide to policy makers since their evolution. Neo-realism
as an approach or perspective to study international politics emerged in the second
half of the 20th century in the form of an improvement or an attempt to systematize
the traditionalist and normative approach of classical realism. This module is divided
into three parts; the first part carves out the origin and core assumptions of neo-
realism; the second section of the module will give an account of the literary work of
twentieth-century neo-realist scholarship to understand the variant views on neo-
realism; the third part will give a critical assessment of debate on the relevance of
Neo-realism. Finally, the module presents conclusions derived from the analysis
made in the above parts.

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Functionalism is one of the modern approachesto the understanding of International

Relations. This theory came into prominence when there arose a strong concern for
the obsolescence of the state during the inter-war period as a form of social
organization. It is an approach that justifies the formation of international
organizations that advocates international cooperation on humanitarian, scientific,
social, and economic issues.

5.3 ORIGIN OF NEO-REALISM AS AN APPROACH TO INTERNATIONAL

POLITICS

Realism has a long history of evolution but in general, the four generations of realism
have been identified i.e. “an interwar and wartime generation, the best-known figures
of which were Reinhold Niebuhr and E. H. Carr; a post-war or early cold war
generation, symbolized by Hans Morgenthau's Politics among Nations (1954)and
including most prominently George Kennan and Raymond Aron; a détente
generation, best represented by Kenneth Waltz's Theory of International
Politics(1979), and including among its leading exponents Stephen Krasner and
Robert Gilpin; and a post-cold war generation, led by John Mearsheimer (2001)
(whose book The Tragedy of Great Power Politics seems to be emerging as
emblematic) and prominently represented in the work of Steven Walt, Randall
Schweller, and Charles Glaser”(Wolforth, 2008, p.132). The theory of realism has
been looked at, understood, and categorized differently by a range of theorists.

Scholars of international politics have made their endeavour to challenge and contest
the existing theory and approaches to construct a more effective and resourceful
theory to fortify the theoretical foundation of the subject of international politics.
Realism as a tradition has a long history that prevails from the time of Thomas
Hobbes, Kautilya, Niccolò Machiavelli, Thucydides, and Hans Morgenthau to
contemporary scholars like Kenneth Waltz, Robert Gilpin, and many more. Realism
as a theory of international relations has been widely used and misused, understood
and misunderstood, interpreted, and misinterpreted that showing its relevance and
popularity at the same time.

Now the question arises what causes the split in realism and gave birth to neo-realism
as a dominant approach of the twentieth century? It is widely established that the
approach of neo-realism originated with the publication of Kenneth Waltz's Theory of
International Politics in 1979, and since then neo-realism has drawn the attention of
academicians, Statesman, and student of international politics, inspired new debate on
methodology and theoretical framework of international relation and became the
dominant way of thinking of world politics in post-1980. Barry Buzan, Charles Jones,

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and Richards little argued that Kenneth Waltz developed the idea of a structural
explanation of power politics and revitalized the Realist tradition. The book changed
the theoretical orientation of the subject. As Keohane points out, the significance of
Waltz's work is not because it elaborates a new line of theory, but because of the
systematization of Realism, which Robert W. Cox (one of the critics) has termed
"Neo-realism” (Joseph Nye, 1988, p.241).

Besides the contribution of the ‘Theory of International Politics’ the inherent

contradiction of realism that was reflected or mirrored in the 1970s or 80s prepare the
ground for the emergence of neo-realism. Joseph S. Nye Jr. argues that “Regardless
of one's normative views about the correct relationship of academia to policy, the
field of international relations is not nearly as distant from the influences of the
practical world as some scholars like to think” (Joseph Nye, 2008,p.651 ). Therefore
it is important to be aware of the context of the 1970s or 1980s that caused the new
progress in realism.

The events and changing circumstances that challenged the application of the old
tradition of realism as a theory includes widespread criticism of the Vietnam War, the
détente that for a time being mitigated the power politics and created a breathing
space for cooperation among the superpower, and the growing integration of the
world in term of trade, commerce, and communication. The growth of the European
Common Market inspired Ernst Haas and Karl W. Deutsch to build a new “theory of
integration” that focuses on the role of communication in shaping understanding
between States. The Kissinger and Herman Kahn forecast of the arrival of a
multipolar international system further created a challenge to the credibility of
classical realism (Joseph Nye, 1988).

“Most strikingly, the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) oil

embargo of 1973 led to a dramatic redistribution of power in the energy arena, and
serious economic dislocations (“stagflation”) in wealthy countries. Poor countries
called for “a new world economic order.” Morgenthau (1974, 56) called the changes
“a historically unprecedented severing of the functional relationship between
political, military, and economic power interdependence (Nye, 2008, p.652).”

The development of regional integration, transnational actors, multilateral

institutions, and the rise of economic interdependence redefined the concept of
security, national power, and national interest and place a serious challenge to the
realist foundational belief of ‘State-centrism, ‘balance of power’, and ‘political
determinism’. Here it is important to understand that the weight of a behavioural
movement on scientific determinism and changing circumstances of the 1970s or 80s

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made it difficult for realism to deal with the new development of world politics and
set up a ground for new theorization or neo-realism.

5.4 CORE ASSUMPTION OF NEO-REALISM

It is important to understand the core ideas and assumptions of neo-realism to

comprehend the preferences and beliefs of the neo-realist approach in its study of
international politics. Assumptions should be viewed not in terms of descriptive
accuracy, but rather in terms of how fruitful they are in generating insights and valid
generalizations about international politics. From this point of view, assumptions are
neither true nor false; they are more or less useful in helping the theorist derive
testable propositions or hypotheses about international relations (Viotti&Kauppi,
2012, p.41).

Generally, Neo-realism is not an entirely different approach to realism but it shares

some core assumptions with classical realism. Gilpin identified three assumptions that
are common to all strands of realism:
• The nature of international affairs is essentially conflictual;
• The essence of social reality is the group rather than the individual,
particularly the conflict group, whether tribe, city-State, kingdom, empire, or
nation-State;
• The prime human motivation in all political life is power and security.
Therefore some scholars argue that neorealism shares some common assumptions of
classical realism and in one way or another is an extension or lineage of the coherent
tradition of realism that can be traced back to the time of Hobbes and Thucydides.
Both classical and neo-realism emphasize the centrality of State and power politics in
international politics. While on the contrary, some scholars identify the distinctions
between neo-realism and classical realism in terms of their method and scope. Ashley
was quick to point out that while the Classical Realists drew on a rich hermeneutic
tradition, the Neorealists were relying on an arid and now discredited structuralism
tradition (Buzan,B., Johns,C., & Little,R.:1993; p.5). It is further argued that classical
realism relies on the historical or descriptive approach while neo-realism gives
preference to the scientific or prescriptive approaches.

Neo-realism over the period has evolved into a new way of looking at social reality in
world politics that is built on certain assumptions and in one way or another is an
extension and departure from its past lineage. The main assumptions of neo-realism
are as follows:

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• Instead of unit-level analysis, neo-realism focus on System level analysis: -

Neo-realism challenged the agent-centric explanation of classical realism that
set the State at the centre of analysis and argues that the State is the chief actor
in international politics while all other actors such as Multinational
companies, Non-Governmental organizations, and institution work within the
purview or subordination of State authority. Neo-realism replaces the agent-
centric analysis with system-level analysis that focuses on the system as a
whole or structure within which the units like State, society, and individuals
interact.
• Anarchy as a central theme of the international system: - The neo-realist
thinkers assumed that international politics is anarchical because of the
absence of world government. But unlike classical realist, the neo-realists
focuses on the structure rather than on human nature as a main cause of
anarchy. Neorealists believe that anarchy in international politics creates an
atmosphere of fear, tension, and distrust for mainly three reasons; First place
States are sovereign and autonomous units and therefore they need to rely on
their own to achieve their aims and objectives of national interest or in other
words, State has to work under the system of ‘self-help’. Second, under such
condition State are suspicious of each other actions and behaviour. The idea of
the ‘Security Dilemma’ exposes the sense of insecurity and suspicion between
the States that caused armed race in international politics. Third, the conflict
remains at the centre of international relations because States constantly strive
to improve their position over others for making relative gains (Heywood,
2011, p.61).
• International order as mechanistic rather than organic: - neo-realism
assumes that while the units in domestic orders (citizens, for example) were
subjected to law, the units in the international order (States) were at best
interdependent, autonomous entities. International order was, therefore,
mechanistic rather than organic (Steans, Pettiford, Diez, & El Anis, 2010,
p.58).
• The balance of power as a product of international structure not of
prudent Statecraft: - Realist thinkers argue that the nature and intensity of
conflict between States vary under the operation of the different types of
polarity or distribution of power like unipolarity, bipolarity, and multipolarity.
The neorealist argues that the factors which affect the prospects of war and
peace and balance of power are influenced by the international system not by
the leaders because the policies and decisions of leaders are directed or
compelled by the structure. Neorealists have generally argued that a bipolar
system is more effective in restoring peace and stability and reducing the
likelihood of war than a multipolar system. Neorealists further argued that the

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bipolar system that existed during the cold war was more effective in
preserving stability than the current multipolar system.
• Neo-realism gives preference to the scientific explanation of world
politics: - it deals with ‘what is rather than ‘what ought to be. The neorealist
theory relies on the positivist or scientific method to explain the pattern of
interaction between the States.
• State as a rational actor: - States in international relation is well aware of
their strategies, principal aims, and objectives of foreign policies. It is
assumed that action was taken by the States guided by rational calculation or
decision. a ‘rational actor approach’ that provides models for answering the
question: with that information what would be the best decision for reaching
one’s goal? The assumption is that governments are unified and rational; they
want to achieve well-defined foreign policy goals (Jackson & Sorenson:
2013). These assumptions find their expression in the works of different neo-
realist scholars.

5.5 SELECTED LITERARY WORKS ON NEO-REALISM

• Theory of International Politics by Kenneth Waltz: - The theory of
international Politics is an attempt to systematically understand the complex
pattern of interaction between the States and an effort to rejuvenate the realist
thinking of international politics. Kenneth Waltz at the beginning of the book
States that “I write this book with three aims in mind: first, to examine
theories of international politics and approaches to the subject matter that
make some claim to being theoretically important; second, to construct a
theory of international politics that remedies the defects of present theories;
and third, to examine some applications of the theory constructed” (Waltz,
1979, p.1). He argues that classical realism has simplified the picture of the
reality of international politics through the reduction and omission of facts.
Classical realism has given undue importance to human nature and causes
which prevail at the individual or national level in its analysis of world
politics.

For Waltz, "structure" is central to the systemic approach that is defined in

terms of the specification of the functions of differentiated units, and the
distribution of capabilities. Waltz argues that only two types of structure
(anarchic and hierarchical) are needed to describe all types of societies,
including the international political State system. The important subject of
State-system transformation becomes a study (it seems) of changes from only
anarchic to hierarchical orders, and vice versa (Randle, 1980, pp. 136,137).

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Waltz argues that a system transformed from one type to another type with
changeslike anarchy and hierarchy. He argues that there is conflict, war, and
anarchy in world politics not because of human nature but because of the
structure. He further argues that the intensity of the conflict varies in unipolar,
multipolar, and bipolar structures or systems. The possibility of peace and
stability is high in the bipolar system and low in the multipolar system.
Kenneth Waltz argues that the cold war period bipolarity was more conducive
to peace than the multipolarity of the post-cold war era. In short, the book
gave a scientific, empirical, or logical insight into the topic of anarchy, the
balance of power, and power politics.
• The Logic of Anarchy: Neo-realism to Structural Realism by Barry
Buzan, Charles Jones, and Richard Little: - “The Logic of Anarchy: Neo-
realism to Structural Realism” is also a significant contribution to the domain
of neo-realism that tries to build a better-off theory of neo-realism. The book
tries to replace the term neo-realism with structural realism. The book
questioned the main assumption of Kenneth Waltz’s ‘Theory of International
Politics’ that there is a single logic of anarchy. “A key innovation here is the
idea of 'interaction capacity' which Buzan sees as determining whether the
Waltzian logic of socialization and competition operates in inter-State
relations. Through this framework, he can explain how functionally
differentiated units can coexist in a condition of anarchy” (Wheeler, 1993,
p.743). The book explains that during the post-cold war era the two major
economic powers have not followed the Waltzian norm of ‘self-help’.
The book revised the main assumption of Kenneth Waltz's theory that forces
at the unit level are under the impression of the structure. In their main
arguments, the author argues that agency and structure are mutually
constitutive and relative and therefore forces existing at the unit level can
counter the effects of the structure. Not all State needs to behave uniformly
under the situation of stress or strain on the contrary different State socialized
and cooperates antithetically under the structure of international politics
because “functionally differentiated unit coexist in a condition of anarchy”. It
explains that there is not a single logic of anarchy but many (Wheeler, 1993,
p.744). The book tried to extend the scope of neo-realism by addressing the
gap in Kenneth Waltz's theory so that it can explain the nature of world
politics more vividly.
• War and Change in World Politics by Robert Gilpin:-The book is a
significant contribution to the realm of Neo-realism in particular and
international political theory in general. It is an inquiry into the purposive role
of the State in international politics and a different pattern of State

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behaviours.It put forward five assumptions of State behaviour in world

politics which are as follows;-
1. An international system is stable (i.e., in a State of equilibrium) if no
State believes it profitable to attempt to change the system.
2. A State will attempt to change the international system if the expected
benefits exceed the expected costs (i.e., if there is an expected net
gain).
3. A State will seek to change the international system through territorial,
political, and economic expansion until the marginal costs of further
change are equal to or greater than the marginal benefits.
4. Once an equilibrium between the costs and benefits of further change
and expansion is reached, the tendency is for the economic costs of
maintaining the status quo to rise faster than the economic capacity to
support the status quo.
5. If the disequilibrium in the international system is not resolved, then
the system will be changed, and a new equilibrium reflecting the
distribution of power will be established.

These five assumptions explain that State is a significant player in world

politics that is guided by rational choice under different conditions or
circumstances. The book explained the change in world politics from the State
centric perspective. Gilpin (1981) asserts that any change in international
politics occurred because of the changing equation of power between States
that turns equilibrium into disequilibrium. Like Waltz, Gilpin (1981) also
stresses the idea of ‘relative gain’ of the State to examine the cause of change
and pattern of interactions between the different actors, agencies, and structure
of world politics.
Gilpin's book explained the neorealist assumption with the help of historical,
sociological, and economic approaches and further raised its importance in the
twentieth century.
• The Tragedy of Great Power Politics by John J. Mearsheimer: - The book
‘The Tragedy of Great Power’ is a significant contribution to the realm of
realist thought after Kenneth Waltz. The key theme of the book is the State
and its struggle for relative power and gain under the anarchical structure of
international politics. Mearsheimer explains that the power-seeking nature of
the State is not because of human nature as is asserted by the classical realist
but because of the anarchical structure of human nature.

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Mearsheimer elaborates on the concept of “offensive realism” with full

enthusiasm. The idea of offensive realism emphasizes that international
politics is a site of struggle for power and hegemony where the State seeks
power aggressively and ruthlessly. The State as a rational actor always strives
to maximize its relative advantage and power to protect its national interest
and imperial goal of expansion.

In ‘The Tragedy of Great Power’ Mearsheirmer explains the different types of

distribution of power and its implication for peace, cooperation, stability, and
conflict. The patterns of power distribution affect the nature of the alliance
between the States. Mearsheimer argues that peace and stability are more
likely in bipolar systems and least likely in balanced multipolarity, and
unbalanced multipolarity (Sean M. Lynn-Jones, 2002, p.365). This book
provides a systematic understanding of the nature of power, cooperation, and
conflict under different types of polarity. In the same way as Waltz,
Mearsheimer finds the bipolar system of the cold war era (1945-1990) as more
peaceful and stable than any other period of world history. The neo-realist
approach of Mearsheimer further enhances the understanding of the reader on
the topic of peace stability, State behaviour, and balance of power.The above-
mentioned works of different scholars have contributed to consolidating neo-
realism as a dominant approach or theory of international politics. The theory
of Neo-realism is exercised or supported widely by statesmen, diplomats and
scholars all across the world. It is important to note that the theory of neo-
realism is not immune from criticism but widely questioned and debated since
the time of its origin.

5.6 DEBATE ON THE RELEVANCE OF NEO-REALISM: A CRITICAL

ASSESSMENT

The twentieth-century neo-realism set new parameters for the discipline of

international politics but it cannot be taken as a sacrosanct theory or approach
because it has been widely criticized by scholars from the field of political science,
sociology, economics, and history.

Mainly many scholars argue that the advent of Neo-realism should be treated as an
extension or continuation of realism or classical realism as it shared its assumption
and main tenets with it. It was an effort to rescue realism from the crisis of relevance.
Ashley thinks that Kenneth Waltz, Robert Keohane, Stephen Krasner, and Robert
Gilpin. Robert Tucker, George Modelski, and several other neorealists deliberately
and belatedly accepted Neo-realism to rescue its tradition from the attack of the

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behavioural revolution. If not fully then partially the neo-realist succeeds in its task of
preserving the significance or relevance of the realist approach to suit the changing
context of international politics. But its method, assumption, and ideas draw the
attention of the critics towards its shortcoming. It was noticed by scholars of
international relations that the theories of Neo-realism have many serious flaws and
limitations.

Richard Ashley’s article “The poverty of Neo-realism” generated a debate on the

relevance of Neo-realism. Richard Ashley (1984) argued that the neorealist approach
used a modernist form of reasoning which exclude critical self-reflection. It does not
give any space to the thinking which challenged its propositions and method,
therefore there is little scope for innovation or development in the neorealist
approach. In the central proposition of Neo-Realism State is used as an uncontested or
unproblematic entity and it defends at the cost of historical evidence. “Indeed, the
neorealist theory is prepared to acknowledge problems of the State only to the extent
that the State itself, within the framework of its legitimations, might be prepared to
recognize problems and mobilize resources toward their solution. This proclamation
is the starting point of theoretical discourse, one of the unexamined assumptions from
which theoretical discourse proceeds” (Ashley, 1984, p.238). Further, Ashley (1984)
argues that the assumption of the State as a unitary, rational and main actor in
international politics remained unexamined and immunized or exempted from
scientific testing by the neorealist scholars. It explains that neorealism gives little
scope to critical self-reflection.

In his other criticism Richard Ashley (1984) argues that Neo-realism is a holistic
theory that gives importance to the whole over the parts. The neorealist approach is
founded on the belief that structure is more important than the individual actors or
agencies, for neorealist structure directs and guides the behaviour of the actors in
international politics and not vice versa. In its core belief Neo-realism assert that
political leaders and diplomat have no role to play in the conduct of foreign policy
except responding to the need and requirement of structure or system. The idea that
the part has no independent existence of its own is subject to criticism. It makes an
error of judgment by marginalizing the independent existence and rationality of the
actor.

It is argued that “the second challenge came from the pluralist tradition which saw
realism as an anachronism in an age of sweeping changes. The literature on
transnationalism which arose with the emergence of multinational corporations and
similar institutions made possible people-to-people contact spread over different
levels and areas which realism failed to accountfor”(John,1993,p.136). The neorealist

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approach is unable to comprehend the significant role of non-state actors in

international politics.

In his article titled “The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism”, Robert
Gilpin replied to the criticism of Richard Ashley and argued that Ashley made an
error in reading the core assumption of Neo-realism. He argues that Ashley's criticism
of Neo-realism is misleading, confusing, and perplexing. Robert Gilpin argues that
Neo-realism is not a departure from classical realism but an extension. Robert Gilpin
(1984) argues that Ashley differentiates classical realism from Neo-realism by
identifying the former as uneconomic and later as economic showing a flawed and
superficial understanding of realistic tradition. He argues that economic concerns
have always been central in the work of Morgenthau and E.H.Carr and Herz and
therefore defining classical realism as uneconomic and Neo-realism as economic is a
misreading of the long tradition of the realist tradition.

Paul Schroeder's article, "Historical Reality vs. Neo-realist Theory," is another

contribution or addition to the debate on Neo-realism. This work carefully examined
the neorealist approach from the historical point of view and concluded that “neo-
realism does not provide an adequate explanatory framework for the "general
operation and dynamics of the modern European States system." He, therefore,
advises historians "not to adopt the neorealist paradigm," and international relations
theorists "not to assume that the facts of international history support one” (Elman,
Fendius Elman, and Schroeder, 1995, p.182). Paul Schroeder in the main arguments
of his article argues that Neo-realism and its assumption about the State as a rational
actor and self-help concept are actually a misreading of history and therefore it has
little to offer to the historian.

The article was thoroughly debated by Colin Elman and Fendius Elman in an article
titled “Historical Reality vs. Neo-realist Theory: A Second Look”. In this article,
Elman defends Neo-realism against the criticism of Paul Schroeder. Element argues
that “Schroeder misunderstands the kinds of evidence that would pose a significant
challenge to the neorealist approach in general, rather than to Waltz's theory in
particular” (Colin Elman, Fendius Elman, and Schroeder, 1995, p.183).

Another important critical assessment of Neo-realism comes from the International

Society tradition. It criticized Neo-realism or realism in general on two grounds;
firstly it identified Neo-realism as a narrow approach, secondly,the international
society approach argues that realism has failed to accommodate dissent perspectives
or voices.

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Neo-realism as an approach emerges to explain the nature of the cold war and post-
cold war period international politics. But the new trends of post-cold war politics
caused new challenges i.e. rise of the multipolar world order, an increase in the
number of nuclear weapon states, threats posed by ‘rouge State’ and ‘security crisis’
posed by the growth of terrorism and environmental crisis. “That research strategy
would have to be revised, of course, with the emergence of China as a great power
equal to the United States. That change would correspondingly invite a research
strategy that focused centrally on bipolarity…..‘How does the new bipolarity differ
from the Cold War bipolarity?” (Jackson and Sorenson: 2013, p.95).

In short, we can say that the approach of Neo-realism is widely discussed and debated
by theorists and practitioners of international politics and it is constantly making
efforts to find its dominant place in the study of international politics. It still holds the
position of the dominant theory of international Politics.

5.7 FUNCTIONALISM IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS

Functionalism is one of the modern approaches to the understanding of International

Relations. This theory came into prominence when there arose a strong concern for
the obsolescence of the state during the inter-war period as a form of social
organization. It is an approach that justifies the formation of international
organizations that advocates international cooperation on humanitarian, scientific,
social, and economic issues.

Functionalism is a doctrine that makes or formalizes a thought, or a desire (any

othertype of mental state) depending on the internal constitution but solely focuses on
the function or the role it plays in the cognitive system of which it is a part.

The theory is based on the premise that all aspects of society, institutions, roles,
norms, and others have a sense of purpose and that all these factors or variables are
indispensable for the long-term survival of society. As we understand the simple
definition that views society as a complex but orderly and stable system with a
network of interconnected structures and functions or it can be the social patterns that
operate to meet the needs of the individuals that is an integral part of society.

The 19th-century French philosopher and eminent sociologist, Emile Durkheim, like
other functionalists tried to focus on the problems of social order and the positive
effects of social institutions. He tried to explain their existence in terms of their
functionality and their necessary contribution. As it is evident that a social system is
assumed to have a functional unity in which all parts of the system work together

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with some levels of internal consistency. Functionalism also assumes that all cultural
and social phenomena have a positive function and that all are indispensable.

Based on this theoretical framework relevance to international relations can be cited

by ArpitaAnant. A functionalist approach to International relations tries to emphasize
the importance of specific issues or problems which may be at times technical in
nature and create a situation and the need for cooperation among nations. According
to David Murray (1943), cooperation among technical experts in a functional area
will result in the creation of an international agency that will push nations to
cooperate in one functional area which will have impacts and greater ramifications in
other functional areas.

A form of functionalism namely neo-functionalism became an idea to be recognized

within the post second world war phase due to the experiences generated by it paving
the way for the integration of Europe. Ernst B Hans (1958) in his views says that over
and above the technical issues, it is the political parties, interest groups, and the
opinion of political elites that influence cooperation. Further, a spillover from one
functional area to another is also likely but is conditioned by additional factors.

Amongst other prominent scholars who developed the theory along neo-functionalist
lines are Phillipe C. Shutter, Joseph S. Nye, and Robert O Keohane. The
contemporary significance of these theories lies in the fact that increasingly
multilateral cooperation is taking functional forms. Its ramifications toother
functional areas arehowever sometimes wary and unwilling to take risks.Especially in
the fluctuating political and economic conditions around the world. Therefore, it
becomes a basic component of foreign policy in international relations for major and
emerging powers.

While realism talks about power struggles,statism, and survival of the fittest through
self-help.Functionalism speaks of shared values and beliefs coming together, what is
called hand holding and values consensus, a belief in integrated principle.
International relations being a complex system needs a simple solution to tackle
issues and problems. Solidarity and stability are necessary for the international
structure that shapes international relations. The common interest or objective shared
by states and non-state actors has had a steady growth post-globalization among all
stakeholders.

Global integration which is gradually taking shape triggered by economic and

sustainable development and the diminishing role of the state has also its input. It is
further argued that non-state actors with their persistent effort have infused more

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vigour into policy-making in states where they have an interest, in their involvement
in the policy-making process. Relating to another discipline for a more holistic
approach. William James, John Dewy, and Harvey have provided their seminal
contributions on the psychological spaceof living in a world driven by Globalisation.
Terming a global village, the strategy of globalization depended on functionalism.
Looking at the charter of the United Nations, article 55 one finds it traces to
functionalism. The various agency of the UN reflects that individual attention will be
effective through collective action. An example can be cited in the EU and functional
peace. Richard Cobden’sidea about the benefit of cooperation over efforts of other
slow processes has also a look at political will and responsibility. Neo-functionalism
has political and economic governance and integration strategies. Robert Schuman
architect of the European integration project.The French entrepreneur Jean Omer
Marie Gabriel Monnet who is hailed as the chief architect of European unity talked
about the common convergent policy of all states. (Dr.AmmaMirzaopinion on
functionalism (CEC New Delhi online lecture)

Another term that is connected with functionalism is spillover. Functionalism

spillovers the interconnection of various economic sectors or issues areas and their
integration in one policy area thereby spilling over into others. Political spilloveris the
creation of mega states with supranational governance models as far as one of the
brightest examples is the European Union or as voluntary as reflected in the
formation of the United Nations.

Further spillover was a concept coined by neo-functionalism in the nineteen sixties to

pave the way for European integration. It refers to the inner dynamics whereby the
members associated with a regional order and its schemes would be compelled to
either enlarge the scope or increase the level of their mutual commitments to both.
Though functionalism has been of use in the process of integration yet it also has its
critics. It has been often criticized for its failure to account for social change and
individual agency. Some feel and consider it as conservatively biased while others
criticize it for attributing a human-like need to society.

The functionalist perspective attempts to explain social institutions as collective

means to meet individual and social needs. This has to be applied to a larger
perspective in the contemporary world.

• KEY POINTS:
1. In looking at the functionalist perspective societies are expected to
function like an organism with various social institutions and agencies
working together like human organs to not only maintain but reproduce

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societies. It is on similar lines as it has been treated in political theory as

“state as an organism.”
2. According to the functionalist theorist. Institutions come into place and
persist because they have to impart their functions in society. This is
mainly for stability and integration.
3. Functionalism has been on a critical note for becoming too organic and at
par with human needs in society.
4. Functionalism has been criticized on the lines that it failed to bring about
social change.
5. Emile Durkheim’s work is considered the foundation of functionalist
theory in Sociology.
6. Merton in his work observed that institutions could have both manifest
and latent functions

• TERMS
Structural functionalism or simply functionalism is a framework for building a
theory that looks at society as a complex system whose parts work together as a
composite unit to promote stability through solidarity.

The manifest function is the pre-existing elements of behaviour that are conscious
and deliberate. That guides affirmative action.

Social Institutions. The subject of social science is the institutions which are the
structures and mechanisms of social order. Further cooperation governs the behaviour
of a set of individuals within given collection institutions including family, religion,
peer group, economic systems, legal systems, language, and the media.

Latent function. This is an element of behaviour that is not explicitly stated,

recognized, or intended to be exposed and thus it is hidden

5.8 SUMMARY

The approach of neo-realism emerged in the second half of the twentieth century to
deal with the challenges that questioned the integrity of realist tradition as a whole.
The approach in general came into being to explain the nature of the cold war and
post-cold war politics. The book titled “Theory of International Politics” by Kenneth
Waltz is considered one of the founding works in the field. It introduces a new
methodology to look at international relations which were inspired by the behavioural
and scientific revolution of post-1950. But it is important to note that since the
publication of the “Theory of International Politics” Neo-realism has gone through

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significant changes. Though, it is not completely a new approach but an extension of

the classical realist approach.

Neo-Realism has been widely criticized and debated over the period. Critics accused
Neorealism of a materialistic, imperialist, and anti-historical. The careful analysis of
the approach discloses that it presents a pessimistic picture of international relations.
The approach of Neo-realism inspires new debate and discussion on the method and
methodology of theories of international politics and revitalized the subject. The
debate and discussion of Neo-realism created a space for the growth of a critical and
constructive approach to international relations. Finally, we can say that despite all
the criticism Neo-realism continuously survives as a dominant conventional approach
to international politics and continuously dominates the theory and practices of
Statecraft.

Functionalism has been of use in the process of integration yet it also has its critics. It
has been often criticized for its failure to account for social change and individual
agency. Some feel and consider it as conservatively biased while others criticize it for
attributing a human-like need to society.

The functionalist perspective attempts to explain social institutions as collective

means to meet individual and social needs. This has to be applied to a larger
perspective in the contemporary world.

5.9 EXERCISES

1. Explain the origin and assumptions of Neo-realism?

2. Critically explain the relevance of Neo-realism.
3. Discuss the functionalism theory?
4. What is structural functionalism?

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5.10 REFERENCES

Amiya Mirza, Assistant Prof in Political Science SPM College Delhi University
Consortium for educational communication. (CEC) online lecture. YouTube.

Hans Ernst- (1958) The uniting of Europe, Political, social and economic forces
1950-57. Library of world Affairs. Stanford university press.

Hans Ernst (1964) Beyond the nation-state, functionalism, and international

organization, Stanford university press. The United States.

Keohane Robert (!991) Hoffman Stanley, The new European Community, decision
making and institutional change, Colorado west view press.

Mitrany David (1933) The purpose of international government, London, G Allen and
Urwin press.

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UNIT-6 : DECISION-MAKING THEORY AND

COMMUNICATION THEORY

Structure
6.1 Objectives
6.2 Introduction
6.3 Decision-Making Theory
6.4 Communication Theory
6.5 Significance of Decision-Making Theory and Communication Theory
6.6 Summary
6.7 Exercises
6.8 References

6.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through this unit, you should be able to understand:

• The decision-making theory, factors that influence the decision-making and

policy formulation process of a state
• Political communication, its relation to the political system, and political
culture nurtured by different political systems

6.2 INTRODUCTION

This unit introduces you to the decision-making theory and communication theory in
the study of international politics. Both the decision-making theory and
communication theory hasa much theoretical impact on the study of international
relations. Decision-making theory analyses the behavioural aspects of the states. Why
a nation behaves in a particular manner in international relations and the reasons
behind such behaviour are the main subject matter of decision-making theory. On the
contrary, communication theory analyses the political system and the importance of
the communication system in the smooth operation of a political system. In this unit,
we shall discuss both theories in detail.

6.3 DECISION-MAKING THEORY

Decision-making theory is considered the most remarkable one among other theories
to study international politics. This theory has gained tremendous popularity in

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international relations including other social sciences since the 1950s. The theory is
still popular because it analyses interesting issues like crucial factors which lead a
particular nation to behave in a particular manner in international relations and the
reasons behind such behaviours. Theorists like Richard C. Synder, H. W. Bruck,
Burton Sapin, Harold, and Margaret Sprout have made significant contributions to the
study of decision-making in international relations. These theorists undertook a
theoretical exploration of the behaviour of the actors in international relations. In the
sixties, several writers like William Riker, James Robinson, Herbert Simon, and J. W.
Buston brought about an enrichment to the theory and focus on decision-making for
the study of the processes of policy formulation. The theory focuses inquiry on actors
called decision makers and on the state defined as decisional units. The theory
believes that the actions of the state are seen through the actions of decision-makers.

The object of the decision-making theory is to devise a conceptual framework that

could help in the reconstruction of the situation as defined by the decision-makers.
The theory proceeds with the assumption that the key to political action lies in the
way in which decision-makers define their situation. The setting in which the foreign
policy decisions are made is the one that is perceived by the decision maker. The
setting consists of internal and external parts. Internal setting includes domestic
politics, public opinion, personalities, and organizations. The external setting includes
all the relevant factors in the total situation of the international system existing at a
particular time e.g. the factor beyond the territorial boundaries of the state, the
decision of other states, and the nature of their society.

Advocates of this approach emphasized different aspects. Harold Sprout and

Margaret Sprout put much emphasis on environmental factors as they influence the
decision-making process. The environment has two aspects- one which the decision-
makers can see and the other which is beyond their perception. Alexander George and
Juliette George put stress on personality factors viz, the study of the behaviour of
decision-makers. Harold Lasswell, Gabrial Almond, Hermann, Milbrath, etc. to
recognize the importance of personality factors. The study of the personality of
decision-makers can help explain things at least so long as the same decision-makers
continue to shape and control the foreign policy of their nations. Bernard Cohen
postulates five elements in the process of policy general climate of public opinion,
political interest groups, the media of mass communication, specific agents in the
executive branch, and specific committees of a legislature. Roger Hilsman insists on a
conceptual scheme of interaction between the executive and legislative branches of
the government while James Robinson emphasized organization and internal process
of the legislature determine the actual nature of a foreign policy.

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Though the decision-making theory helps us to identify important structures in the

political system of a nation where decisions are made yet the theory suffers from
serious defects. Some of these criticisms are-

First, the theory is too empirical and completely ignores the norms and values which
exercise a profound influence on international politics. For example, ethical principles
relating to right or wrong followed by a policy formulator inadvertently influence the
formulation of foreign policy. It is not value-oriented.

Secondly, the decision-making approach is based on the principle of indeterminism as

it fails to show how the factors like situation, personality, environment, etc. influence
the decision.

Thirdly, the theory fails to portray a comprehensive view of international politics;

rather it offers a “state-centric” model of international relations.

Due to such serious defects, critics have argued against this approach as partial as it
lacks the essentials of a theory. In this regard, Young has mentioned that this
approach has been used so imprecisely and indiscriminately by social scientists that it
is in danger of losing any meaningful content.

6.4 COMMUNICATION THEORY

Communication theory is relatively a new approach in the field of scientific analysis

which received great impetus from the revolutionary developments that occurred after
the Second World War. The communication approach is of great importance in
understanding a political system because no operation of a political system can take
place smoothly unless parts of the system can communicate with each other.

In international relations the term ‘political communication” as an approach to the

analytical study of the international political system is used as appropriate in
comparison to the term “communication” which is just used about the media of
dissemination of information. So, communication and political communication are
two different terms. The term “communication” has been borrowed from the concept
of cybernetics which means “steering”.

In international relations “communication” refers to a body of basic concepts

underlying several contemporary approaches to human behaviour including the
interaction of nation-states. Noted mathematician Warren Weaver used the term
communication which includes all the procedures by which one mind may affect
another. Robert C. North also used the term to include the concept of “cybernetics” to

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signify the control of communication and the ability of a state to control is related to
its ability to deal with information. Norbert Wiener, the chief exponent of cybernetics
equates to communication and control; every time we communicate, we control,
cybernetics is concerned with a particular kind of system, namely one that is steered
and that is conceived in terms of communication and information. But in the strict
cybernetic term, communication is political, if it involves the transmission of political
messages, demands, supports, and binding decisions. Norbert Weiner developed the
concept of cybernetics to signify the control of communication in the political system.
The study of the political communication approach is integrally related to the study of
the political system. It is communication that gives dynamics to the political system.
Similarly, the study of communication is truly the study of the dynamics of the
political system. The political communication approach lays stress on the point that
all functions of a political system are performed using communication. It is the
communication that sustains and nourishes the body of a system. Hence, one may
liken the communication function to the circulation of blood. It is not the blood but
what it contains that nourishes the system. For example, legislators make laws based
on information communicated to them by their fellow parliamentarians and ministers
of the government. Administrators perform their functions based on information
communicated to them by society and the organs of government.

Karl Deutsch (1912-1992) another political scientist contributed much to the

development of the communication approach. Karl Deutsch in his celebrated work,
“The Nerves of Government: Model of Political Communication and Control” (1963)
applies the concept of information, communication, and control to the problem of
political and social science borrowing from Norbert Weiner’s concept of “feedback”
channel capacity” and “memory”. For Karl Deutsch, the communication approach
revolves around certain important concepts which are related to operating structure
viz., flows, processes, and outcomes. According to him, every political system has
some “receptors” or “reception systems” dealing with the intake of information from
internal and external environments. The “flows and processes” deal with the channels
and other terms like load and load capacity. Load relates to the overall intake of
Information at any given time. Load Capacity relates to factors like responsiveness,
fidelity, voice, and distortions. The outcome manifesting in the form of decisions are
the results of inputs. Some specific concepts are central to an explanation of the
operation of the negative feedback processes. They are- feedback, lag, gain, and lead.
Feedback refers to the message about the actions which are returned to the system and
enables the decision makers to access their success or failure. Lag is a measure of the
delay in reporting and acting on information about the consequences of decisions and
actions. The gain represents the extensiveness of a system’s response to the

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information. Lead refers to the capacity to act in response to the forecast of future
consequences.

The political communication approach can be utilized as a variable for making a

comparison between different political systems. The democratic political system
guarantees freedom of information flow in multidimensional and diverse channels
resulting in a fragmented political culture while the totalitarian political system
exercises total control over means of communication. Coercion is the hallmark of the
totalitarian system and the political party in power or elite group exercises its
monopolistic control over the media of communication, emphasizing the growth of
the single political culture.

6.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE DECISION-MAKING THEORY AND

COMMUNICATION THEORY

Both Decision-Making theory and Communication theory have much significance in

International Relations. Undoubtedly, decision-making theory has been able to devise
a conceptual framework under which decision-makers try to perceive and define the
situation during the formulation of their foreign policy. Decision-making theory also
helps to identify the structures of a political system where decision-makers come to a
decision. On the other hand, the contribution of communication theory has great
importance in the field of scientific analysis and understanding the operation and
functioning of a political system.

6.6 SUMMARY

Decision-making theory is considered the most remarkable one among other theories
to study international politics. This theory is of immense significance as it analyses
interesting issues like crucial factors which lead a particular nation to behave in a
particular manner in international relations and the reasons behind such behaviour.he
decision-making theory focuses inquiry on actors called decision makers and on the
state defined as decisional units.

The theory believes that the actions of the state are seen through the actions of
decision-makers.The object of the decision-making theory is to devise a conceptual
framework that could help in the reconstruction of the situation as defined by the
decision-makers. The theory proceeds with the assumption that the key to political
action lies in the way in which decision-makers define their situation. The setting in
which the foreign policy decisions are made is the one that is perceived by the
decision maker.

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Communication theory is relatively a new approach in the field of international

politics. The communication approach is of great importance in understanding a
political system because no operation of a political system can take place smoothly
unless parts of the system can communicate with each other.

The term “communication” has been borrowed from the concept of cybernetics which
means “steering”. In international relations “communication” refers to a body of basic
concepts underlying several contemporary approaches to human behaviour including
the interaction of nation-states.

The study of the political communication approach is integrally related to the study of
the political system. It is communication that gives dynamics to the political system.
Similarly, the study of communication is truly the study of the dynamics of the
political system. The political communication approach lays stress on the point that
all functions of a political system are performed using communication.

6.7 EXERCISES
1. What is the main object of decision-making theory?
2. Write the internal and external factors that influence the decision-making
process.
3. Critically discuss decision-making theory.
4. What is political communication?
5. Write the contribution made by Karl Deutsch to the development of the
communication approach.
6. Critically discuss the communication approach.

6.8 REFERENCES

Arora, Prem. (2012). International Politics. New Delhi: Cosmos BookhivePvt. Ltd.

Chandra, Prakash. (1979). International Politics. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House.

Chatterjee, Aneek. (2010).International Relations Today: Concepts and Application.

New Delhi: Pearson Publications.

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UNIT-7 : GAME THEORY

Structure
7.1 Objective
7.2 Introduction
7.3 Definition
7.4 Game Model and derivative Definition
7.4 1 Normal form Model
7.4.2 A perfect-Information Games
7.4 3 An Imperfect Information Games
7.4.4 The Principle of Rationality
7.4.5 Existence of Nash Equilibria
7.4.6 Pareto Optimality
7.4.7Bayesian Games
7.4.8 Stochastic Games
7.4.9 Thomas Schelling vicarious problem solving
7.5 Limitation of Game Theory
7.5.1 Generalization of Von Neumann Theorem
7.5.2 Games with Handicap
7.5.3 The part and the Whole
7.6 Game Models application in International Relations
7.7 Summary
7.8 Exercise
7.9 Reference

7.1 OBJECTIVES
After going through this unit, you will be able to understand:
• An Introduction to Game Theory
• Various Game Theory Model
• Game Theory Situations
• Brief understanding of Game Theories application in Internationalrelations

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7.2 INTRODUCTION

The application of the Game theory was first formally described in the work of " John
Von Neumann and Oskar Morgenstern ", Theory of Games and Economic Behavior"
1944, published by the Princeton Press; although initially deemed only for the
broader field of mathematics, Neumann's work would later influence figures such as
Nobel Laureate Lloyd Shapley, a prominent figure in the realm of economics and
considered as founding titans to game theory and its applications, today several
applications of Game Theory can be found, the subject itself these days is pan-
disciplinary. Its application is vast; one such example could be described as what
Neumann's book sought.

“It is a fact of Mathematics that often the most rational way of making a decision is to
flip a coin john Von Neumann”

Neumann's theory states that in any Game where there are two players of sorts, the
fundamental rule of equilibrium can be achieved by which neither party can
unilaterally disengage. Such a condition is actual for all games which satisfy the
following criteria

a) The game itself must be finite, where each option should be finite, and the
game should end in limited moves
b) The game shall be a Zero-sum quandary where one side's loss is another's gain
c) The game shall be of absolute information

The situation thus calls for an equilibrium since, if either group were to deviate from
the point, the gain of either party would be less when compared to sticking to the
equilibrium.

Note: The drawback, however, of Neumann's theory is that it encompasses scenarios

where there is only a Zero-Sum notion of odds and where both parties have complete
information, a probability which would not thrive when it comes to International
Relations in the present 21st century.

In time the Application of Game Theory would vary, from analyzing subtle market
change to its application in the field of economics; the application of Game Theory
today is endless; the Unit will be attempting to inform the application of Game
Theory concerning International Relations.

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7.3 DEFINITION

The Definition of Game Theory by Stephen L. Quackenbush would be most apt in his
article Game Theory: Modeling Interstate Conflict. He describes the game theory as a
"methodology for examining strategic behaviour among interacting and
interdependent units."

As mentioned, prior game theory and its application in International relations help
analysts and academicians purview international incidents, which would have
implications on a global scale.Revealed preference.

To better understand cooperation and conflict together, one needs a proper way of
labelling the motivation or driving force of the players than simply stating that the
player prefers winning or attaining success in the game contrary than failure or loss.
For this very purpose, economists have invented the idea of utility, which allows us to
assign a numerical value to each possible outcome of a game and the corresponding
value and intent of the proportionate player. This method is widely accepted since it
gives a tangible measuring scale.

In business, the fundamental concern is, for the most part, benefit, yet economists and
financial consultants understand that individuals often have more confounded interest
in gaining profit than basically getting however much utility as could be reasonably
expected from an Interaction. So we cannot perceive utility with negligible increases.
An unsuspecting response is to substitute ecstasy for cash. Nevertheless, what is
fulfilment? How might we measure it? Unfortunately, the word 'utility' is associated
by and large with the Victorian utilitarianism of Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart
Mill because the state-of-the-art monetary experts do not follow them there of the
brain with how much delight or how little torture an individual could feel. The state-
of-the-art speculation passes on any undertaking to figure out how people go about to
the extent that what is going on inside their heads. It makes a judiciousness of making
no psychological assumptions in any way, shape or form.

7.4 GAME MODELS AND DERIVATIVE DEFINITIONS

7.4.1 Normal form model

The ordinary structure in-game hypothesis, frequently called the Matrix structure, is
the most well-known fundamental game theory description model accessible. A game
model in this structure usually exists where the portrayal of every player's utility for
each situation in the proposed game; in this model, the players consolidated activities
straightforwardly influence the condition of the world. Even though it has

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ramifications and is dependent upon outside factors, the typical structure of the model
is the normal-form representation is the most basic in game theory analogy.

Sourced from: -Kevin Leyton-Brown, Y. S. (2008)

7.4.2 Perfect information game.

This sequential model is different from the normal form model, in one
significant manner where the game itself is finite and the representation relies on the
notion that the players themselves do not act simultaneously and are subject to
conditions such as time, the sequence in which players and thus is not comparable to
the normal form model. The consecutive model in layman's terms is equivalent to a
tree where each branch addresses a hub of the player's decision each edge addresses a
potential activity and the leaves address the result.

Sourced from: -Kevin Leyton-Brown, Y. S. (2008)

7.4.3 An Imperfect-Information Games

In a perfect-information game, the player understands what node they are presently at
and they recollect the moves of their rivals and their own. This notion however
cannot be probable in all conditions, subject to change and effect of other variables,

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the player may sometimes act with partial or next no-information on the action taken
by their counterparts, such a condition the sequencing of decisions permits us to
address such obliviousness to a restricted degree; a "prior" decision may be
deciphered as a decision made without knowing the "later decision or moves made by
the opponent. Nonetheless, up to this point, we were unable to address two decisions
made in a similar play of the game in shared obliviousness of one another.

Sourced from: - Kevin Leyton-Brown, Y. S. (2008)

7.4.4 The Principle of Rationality

In each limited, situation there is a result, and we can work out the utility one player
has acquired and how much the other lost. Each player maintains that their benefit
should be pretty much as extensive as could be expected. The game, then, is about
every player trying to augment their profit/utility, knowing that their adversary’s
utility is hampered as result. To arrive at their objective, they don't shrivel even from
the use of blended methodologies. Von Neumann's hypothesis guarantees that in this
situation every player can accomplish their point, inside the requirement of the other
accomplishing his point. On the off chance that my rival is sufficiently shrewd to
limit my accomplishment, the most I can expect is to arrive at an equilibrium, for my
adversary will surely balance any moves of mine by a technique that prompts
harmony.e where either side is not at a loss and has gained. Simultaneously, on the
off chance that my adversary expects that I am likewise adequately sharp, they as
well, cannot expect more. The guideline of equilibrium expresses that we each realize
that our adversary can be similarly however savvy as we may be and that every one of
us needs to ideally benefit however much as could be expected with the
understanding that our rival plays. This implies that we don't depend on our rival
committing an error. Von Neumann's hypothesis communicates that the standard of
sanity can be acknowledged by utilizing blended methodologies prompting a
balancing act. Subsequently, this rule is an alluring ideal, yet it is a probable variant
of conduct.

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7.4.5 Existence of Nash Equilibria

Nash equilibrium was crafted by John Forbes Nash Jr. in 1950. The primary
characteristic of Nash's contention is that the arrangement of a typical structure game
is equivalentto the arrangement of fixed places of the game's best probable outcome.
The best-answer correspondence of a game guides every methodology party x into the
arrangement of systems party y with the property that every player's activity in y
expands the resulting capability given that the others are playing as per x. Hence, a
proper mark of the better-answer correspondence, which is a technique profile that
has a place with the arrangement of best-answers to itself, is a Nash equilibrium.
Thusly, it follows that a Nash harmony exists at whatever point the best-answer
correspondence has a decent point. The suspicions of progression, and
conservativeness guaranteed that the best-answer correspondence fulfils a bunch of
adequate circumstances and fulfils the basic criteria.

Now coming back to Schelling’s variant of a vicarious problem solving or rational

actor approach. On basis of his approach and theory, Schelling’s developed several
strategies which were published in his works The Strategy of Conflict, Strategy &
Arms Control and Arms and Influence,In each case, his theories would give
probability in decision making which could analyse strategic output based on
available information, it aided American military and political leaders in attaining a
significant edge when compared to others. His work is considered on par with minds
such as Henry Kissinger, William Kaufman, Herman Kahn, and prominent experts in
the field.

For what probable cause would one analyse the application of Nash equilibria? There
are two significant reasons. The first guesses that preferably normal players attend a
particular game is to attain maximum utility in a game. The second guesses that
individuals track their moves and choices by using a probable game theory
methodology. A large part of the prescient force of the game hypothesis emerges
from the analysis of these two probabilities. We only from time to time have a lot of
experience with the subtleties of transformative cycles, however, we can in some
cases jump ahead to foresee where they will ultimately result by analyzing the moves
a rational player would make in any given game. Overall one can only predict or
approximate what approaches different players will adopt. Consequently, the idea of
the best probable move isn't an answer. It doesn't recognize the arrangement of
probable outcomes. In any case, we can use thebest reaction to characterize what the
most probable outcome would be in a given in cooperative game i.e the Nash
harmony.

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Sourced from: - Kevin Leyton-Brown, Y. S. (2008)

Naturally, a Nash equilibrium is a steady profile analysis: no player would need to

change his approach given that they understood what methodologies or approaches
their opponent would rely upon or follow.

7.4.6 Pareto Optimality

In the first place, let us explore the degree to which an idea of optimality can be
significant in games. According to the perspective of an external analyst, might a few
results of a game at any point be preferable over others? This question is confounded
because we have no chance of saying that one inclinationis better than another. For
instance, if we could increase player 1's all's settlements by 1,000 this could the
overall utility of the layer might be affected. Our concern is to track down an
approach to saying that a few results are superior to other people, in any event, when
we just know that player’s utility capabilities are relative change. There are
circumstances in which you should rest assured that one result is better compared to
another. For instance, it is smarter to get 10 units of money and 3 units of cash B than
to get 9 units of cash and 3 units of money B, no matter what the swapping scale. We
give a calculable using the accompanying definition.

We can without much of a stretch make a few inferences about Pareto’s ideal
procedure profiles. To begin with, each game priority is somewhere around one such
ideal, and there must constantly exist no less than one such ideal in which all players
end up accepting the result. Second, a few games will have numerous probabilities.
For instance, in loss situations, all system profiles are stringently effective. At long
last, in like manner result games, all Pareto ideal technique profiles have similar
adjustments. All in all, in a Pareto-ruled methodology profile some players can be
improved without exacerbating others. Pareto Optimality gives us a fractional request
over system profiles. “In a Pareto Optimal state when no further changes in the
economy can make one person better off without at the same time making another
worse off.”

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7.4.7 Bayesian Games

Every one of the game models or variantsanalyzed up to this point expected that all
players understand what game is being played. In particular, the number of players,
the moves made by every player, and the result related to each activity vector, have
all been thought to be widely known among the players. Note that this is valid even
for flawed data games; the real moves of specialists are not widely known, but rather
the actual game is. Interestingly, Bayesian games, or rounds of fragmented data,
permit us to address players’ vulnerabilities regarding the uncertainty of the game
itself.This vulnerability is addressed as a likelihood conveyed over a series of
potential games. We make two presumptions

a) Every probable game will possess the same number of players and the same
strategy for each agent; they would have essential differences in their utility
acquired.
b) The beliefs of the different agents are, obtained by conditioning a common
prior on individual private signals.

The first isn't especially restrictive, in nature spite of the fact that at first, it could
appear to be so. One can envision numerous other likely kinds of vulnerability that
players could have about the game — the number of players that are involved, what
activities are accessible to every player, and maybe different parts of the
circumstance. It could appear to be that we have seriously restricted the conversation
by administering these out. In any case, it just so happens, these different kinds of
vulnerability can be decreased to vulnerability just about adjustments through issue
reformulation.
7.4.8 Stochastic Games
Naturally talking, a stochastic game is an assortment of typical games; the players
over and over mass around from this assortment and the specific game played at some
random cycle relies probabilistically upon the past gameplay and on the moves made
by all specialists in that game.

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In this definition, we have expected that the technique employed by the player is
similar in all games, and subsequently that the distinction between the games is just in
the resulting capability. Eliminating this presumption adds documentation, Confining
Q and every A1 to be limited is a considerable drawback, yet we do as such for an
explanation; the boundless case raises various complexities that we wish to keep
away from. Stochastic games are a very broad framework, generalizing both Markov
decision processes (MDPs) and repeated games. An MDP is simply a stochastic game
with only one player, while a repeated game is a stochastic game in which there is
only one state (or stage game). Another interesting subclass of stochastic games is
zero-sum stochastic games, in which each stage game is a zero-sum game. At last, in
a singular stochastic game, the progression of probability relies just upon the
activities of one singular player, while the result, let it be utility relies upon the joint
activity of the player involved.

7.4.9 Thomas Schelling’s vicarious problem solving

Thomas Crombie Schelling’s work on game theory is what can be regarded as game
theory’s application in international relations; A professor of foreign policy, national
security, nuclear strategy, and arms control.Schelling’s analysis and the prospect of
vicarious problem solving where a rational approach is taken towards analyzing any
problem, Schelling’s analysis of the Cuban missile crisis is the best example where
his probability analysis yields strategicoutcomes as illustrated in the figures below.
State B
Figure-7.1
Cooperate (C) Defect (D)
Compromise B Wins
Cooperate (C)
(3,4) (2,4)*
State-A
A Wins Conflict
Defect (D)
(4,2) * (1,1)

Key: (x,y) = payoff to State A, payoff to State B 4= best; 3= next-best; 2=next-

worst: 1=worst, * = Nash equilibrium

From the above probability, we conclude that when Khrushchev planted nuclear
weapons in Cuba in 1962. A and B, are on a “collision course”. The probability of A
succeeding in this game is when either player cooperates by choosing option C when
the other defects from cooperation by choosing D. A thus reach a compromise if both
cooperate. And finally, a disaster (i.e., Conflict) results if and when neither player
cooperates.

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America had their possible responses to Khrushchev’s threats. As visible in the graph
for the simpler version.

With the given option the U.S chose option 3 and a nuclear holocaust was avoided but
both sides had to reach an equilibrium. The term equilibrium is a key factor in the
work of Neumann’s initial game theory this however has been elaborated as the Nash
equilibrium.

Games Theoretic Approach to Deterrence

To sum up, momentarily, a game hypothetical investigation of a solitary case can fill
various hypothetical needs: game hypothesis can, bury alia, be utilized as an
enlightening or as a regulating gadget; it can likewise be utilized as a constant
standard by which contending clarifications can be disposed of, and it very well may
be used as an instrument for hypothesis development. Past these reasons, in any case,
advanced game hypothetical models can be utilized to reveal hypothetical insight into
an individual quandary when an occasion is recognized as an example of the more
broad classification that is essential for the model's analysis.

7.5 LIMITATIONS OF GAME THEORY

7.5.1 Generalizations of von Neumann's Theorem

Von Neumann's theorem is legitimate but has its limitations, two-player games with
complete data. Regardless of these limitations, it tends to be applied to a shockingly
enormous number of games; and if the main value of von Neumann's hypothesis were
that it gives an overall numerical structure to managing such games, we would in any
case think of it as an exceptionally critical numerical achievement. It makes sense of
the levelheaded nature of puzzling ideas like feign, for instance, and it has
empowered PC researchers to plan superb poker programs. This hypothesis, be that as
it may, has ended up being broadly material and has general to various fields.

That is alternate altogether, and we meet issues that are nonexistent in two-man
games. If, for example, three players team up against the fourth, they will very likely

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succeed regardless of whether they cheat or not. In games for multiple players, there
is generally the risk of a few players shaping an alliance against one or much more
players. The game theory for a few players bifurcates right at the beginning. On one
branch it is accepted that no extraordinary understanding or alliance can exist among
players. We accept that the principles of the game or normal regulation preclude it.
The other branch takes into account this possibility and searches for conceivable
outcomes of balance under these conditions.

7.5.2 Games with Handicap

Max Weber separates forcefully between two kinds of soundness, specifically,

between the objectivity of values and the judiciousness of means. Moral savants are
principally worried about the soundness of values. The brilliant rule and the clear-cut
basic fall under this rubric. This sort of reasonableness lies outside the extent of von
Neumann's hypothesis, which expects that levelheaded players are completely
mindful of their advantages and that they know precisely how profitable the potential
results of the game are for them. The hypothesis isn't keen on whether these qualities
are genuine or fictional, nor in whether a singular selection of values can be viewed
as rational from any perspective. Game hypothesis manages the reasonableness of the
means, that is to say, with the techniques for simply deciding.
In any case, the selection of values can drastically change the idea of the
game. The determination of values, notwithstanding, goes before the examination
ofthe game hypothesis. The game hypothesis takes the table of the game as
guaranteed, as communicating the upsides of the various players, and it doesn't
manage the issue of whether such a decision is because of significant general
standards or a passing state of mind.

The supposition that the rival is a completely sane being who is as equipped for
battling for his inclinations as we are is an essential principle of game hypothesis. For
this situation, our technique will be reasonable if we think about this. It stays to
decide the levelheaded strategies for executing this sort of sanity if without a doubt
there are general means for this. In instances of limited, lose, two-man games with
complete data, von Neumann's hypothesis has shown the way that we can show up at
reliable soundness that can be acknowledged by and by an ideal blended procedure.

In chess, it isn't standard for a more grounded player to give his rival an impairment,
however in the round of go, for example, it is practically necessary. For a Japanese
player, it is practically unfathomable to play go with a significantly more fragile
player without giving an impediment. If not, chances wouldn't be equivalent! For
Europeans, disparity appears to be regular:if one of us is more grounded, the

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possibilities won't be equivalent. Nonetheless, the Japanese suspect something. For

their purposes, a game merits playing provided that the underlying possibilities of the
rivals are equivalent, in which case the player who sets up the better battle will win.

7.5.3 The Part and the Whole

Game theory has established itself as a significant device in pragmatic navigation. It

gives hypothetical probability to the act of most reasonable financial investors in
setting a portion of their capital in high-yielding, however exceptionally unsafe,
offers and a few in shares whose yield is lower, yet more secure. This is definitively
the thing an ideal blended technique would recommend. As a general rule, the game
hypothesis is a hypothesis of levelheaded navigation.

Nonetheless, this is just a single side of the coin. The game hypothesis can likewise
be considered as a hypothesis that bargains not essentially with the players, but rather
with the actual game. Workers for hire, say, are keen on the best way to settle on the
best and most reasonable choices in a given monetary circumstance. The secretary of
the depository, nonetheless, is keen on the course of the actual economy, whether it
will be in balance or sad variance, whether the equilibrium will be adequate
strategically, and if not, how general guidelines can be adjusted to make it more
satisfactory. In this manner, the secretary of the depository is keen on the actual
game, as opposed to the singular players.

Two degrees of game hypothesis are becoming noticeable: that of the players and that
of the actual game. For the analyst, these two levels show up as various powers acting
inside people and as the actual mind. Notwithstanding, what for the clinician is the
game is for the financial expert the player, to be specific, people, with their
perplexing minds. For the financial expert, the actual game is at a more elevated
level, at the level of the economy. This present circumstance is like how parts of
inherent science are based upon each other. Science is based on physical science,
science on science. What for one is the actual game is a rudimentary structure block
for the other. Game hypothesis works contrastingly in various circles of information,
however, by making it feasible for specialists to comprehend the elements of the
players and those of the entire game, it has prompted significant discoveries in
different fields.

The subject of the relations between the part and the whole has been a timeless
difficulty of researchers in assorted fields of request. The game hypothesis has given
a drastically new and extremely useful asset to manage this issue. The hypothesis of
games has uncovered wellsprings of variety in nature. It turned out to be obvious

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from von Neumann's hypothesis that harmony can foster in particular sorts of games
simply by the predictable use of blended systems. An all-inclusive core value, the rule
of judiciousness, prompts different procedures. The genuine meaning of the
hypothesis is its relevance to many fields of request. As we will see later, the rule of
judiciousness itself can be supplanted by other, more broad, core values, while the
essential precepts of the game hypothesis stay functional. Assuming there is rivalry
for scant assets someplace, a sturdy and stable harmony can foster provided that the
players apply blended methodologies, or at least if a variety of individual ways of
behaving, styles of reasoning, and survival techniques show up in the game.

7.6 GAME MODELS APPLICATION IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Game hypothesis, as is notable, includes not one model but a few. The model of Zero-
sum game theory is the numerically better theorized one, yet has been scrutinized as
not being relevant to quite a bit of reality since it expects that the members'
advantages are straightforwardly contradictory. Such rigorously cutthroat games
expect that what A loses, B wins, and what A successes, B loses; besides, they accept
that this loss property of the settlements holds when they are communicated in utility
terms. In any case, regardless of whether one accepted away the challenges that
emerge when adjustments must be estimated in utility terms, no less than two basic
issues with involving the model in a reasonable setting.

To start with, the way of behaving expected of the members for the arrangement of a
Zero-sum game may neither happen much of the time nor be attractive as a norm.
Secondly, the regular instance of contention in international relations may not fulfil
the Zero-sum game at all. Games in which the adversaries or members do not have
rigorously serious interests have been fittingly named "mixed games" by Schelling.
Quite a bit of game-hypothetical pondering foreign relations is about mixed motives
or Zero-sum games. How much these models will contribute either to grasping the
genuine course of foreign relations or to organizing our undertaking in an ideal style
is not yet clear. Clearly, as an underlying step we should concede that foreign
relations overall and a considerable lot of its subcategories, for example, haggling and
discussion specifically are dependent upon efficient investigation. Without such a
confirmation no model-building or working theory is conceivable. One could develop
a model to comprehend, foresee, and manage foreign relations solidly. Or on the other
hand, one could construct models to clear one's considerations in some wide sense
and find the pith of games which is innate in the construction of the rules of a game
without depending in any conspicuous manner on the specifics of the situation. As
such, models get their convenience from their isomorphism to the real world.

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The trouble of planning sensible models relies on the trouble of recognizing pertinent
connections. The subsequent goal, that of finding the idea of a game which is free of
specific subtleties, prompts Meta models, for example, some gaming models. There is
a sure ideal number of members assuming strength is to be safeguarded in the
framework. The guess fundamentally concerns a class of games and not the overall
influence of the connections as it existed in the eighteenth hundred years. It is
recommended that the guess be examined through a game that is intended for
working out the proposed speculations about games, and whose rules structure
essentially the foundation of a model. Now that said the application of these game
theory models in respect to International Relations, each model today can be analyzed
and applied depending upon the information available and such application is widely
accepted in fields of Geopolitics, Foreign Policy, and Security Studies.

7.7 SUMMARY

This chapter gives a brief glimpse of Game Theory. Although initially developed by a
Genius Mathematician and later adopted in the field of economics where Lloyd
Stowell Shapleywas awarded the Nobel Prize for his work in game theory on the
theory of stable allocations. Today the theory itself is Pan-Disciplinary and is actively
used for investment portfoliosfor Military strategy, the chapter gave a comprehensive
introduction to the various game models and game theory applications and situations
incorporated, and finally the application of Game theory in the analysis of
International Relations and foreign policy. In each instance brief mathematical
formulas have been added to each, thus giving a level of mathematical application
while gauging situations, needless to say, drawbacks are also discussed in terms of
application and practicability. In all the course is but a brief intro into the premise of
Game Theory and its application in International Relations.

7.8 EXERCISE

1. What is game theory?

2. What is the normal form model?
3. What are the principles of rationality?
4. What are the limitations of Game theory?
5. Analyze the recent development of Russia Ukraine Crisis and procure a two-cell
application of the Zero-Sum version of game theory.

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7.9 REFERENCE

Carmona, G. (2013). Existence and Stability of Nash Equilibrium.Denver: World

Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd.

Graham Allison. (2018, July 23). Preventing Nuclear War: Schelling's Strategies.
Retrieved from https://www.belfercenter.org:
https://www.belfercenter.org/publication/preventing-nuclear-war-schellings-
strategies

H.F Bohenblust, L. S. (1949). Reconnaissance in Game Theory. The Rand

Corporation.

Ken Binmore. (2007). Game theory A very short Introduction. Oxford University
Press.

Kevin Leyton-Brown, Y. S. (2008). Essentials of Game Theory: A Concise

Multidisciplinary Introduction. In T. D. Ronald J. Brachman (Ed.), Synthesis
Lectures on Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning. Morgan and
Claypool Publishers. doi:10.2200/S00108ED1V01Y200802AIM003

Kevin Leyton-Brown, Y. S. (2008). Essentials of Game Theory: A Concise

Multidisciplinary Introduction. Morgan & Claypool Publishers.
doi:10.2200/S00108ED1V01Y200802AIM003.

László Mérő. (Game Theory, Logic, and Human Frailty). Moral Calculations.
SpringerLink. doi:10.1007/978-1-4612-1654-4

Mcrae, N. (2016). John von Neumann_ The Scientific Genius Who Pioneered the
Modern Computer, Game Theory, Nuclear Deterrence, and Much More.
Plunkett Lake Press.

Robert J. Leonard. (1995). Parlour Games to Social Science: Von Neumann,

Morgenstern, and the Creation of Game. Journal of Economic Literature,
33(2), 730-761.

Robert J. Leonard. (1995, June). From Parlor Games to Social Science: on Neumann,
Morgenstern, and the Creation of Game Theory. Journal of Economic
Literature, XXXII, 730-761.

Rodica Branzei, D. D. (2005). Models in Cooperative Theory. Springer Link.

SOAS University London. (n.d.). An Introduction to Environmental Economics &

Economic Concepts. Retrieved from https://www.soas.ac.uk:

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https://www.soas.ac.uk/cedep-demos/000_P570_IEEP_K3736-
Demo/unit1/page_26.htm

Stephen L Quackenbush, F. C. (2006). Game Theory: Modeling Interstate Conflict.

Making Sense of IR Theory, 98-114.

Steven J. Brams. (2000). Game Theory: Pitfalls and Opportunities. International

Studies Perspectives, 221–232.

Zagare, F. C. (2014). A Game-Theoretic History of the Cuban Missile Crisis.

Economies, 2, 20-44.

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UNIT-8: DEPENDENCY THEORY

Structure
8.1 Objective
8.2 Introduction
8.3 The concepts of Dependency Theory
8.4 Approaches to Dependency
8.4.1 The ECLA School
8.4.2 The Moderates
8.4.3 The radical
8.5 Critics of Dependency Theory
8.6 Summary
8.7 Exercise
8.8 Reference

8.1 OBJECTIVE

After reading this unit, you will be able to understand

• The concept of dependency theory.
• The various approaches of dependency theory.
• The critical aspect of dependency theory.

8.2 INTRODUCTION

Dependency theory emerged in the 1950s as a critique of western-oriented

development models. It contends that resources flow from a periphery of poor and
underdeveloped states to a core of wealthy states, enriching the latter at the expense
of the former. It is a central contention of dependency theory that poor states are
impoverished and rich states are enriched, by the way, poor states are integrated into
the world system. In the next unit, you will know about dependency theory.

After studying this unit, you should be able to:

• Explain the dependency theory of development and the basic characteristics of
a dependent economy;
• distinguish between the Marxian and non-Marxian approaches of dependency
theory; and

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• narrate criticisms of dependency theory

8.3 THE CONCEPT OF DEPENDENCY THEORY

Dependency is a popular concept today. However, there is no one accepted definition

of it. For example, Lenin originally referred to the concept of dependency in the
elaboration of his theory of imperialism. He further argued: Since we are speaking of
colonial policy in the epoch of capitalist imperialism, it must be observed finance
capital and its foreign policy, which is the struggle of the great powers for the
economic and political division of the world, give rise to several transitional forms of
state dependence. Not only are there two main groups of countries, those owning
colonies, and the colonies themselves, but also the diverse forms of dependent
countries which, politically, are formally independent, but in fact, are enmeshed in the
knit of financial and diplomatic dependency.

In contrast, contemporary perspectives of dependency reveal the post-colonial forms

of dominance among the states. The most prevailing definition of dependency is that
of a Brazilian social scientist, Dos Santos: By dependency we mean a situation in
which the economy of certain countries is conditioned by the development and
expansion of another economy to which the former is subjected. The relation of inter-
dependency between two or more economies, and between these and world trade,
assumes the form of dependency when some countries (the dominant ones) can
expand and can be self-sustaining, while other countries (the dependent ones) can do
this only as a reflection of that expansion, which can have either a positive or a
negative effect on their immediate development.

Consequently, dependency theory aims to understand the economic condition of

economically weak countries. In doing so, it challenges the modern development
model which holds the viewthat all societies progress through similar stages of
development, that today’s underdeveloped areas are thus in a similar situation to that
of today’s developed areas at some time in the past, and that, therefore, the task of
helping the underdeveloped areas out of poverty is to accelerate them along this
supposed common path of development, by various means such
as investment, technology transfers, and closer integration into the world
market.Dependency theory rejects this view, arguing that underdeveloped countries
are not merely primitive versions of developed countries, but have unique features
and structures of their own; and, importantly, are in the situation of being the weaker
members in a world market economy. Dependency theory is the notion that resources
flow from a periphery of poor and underdeveloped states to a core of wealthy states,
enriching the latter at the expense of the former. It is a central contention of

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dependency theory that poor states are impoverished and rich ones enriched by the
way poor states are integrated into the world system.

The theory developed during the late 1950s and over the following two decades,
principally under liberal reformer RaúlPrebisch, director of the United Nations
Economic Commission for Latin America (UNECLA), and development economist
HansSinger. Dependency theory is also associated with prominent Marxist scholars,
such as Andre Gunder Frank, Paul A. Baran, and Paul Sweezy, and world systems
theorists, such as Immanuel Wallerstein.Dependency theory is the result of an
extensive search to find a theoretical framework to sufficiently analyze and explain
both development and underdevelopment within the international system. It does so
by allowing scholars and practitioners to look to external matters, such as politics,
economics, and culture, and attempt to come to an understanding of how these issues
influence development policies.Three main characteristics of dependency theory are
salient.First, the international system is seen as the sum of two sets of states:
dominant and dependent. Second, the dependency theory holds that external forces
are critical in terms of the economic activity of dependent states. Third,relationships,
based on strongly historical patterns and dynamics (i.e., internationalization of
capitalism), between dominant and dependent states are a vibrant process, with
exchanges taking place between the states playing a considerable role in the
reinforcement of patterns of inequality.

8.4 APPROACHES TO DEPENDENCY

Dependency theorists do not adhere to one single theory. It is a mixture of various

theories, including world systems theory, historical structure theory, and neo-Marxist
theory. Dependency theory can be seen as a critique based on the following question
or problem: Why do some countries become rich while others remain poor? This
question is posed against the previously held conception that economic development
was beneficial to every country within the international system. Economic prosperity
in particular countries, however, often resulted in deep problems in terms of
underdevelopment. Dependency theory holds expected outcomes for peripheral
countries: (a) Economically, the outcome of development is continued
underdevelopment; (b) socially, the outcome is inequality and conflict; and (c)
politically, the outcome is the reinforcement of authoritarian government.

8.4.1 The ECLA School

From colonial times to the third decades of the 20th century, Latin America depended
on the export of raw materials and agricultural commodities in its pursuit of
development, but this strategy of outward-oriented development was undermined by a

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decline in export earnings during the Great Depression of the 1930s. A new strategy
which emphasized inward-looking development. This idea was promoted through the
writings of a group of economists associated with the United Nations Economic
Commission for Latin America(ECLA) established in 1948.

One of the major proponents of this school was Raul Prebisch. He began with the idea
that long-term weakness in the prices of raw materials invalidated the beneficial
results that were supposed to obtain from the classical theory of international trade. he
argued that Latin American underdevelopment is the result of Latin America’s
position in the world economy, and its adoption of capitalist economic Prebisch
originally divided the world into two parts: a centre made up of the affluent advanced
countries and a periphery made up of underdeveloped poor countries. According to
Prebisch, the capitalist process in the periphery differs substantially from that of the
centre. Prebisch links this theory of peripheral capitalism to dependency. Peripheral
capitalism in Latin America is geared toward a privileged minority and thus excludes
the masses. And the resulting lack of capital accumulation is connected to the
relations of the periphery with the centre.

As a solution to offset the dependency situation, Prebisch proposed import

substitution industrialization through protective measures and encourages economic
integration among peripheral countries to increase market sizes and capture
productivity gains with the periphery as a whole. In practice, as secretary general of
UNCTAD in the 1960s, Prebisch shaped a scheme of “reciprocity” for transferring
resources from the centre to the periphery in compensation for the productivity gains
leaked from the periphery through falling raw commodities prices - this, later, became
the basis for the New International Economic Order.

Prebisch’s idea is neither the liberalist nor the Marxist approach. His approach rather
stresses autonomous nationalist development. He tries to seek how peripheral states
can adjust to international economic conditions through government intervention in
the form of import substitution. In this way,Prebisch thinks that underdeveloped
countries can find a solution to overcome dependency.

Celso Furtado, a Brazilian economist, argues that industrial development in Europe in

the eighteenth century distorted and conditioned later economic development in
almost every region According to him, the result of capitalist expansion on the
international economic structure was to create “hybrid structures”, some functioning
as part of the capitalist system and others perpetuating the features of the pre-
capitalist system. The phenomenon of underdevelopment, then, was considered as “a
matter of this type of dualistic economy.” For Furtado, underdevelopment is,therefore

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“a discrete historical process through which economies that have already achieved a
high level of development have not necessarily passed.” In other words,
underdevelopment is not a necessary stage in the process of achieving modern
capitalist economies but a special process resulting from the penetration of modern
capitalistic enterprises into archaic structures. Furtado also examines the consumption
patterns of peripheral capitalism in which a privileged minority adapts its
consumption patterns to the values of the advanced capitalist countries. Furtado,
unlike Prebisch, recognizes the limitation of import substitution and industrialization
and emphasizes nationalist central planning and investment by the state as a solution
to overcome dependency and underdevelopment. Then, Prebisch, Sunkel, and
Furtado’s strategies commonly stress nationalist autonomous development. They
argue that nationalist economic development could eventually be brought about by
import substitution policies placing limitations upon imports and by the establishment
of an industrial base within a nation.

8.4.2 The Moderates

Another school is represented by a group of scholars known as moderates. Of course,
Cardoso and Faletto, a major representative of this school, see the ELCA perspective
as an alternative to the conservative emphasis on “comparative advantage,” whereby
some countries would have advantages in producing industrial goods and it is better
for other countries to produce the raw material. However, they also criticize ECLA
approaches for failing to develop “an analysis of social process”, for not calling
attention to “imperialist relationships among countries”, and for not taking into
account “the asymmetric relation between classes.”Instead of trying to create a
dependency theory Cardoso and Falettoemphasize “concrete situations of
dependency” stressing a structural dependency that relates to external and internal
forces. As they put it:

We conceive the relationship between external and internal forces as forming a

complex whole whose structural links are not based on mere external forms of
exploitation and coercion but are rooted in coincidences of interests between local
dominant classes and international ones, and on the other side, are challenged by local
dominated groups and classes. In some circumstances, the networks of coincident or
reconciled interests might expand to include segments of the middle class, if not even
alienated parts of the working classes, and even peasants, aiming to protect
themselves from foreign penetration that contradicts their interests. External
domination in situations of national dependency (opposed to purely colonial
situations where the oppression by external agents is more direct) implies the
possibility of the “internalization of external interests.

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Cardoso and Faletto emphasized that dependency is not an external variable, but part
of a system of social relations between different social classes within the same broad
orbit of dependency. Therefore, for them, the purpose of analysis of structural
dependency is “to explain the interrelationships of classes and nation-states at the
level of the international scene as well as at the level internal to each country.”
Cardoso and Faletto declare that “a system is dependent when the accumulation and
expansion of capital cannot find its essential dynamic component inside the and they
argue that forms of dependency can change. There are three dependency situations: 1)
enclave economies, in which foreign invested capital penetrates the local production
process in the form of wages and taxes to ensure exports of raw materials or goods
and “its value is increased by the exploitation of local labour forces”, 2) economies
controlled by a local bourgeoisie, in which the starting point for capital accumulation
is internal, not external, and “accumulation is the result of the appropriation of natural
resources by local entrepreneurs and the exploitation of the labour force by the same
local and 3) contemporary dependent industrializing economics - new forms of
dependency - in which multinational corporations take a key role the same as in the
enclave economies, but “there is an important difference vis-a-vis enclave economies:
a substantial part of industrial production is sold in the internal market” rather than
exported. And, in the contemporary dependent economies, peripheral industrialization
provides products not for mass consumption, as in the centre, but for the luxurious
consumption of the privileged class.

Cardoso and Faletto express that they do not see development and underdevelopment
or imperialism and dependency as two faces of the same coin. Cardoso argues that
modern capitalism and imperialism differ from Lenin’s earlier conceptions. Capital
accumulation is more the consequence of multinational and big corporate capital
rather than financial control. He refutes the idea that capitalism causes
underdevelopment and argues that capitalist development can occur in the sectors of
the peripheral countries integrated into the new forms of dependency. Indeed, he
believes that a new dependency emerged in the peripheral countries, which involved
industrialization and the growth of productive forces. The new dependency had a
structural dynamism rather than stagnation.

8.4.3 The Radicals

The radicals argue that dependency relations do not merely “shape” internal
economic and political decisions and social structure; rather these are largely
“determined” by the domination of outside forces or an internal controlling group that
benefits from dependency. They, thus, reject the reformist and evolutionary way to
development and insist on social revolution as the means to sever the dependency
situation. The radicals comprise Dos Santos, Andre Gunder Frank, Samir Amin, and

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Immanuel Wallerstein. For Dos Santos, dependency is a “conditioning situation”

which causes peripheral countries to be both backward and exploited. And
dependency is based upon an international division of labour - between producers of
primary goods and producers of manufactured goods - which allows industrial
development to happen in some states while limiting it in others. The development of
capitalism, thus, has continued to lead to the “unequal and combined development) of
its constituents: unequal, “because the development of parts of the system occurs at
the expense of other parts”; combined,” because it is the combination of these
inequalities and the transfer of resources from the most backward and dependent
sectors to the most advanced and dominant ones. Dos Santos distinguishes three types
of dependency through periods of history: 1) colonial dependency, 2) financial-
industrial dependency, and 3) a new type of dependency. Colonial dependency
characterized relations between Europeans and their colonies during the nineteenth
century whereby a trade monopoly was established over land, mines and the
manpower of colonialized countries. Financial-industrial dependency accompanied
the period of imperialism at the end of the nineteenth century with the domination of
big capital in the hegemonic centre and its expansion in the peripheries for raw
materials and agricultural goods which were consumed by the centres. Since the post,
W. W. a new dependency appeared, which was characterized by a capital investment
of multinational corporations in industries oriented to the domestic market of
underdeveloped countries. Dos Santos labels these new types of dependency as a
technological-industrial dependency. According to him, this new kind of dependency
has deepened the structure of dependency and aggregated the problems of the people
when those countries conformed to an international and internal structure strongly
influenced by the role of the multinational corporation as well as by the international
commodities and capital markets. Dos Santos argues that the underdevelopment of
dependent countries is not due to a lack of integration with capitalism but ...., on the
contrary, the most powerful obstacles to their full development come from how they
are joined to this international system and its laws of development.”He, thus, declares
that the dependent relationship of peripheral countries to dominant countries “cannot
be overcome without a qualitative change in their internal structures and external
relations.” Dos Santos proposes social revolution as the solution to overcome
dependency. He considers that the developmental strategy by ECLA could not
destroy “these terrible chains imposed by dependent development,” and, he concludes
that “intermediate solutions have proved to be empty and utopian.”
Andre Gunder Frank emphasizes the monopoly structure of capitalism rather
than feudalism and precapitalist forms as the economic means whereby
metropolises(centres) expropriate and appropriate “economic surplus” from
satellites(peripheries). He argues that capitalism on a world scale produces economic
development for the few(metropo1ises) and underdevelopment for the

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many(satel1ites). In this sense, development and underdevelopment are opposite sides

of a single integrated capitalist economic system rather than sequentially related
stages of growth. Frank claims that “underdevelopment is neither original nor
traditional and that neither the past nor the present of the underdeveloped countries
resembles in any important respect the past of the now developed countries. The now
developed countries were never underdeveloped, though they may have been
undeveloped. Frank also insists that the dualist interpretation, which would give
meaning to the idea of a “bourgeois-democratic” revolution, must be rejected because
the capitalist system “effectively and entirely penetrated underdeveloped world”
through a long chain of metropolises and satellites. Underdevelopment, thus, is not
the consequence of a feudal structure within the satellite society but the consequence
of world capitalist development. Frank suggests socialist revolution as the solution to
severe capitalist underdevelopment, arguing that Latin American bourgeoisies have
been structurally incapable of performing a political line independent of imperialism
and thus an anti-imperialist struggle should only be a class
strugglelmmanuelWallerstein is usually classified separately as a “world system
theorist.” World system theorists are distinguished from reformists or moderates by
their insistence on revolutionary socialism and from radical revolutionaries by an
emphasis on a single world economic system and socialism at the world level. He has
assumed that there is a world system that is called the capitalist world economy in
which endless capital accumulation is its motor force and that it is impossible to
analyse various states taken separately without placing their internal economic life in
the context of the world division of labour, located in the world economy.

Wallerstein defines the world system as “a unit with a single division of labour and
multiple cultural systems.” And he rejects the notion that there are three or even two
worlds. For him, there is only a single world system, which is a capitalist world
economy that has existed since the sixteenth century in which only leading industry
and leading countries have been changed. As Wallerstein puts it: What is peculiar to
the modern world is the stabilization of a particular structure, a world economy, a
social division of labour whose boundaries are greater than those of any political
entity. Political structures do not contain “economies”, quite the contrary: the “world-
economy” contains political structures or states.”).

Hence, Wallerstein argues that the socialist system does not exist in the contemporary
world. The communist state is “merely a collective capitalist firm as long as it
remains .... a participant in the market of the capitalist world economy.” Wallerstein
also contends that the concept of a bi-model(centre-periphery) is not adequate to
characterize the world economy because it is much unexplained, and suggests instead

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a tri-model(core, semi-periphery and periphery), arguing the case for a significant

role of semi-peripheral states.

Core, semi-periphery and periphery all have their respective economic roles in the
capitalist world system. The exchange between the core and periphery is an “unequal
exchange” between high-technology, high-wage, high-profit products and low-
technology, low-wage, low-profit Wallerstein claims that “without unequal exchange,
it would not be profitable to expand the size of the division of labour, and without
such expansion, it would not be profitable to maintain a capitalist world economy. In
conclusion, Wallerstein insists that because the capitalist mode of production is the
key feature of the world system as a whole, strategies that try to move toward
socialism at the national level may only reproduce capitalism. Socialism as a mode of
production - production for social utility, not for profit - can only be brought about
“within the single division of labour that is the world economy and ...that will require
a single government.’

8.5 CRITICISMS OF DEPENDENCY THEORY

Dependency theory is not free from criticism. Critics have accused the dependent
theorists of being too “ideological”, one-sided in their reading of the functioning of
the global system, and autarchic in their prescriptions for change. Treating
underdeveloped countries as a collection of homogenous units vis-à-vis equally
homogenous developed countries may have been convenient for the clarity of the
analysis of the roots and dynamics of underdevelopment and dependency; the
unacceptable cost was that the class relations underpinning the inter-related processes
of domestic and global accumulation were lost from view. Attempts inspired by
Johan Galtung’s structural theory of imperialism to introduce a dimension of analysis
of internal relations of power within the centre and peripheral countries only helped
marginally to address this deficiency without fully resolving it.

Furthermore, dependency theory often ran into the risk of being a little too clichéd
and has rendered as a mechanical answer to the challenge of underdevelopment that
has left little or no room for a meaningful exercise of the local agency. As with most
social science theories that take on an omnibus character, development “success” and
“failure”, to whatever degree, were uniformly explained by the same variable:
dependence. This shortcoming has reinforced the overwhelming focus of dependency
theory on the external determinants and drivers of underdevelopment/development,
with little attention to internal factors that are at play and how both the external and
internal get interwoven to shape policy and politics.

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One of the criticisms levelled against dependency theory is related to economic

determinism. Its emphasis on economic structures in explaining Africa’s state of
affairs can be attributed to the dominant Marxist tradition of the time.Another point of
criticism is that the dependency school considers ties with multinational corporations
as detrimental, while one view has been that they are important means of transfer of
technology. Another criticism which is levelled against the dependency theorists is
that they base their arguments on received notions such as the nation-state, capitalism
and industrialisation.Some of the Eurocentric biases are also inherited in these
theories of dependency school. For example, they assume that industrialisation and
possession of industrial capital are crucial requisites for economic progress. There is
an inability to think beyond the state as the primary and essential agent of economic
development. Also, there is a Eurocentric bias in overlooking or de-emphasising
production undertaken by women, and in not realising the hazardous implications for
the environment of industrialisation and over-exploitation of resources.A singular
criticism, which is charged against the dependency theories, is that they do not reflect
the changed socio-economic and political situations of the contemporary world.

8.6 SUMMARY

What so ever is merit in the criticism of dependency theory, there is no denying the
fact that no theory cannot fully explain social changes. This is equally applicable to
dependency theory as well. At the same time, the prevailing economic inequality
between developed and underdeveloped countries further underlines the use of
dependency theory in understanding the global economic condition.

8.7 EXERCISE

1. Examine the evolution of dependency theory

2. Analyse the different schools of thought about dependency theory
3. Evaluate the criticism of dependency theory

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8.8 REFERENCE

Amin, Samir (1974). Accumulation on a World Scale: A Critique of the Theory of

underdevelopment, Vol. 2, New York: Monthly Review Press

-------------- (1976). Unequal Development: An Essay on the Social Formations of

Peripheral Capitalism, New York: Monthly Review Press.

Amin, Samir, Giovani Arrighi, Andre Gunder Frank and Immanuel Wallerstein
(1982). Dynamics of Global Crisis, Vol. 2, New York: Monthly Review Press.
Capitalism, New York: Monthly Review Press.

Angotti, Thomas (1981). “The Political Implications of Dependency Theory,” Latin

America

Baldwin, David A. (1980). “Interdependence and Power: A Conceptual Analysis,”

International

Baran, Paul A. (1960). The Political Economy of Growth, New York

PrometheusBaran, Paul A. and Paul M. Sweezy (1966). Monopoly Capital: An Essay
on the American Economic and Social Order, New York: Monthly Review Press.

Bath, Richard C. and Dilmus D. James (1976). “Dependency Analysis of Latin

America: Some Criticisms, Some Suggestion,” Latin American Research Review,
Vol. 11, No. 3,3-54.

Cardoso, Fermando Henrique (1973). “The Industrial Elite in Latin America,” in

Henry Bernstein ed., Underdevelopment and Development: The Third World Today,
19 1-204. (1972).

-------------“Dependency and Development in Latin America,” New LA$ Review,

Vol. 74, July-August, 83-95. (1 973).

---------“Associated-Dependent Development: Theoretical and Practical

Implications,” in Alfred Stepan(ed) Authoritarian Brazil: Origins, Politics, and
Future, New Haven: Yale University Press, 142-176.

Cardoso, Fernando Henrique and Enzo Faletto (1979). Dependency and

Development, Berkeley: University of California Press.

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Debates on International Relations

Unit-9 Post-Modernism and International Relation

Unit-10 Feminism and International Relations

Unit-11 Colonialism and Post Colonialism in International Relations

Unit-12 Constructivism and International Relations

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UNIT-9: POST-MODERNISM AND INTERNATIONAL RELATION

Structure
9.1 Objective
9.2 Introduction
9.3 The Origin of postmodernism
9.4 Interface with International Relations Theory
9.5 Post-Modernism and the Global South
9.6 Summary
9.7 Exercise
9.8 Reference

9.1 OBJECTIVE

After reading this unit, you will be able to understand:

• The origin of Postmodernism in IR thought
• The applicability of Postmodernist perspectives in the context of the Global
South
• Relevance of Postmodernism in contemporary time.
• Critical evaluation of Postmodernism in IR theory

9.2 INTRODUCTION

Postmodernism defies definition. It is elusive, slippery, and difficult to pin down. It is

often taken to mean nothing and therefore, everything. It is understood to be a new
way of ‘seeing’ the modern world, but there is scarcely an agreement on the content
and objectives of that newness. It polarizes opinion: while some appreciate its radical
openness, others consider its support for relativism dangerous to the progress of
humanity. It is hailed for creating a range of possibilities that give agency to ordinary
people; something its critics believe is an accumulation of directionless subjectivities
that constitute anarchical excess. More persons are suspected of being postmodernists
than there are. A section of the academe, the ‘pre-postmodernists’, wonders if
postmodernism has not lessened, for students, the values of treating empirical data as
sacrosanct, of being analytically rigorous, and of searching for generalizations. Quite
a few International Relations (IR) theorists appear wary of the swiftness with which,
under its influence, the state is losing its pre-eminence as the object of study to ideas
like discourse, representation, and performativity. Postmodernism has been called

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names as if it was a person. It has been held responsible for undermining all major
accomplishments of post-Enlightenment western modernity. It is considered to have
planted a rebellious, irreverent impulse at the core of modern intellectual activity
which constructs little and damages much. Given the reactions it evokes, we may be
inclined to conclude that postmodernism is an intellectual scandal; some have indeed
concluded so. But once we acknowledge the ambition of its challenge to the
foundations of modernity and the extent of its influence, it appears more useful to
suspend judgment and seek an understanding of postmodernism. Although any such
understanding is likely to be partial and subjectively mediated.

An economic and enduring description of postmodernism is of it being a conscious

approach of ‘incredulity towards meta-narratives. This description occurs in The
Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge, a book written by the late French
intellectual Jean-François Lyotard and first published in 1979. Although Lyotard
emphasizes that his description is an extreme form of simplification, it can be eased
up further to mean a conscious stance that views with suspicion, or refuses to accept,
modernist claims of grand truths or overarching explanations for contemporary living
conditions. As is well known, the idea of modernity rests on the claim that objective
standards of right and wrong, desirable and undesirable, exist. It also believes in the
existence of objective social laws that explain the origins and emergence of ideal
forms of human society and that such laws can be/have been discovered through the
proper application of methods borrowed from natural sciences like theoretical
physics. Postmodernism is a response, always frictional if not always oppositional, to
this strongly held belief in the powers of objective truths and social laws to lead
humanity towards lofty universal goals.

This exposition of postmodernism and IR theory has three parts: the first outlines the
origins of postmodernism, the second discusses its interface with IR theory, and the
third briefly consider its relevance for understanding the life world in the Global
South. This essay tries to organize ideas about something that does not yield to
otherorganizations. It is likely therefore to raise more questions than answering those
that it engages.

9.3 THE ORIGIN OF POSTMODERNISM

Postmodernism is used to describe a range of attitudes, stances, approaches,

philosophies, and practices that are skeptical of the claims of modernity. If modernity
is represented by the values of humanism, universalism, and belief in progress which
can be achieved by the use of reason, postmodernism is understood to mistrust these
values and the practical and intellectual energies they inspire. Because

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postmodernism is constitutively apprehensive of the modern knowledge claims, it is

sometimes felt that there cannot be something called postmodernism, since assuming
the form of an ‘ism’, or organized knowledge claim would make it appear to belong
to the family of modern knowledge claims like Marxism or realism. Yet, ‘post-
modernism’- the term provides its subject matter with situational coherence and thus
makes talking about it possible. After all, it is difficult to talk about something that
doesn’t have a name. It is nevertheless important, especially for IR students, to not
reify the term, i.e. to not approach it as a concrete objectbut as an abstraction
conceptualized to serve intellectual purposes.

Since the postmodern stance is skeptical of excessive certainty, scholars often talk
about multiple origins of post-modernity as opposed to any one major point of its
beginning. 1 For some, tracing its origins may be an undesirable exercise since post-
modernity, they claim, is not a question of history but a vision. They are wary of
exercises that comb the twentieth-century story for signs that are new, and different
and indicate the beginnings of postmodern ideas and practices. They are
uncomfortable with the linearity – in the sense of post-modernity being something
that follows or comes after modernity – that gets attacked with the emergence of the
subject through such attempts of anchoring the postmodern in history. This is because
linearity suggests an affinity with teleology and progress of the very ideas that
postmodernism seeks to problematize. Nevertheless, some familiarity with its
historical origins is desirable. The Marxist scholar Perry Anderson traces the first
textual occurrence of the term postmodernism to 1930s Hispanic America. However,
it would be useful for students of IR to note the contribution of Western European,
and particularly French, intellectual culture of the 1960s and 70s to its development.

During this period, intellectuals like Jacques Derrida and Michel Foucault, among
several others, began suggesting through their work that knowledge about human
beings is essentially unstable due to intricate intrinsic complexities of language,
consciousness, and cultural contexts that constitute such knowledge. To greatly
simplify, they stated with striking thoroughness and relentless conviction that
objective knowledge about human affairs is not possible and that the task of social
theory must be to destabilize habits that make such claims possible. Destabilization of
existing intellectual convictions meant for Derrida the ‘deconstruction’ of texts to
‘overturn’ their given meaning and for Foucault, it meant theexcavation of systems of
thought, knowledge, and consciousness through an archaeological method. What
these scholars insisted was that meaning about human affairs is created through the
interaction between subjective estimates of the author and the reader. The reader is
not a passive recipient or consumer of texts who internalizes the author’s intended
meaning. Pressing the insight further, they sought to invert the role of the author from

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being a writer or creator of texts to its reader, de-constructor, interpreter, or

destabilizer of its intended meaning. Such activities may not seem productive in the
obvious sense of adding quantity to existing narratives or theories of, say, modernity.
But they are productive in that they open up new ways of making meaning and
creating knowledge by contesting existing methods of the meaning-making king and
knowledge creation. The label given to this radical new method by American literary
theorists was ‘post-structuralism’ and it widely influenced the rise of postmodernism
in the social studies academe, thus leaving a strong imprint on disciplinary and non-
disciplinary IR.

This outline of postmodernism’s intellectual lineage would be partial without the

mention of its material counterpart: a qualitative transition like capitalism, the
‘engine’ of modernity. The setbacks to capitalism caused by the Great Depression and
the Second World Warwith the latter battering the world’s major capitalist economies
except for the UnitedStates – were sought to be overcome by post-War institutions
and initiatives of recovery. This objective was roughly achieved by the 1960s. The
1970s witnessed the emergence of a new regime of ‘flexible’, as opposed to the
earlier regime of ‘Fordist’ or industrial, accumulation of capital (Harvey 1990: 141-
172). The novelty of this form of capitalism was the advantageous ‘position and
autonomy’ of financial markets within capitalism and vis-à-vis the sovereign state
(Anderson 1998: 79). While the earlier form of capitalism had produced a ‘worldwide
grid of economic activities defined over nation-states’ (Chatterjee 2011: 239), its new
avatar outflanked the sovereign state by facilitatingthe predatory movement of
speculative finance capital. A dematerialized, finance-dominated economic system
proved difficult for the state to manage: the financialization worth the led economy
adversely affected industrial and agricultural economies and undermined the state’s
sovereign powers of controlling and regulating capital. Given that much of the
understanding of modern international politics, and discipline was based on the
centrality of the sovereign state, the latter’s undermining deeply jolted the epistemic
and ontological certainties of modernity itself. Mainstream IR theory took cognizance
of this jolt by accommodating it ingeniously It turned what appeared to be a
potentially damaging assault on the constituent unit of the discipline – the sovereign
state – into a plea for considering how the changing nature of power was creating
conditions for interdependence among states (Keohane and Nye 1977)

The impulses for financialization, an advanced ‘stage’ of capitalism, were rooted in

the saturated capitalist economies of the West. Saturation implies that capital has
exhausted all major means of generating profit from a market by turning its resources
into commodities. But this technical-economic condition also has cultural and social-
psychological effects. The inane among these may include boredom with familiarity

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and regularity while the more consequential effects are extreme forms of
individuation (resulting from general self-sufficiency of means) and the weakening of
commitment to social solidarity and modern values like nationalism, humans andsm,
universal progress through considered application of reason. Financialization
introduced vulnerability and ephemerality – qualities that characterized it – to these
tendencies. The vigorous stirring of anxieties that gripped western societies as a result
minted a vastly intensified process of consumption. Consumption is fuelled by desire
and desire works its charm by making light of weighty matters. An instance: notice
how it turns aspiring and franchised citizens into consumers. Consumption turns
social purpose into a series of fleeting impulses that cherish nothing that lasts. The
modern values of nationalism, progress, certainty and universal good became victims
of this charm.

Zygmunt Bauman has proposed that consumption is the defining trait of ‘late’ or
‘liquid’ modernity (his terms for postmodernity). If postmodernity is the Age of
Consumption, then familiarity with the range that fashions it would help appreciate
Bauman’s proposition. Our samples must be limited. Yet we find the media seeking
to benefit from the passion for consuming newness by increasing banalization – that
is, reducing something of its ethical and political content – of social events. Jean
Baudrillard theorized the role of these mediation and communication agents to
suggest that people in saturated capitalist societies do not experience reality. They
consume things that either never existed or have long ceased to exist in the
original.(simulacra) and experience only the imitation of reality (simulation).2 There
is no reality in the postmodern world, only a representation of it. Artists have
responded to the desire of consuming newness by taking art to striking levels of inter-
subjectivity. Notable here are works of ‘extreme’ performance artists like Carolee
Schneemann (Interior Scroll) and Marina Abramović (The Artist is Present) or the
conceptual artist Lawrence Weiner (Bits & Pieces Put Together to Present a
Semblance of a Whole). In architecture, saturation caused the urge to grow over a
modernist sensibility that valued space utilization and encased modern ideas like
nationalist progress (Le Corbusier designed Chandigarh) to one that collapses space-
time experience (Charles Correa designed Inter-University Centre for Astronomy and
Astrophysics in Pune) and makes loud statements (like the Antilla ‘residence’ of the
Mukesh Ambani family in Mumbai). In cinema, Jean-Luc Godard and Luis Buñuel
exposed the vacuity of bourgeois norms while also redefining the viewers’
relationship with cinema. While Godard (For Ever Mozart, 1996) and Stanley
Kubrick (A Clockwork Orange, 1971) make cinema tough to the point of being
painful, cinematic accomplishments from Monty Python (Monty Python and the Holy
Grail, 1975) to Quentin Tarantino (Pulp Fiction, 1994) tickle the visual conscience
and consciousness in ambivalent ways. Jonathan Raban’s genre-defying book Soft

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City (1974) celebrated the superficial and malleable labyrinth of the advanced
capitalist city in a style that remains unmatched. The trends represented by these
examples have constituted postmodernism, which for Frederic Jameson is another
name for the ‘cultural logic of late capitalism.

9.4 INTERFACE WITH INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THEORY

It wasn’t that IR theory could not anticipate the political consequences of this new,
financialized stage of capitalism. Theoretical advances in the conceptualization of
power and interdependence testify that it did respond to the shift. However
likely,theorists did not believe that this change could carry implications beyond issues
of institutional management of international politics, which they were responding to.
For them, these widespread cultural transformations were annoying rumblings of
accomplished societies that couldn’t pose a fundamental challenge to the discipline’s
core assumptions, or its idea of the political. It helped their conviction that traditional
political theory, which has been the basis of the discipline, too remained unfazed by
these transitions. It speaks of some degree of disjoint between paradigms of social
studies that Kenneth Waltz’s Theory of International Politics, a work that has had
profound effects on the discipline, was published the same year in which Lyotard
noted postmodernism’s challenge to precisely suchendeavours bold thesis offered in
his 1979 book drew critical responses from some tall figures in IR theory. Two of
these were from Robert Cox and Richard Ashley who were intervening from the
margins of the discipline. Cox and Ashley broadly adopted the standpoint of critical
theory to outline what they thought wasa historical theory that ignored/ignores the
dynamic play of social forces and commitment to human emancipation that were also
constitutive of international politics. Their critiques of neorealism made way for
thepercolation of postmodernist sensibilities in IR theory.

The 1980s, especially its late years, were a period of transformation not just for
international politics but for the discipline of IR too. As a neoliberal IR theory was
fashioned in response to neorealism’s challenge, a ‘neo-neo’ debate emerged in the
process, revealing the discipline’s extensive capacity for self-consciousness. Since the
two ‘neos’ shared key assumptions about international politics – especially about
state centrality, the dominance of military power and the existence and effects of
international anarchy – the debate appeared limited and somewhat superficial for
scholars of critical persuasion who had already glimpsed radical critiques of
mainstream IR theory from the likes of Ashley and Cox. These scholars, labelled as
‘reflectivists’, worked out a series of wide-ranging critiques of the ‘rationalist’ bases
of the neo/mainstream theories. A moderate strand of reflectivist theorizing, led by
Alexander Wendt, pioneered what is now called the social constructivist approach in

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IR. Another strand, actually a collection of exceedingly heterogeneous strands, of

reflectivists produced a corpus of theoretical knowledge about international relations
that is identified, although with important qualifications, as postmodern in nature.
While French poststructuralist methods have influenced them to an impressive extent,
there is also a distinctive commitment to emancipation that suggests a debt to critical
theory. Unlike the trend in mainstream IR theorizing, where a few big names
dominate, credits for contributing to a radical theoretical discourse in IR are more
democratically shared in the postmodernist zone. Though our selection here would be
limited, major themes and contributions of postmodernist IR scholarship can still be
outlined.

The inaugural work of postmodernist scholarship in IR is International/Intertextual

Relations: Postmodern Readings of World Politics (1989) edited by James Der Derian
and Michael Shapiro with contributions from emerging and established scholars who
shared an affinity for critical theorizing. The volume is situated within the
poststructuralist domain and many of its contributors seek to interrogate
conventional/mainstream accounts of IR theory. Reading the ‘text’ of practices and
literature of IR is its major theme and some of the methods it uses, such as genealogy,
making strange, deconstruction and double reading, are now commonly used in
radical critical writings on international relations. Suitably, it is a basic text, a live
archive, of the interface of postmodernism and IR theory. An equally important
collaborative effort was the special issue of International Studies Quarterly (1990,
volume 34, no.3) on ‘Dissident Thought in International Studies’ shepherded by
Ashley and R.B.J. Walker.

For Der Derian, much of whose work is strongly influenced by Paul Virilio, the
‘increasing acceleration, complexity and interconnectivity of everything’
characterizes the contemporary world and mainstream IR theory has inadequately
responded to this new condition (2009: 2). Convinced that speedy responses to events
in this world are an ethical and intellectual imperative, he has adopted a variety of
avenues – newspapers, commercial publications, online articles – and forms – fractal
montage3 of texts rather than linear narrative and video documentaries over written
texts – to communicate widely his understanding of the complex and deceptive ways
in which media, security and governance interface in the contemporary world.
Trained in political philosophy and classical IR theory, he has provided scholarly but
critical accounts of practices like diplomacy that appear familiar to concerns of
‘proper’ IR. However, Der Derian’s importance lies in exploring avenues that most
IR theorists scarcely consider relevant. For example information technology and IR,
cyber deterrence, simulation and warfare, real and virtual spaces where violence
resides, security from Nietzsche to Baudrillard, intimacy between military and movie

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industries and collaboration between the academe and war-making. He has also been
a leading exponent of the sway of media-refracted executions of violence by western
countries, notably the United States, on much of the world since September 2001.
Thus he has extensively worked out the implications of the ‘CNN effect’ and shown
how tautological propositions (see epigraph) too have enduring consequences in
international politics.

Since mainstream IR theory derives its assumptions from the stable lawns of political
theory, scholars like Walker and Jens Bartelson have tried to denaturalize the linkages
between political theory and these assumptions. Thus, in Inside/Outside: International
Relations as Political Theory (1993), Walker revisits Machiavelli to contest the
domestic-international binary, the foundations of which are supposedly supplied by
political theory. Walker also claims that IR the discipline does not merely describe or
explain international relations but also constitutes it. It does this by reinforcing,
reifying (making natural) what are personal or social assumptions/beliefs about
international politics. One of these assumptions is about the insistent importance of
the sovereign state as the primary actor in international politics. Walker suggests that
the sovereign state was only one of the many possible solutions to the problem of
universal and particular (or self and other) that emerged along with modernity as the
western world gained global (spatial) consciousness. The state may have once been
an ideal solution to that problem, but it is beyond more. And so, the continued
insistence of one of its being the primary actor in international politics suggests a
reluctance to confront reality. This proposition leads Walker to the unusual claim that
most mainstream IR theorists/theories are not realistic but idealistic, perhaps even
utopian. The themes explored in Walker’s works also resonate with the writings of
Nicholas Onuf, considered a radical social constructivist. Bartelson’s A Genealogy of
Sovereignty similarly provides a genealogy (not history) of the idea and its practices
to destabilize the conventional narratives such as those of F.H. Hinsley’s Sovereignty
(1966) on which mainstream IR theories rest.

Postmodernism also highlights how late capitalism alters our experience of space and
time by compressing them, making them take fractal forms and upsetting their
linearity. If the genealogical method responds to the altered experience of time by
questioning the claims established by conventional historical methods, radical
geography does much to problematize those perspectives on space that inform our
imagination of the sovereign state. Pioneered by radical geographers like Edward
Soja and David Harvey, critical spatial perspectives were given an IR context through
a paper by John Gerard Ruggie published in 1993 in the journal International
Organization. Following, and complementing that intervention, probing enquiries into
the international politics of space have come from Gearóid Ó Tuathail and John

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Agnew. Tuathail’s writings have unpacked traditional geopolitics by tracing the

processes through which distinctions between space, place, territory and boundary,
borders, and frontiers are stabilized. A major suggestion by Agnew, which he terms
‘re-visioning world politics’ is that as the West gained global spatial consciousness it
converted ‘space into time’. Under this strategy of coping with the difference that it
encountered during its expansion, the western vision conceived territories that were
spatially distant from Europe as being backwards in time. This contributed to a
hierarchical ordering of the world’s regions that put Europe on top. It also led to ideas
that justified colonialism and imperialism as forces that ameliorated the backwardness
of these distant lands through their moral and material progress. The Indian scholar
Sanjay Chaturvedi has also worked with this approach of critical
geopolitics/geography.

Other notable interventions of postmodernist imprint include Cynthia Weber’s

introduction of performativity into IR. Drawing upon Judith Butler’s earlier idea,
Weber shows how sovereign states are subjects that, rather than being fully formed,
are ontological effects of performatively-enacted practices. This way of ‘seeing’ the
state also exposes its sexist and gendered nature. Weber is also trained as a filmmaker
and experiments with the media as a mode of communicating her perceptions of
politics. She has also authored a book that introduces IR theory with the help of
popular films. Similarly notable are David Campbell’s efforts touse visual media,
mainly photography, to tell politically engaging stories of the world. Before
affiliating with visual media and storytelling, Campbell wrote National
Deconstruction (1998) where he applies Derrthe idean deconstruction method to the
Bosnian conflict. Campbell suggests that Bosnia, which was once a political entity of
intersecting and overlapping identities, came to be constructed as an intractable ethnic
problem through a complex series of historical, cartographic and statistical practices,
thus emphasizing the centrality of representation in embedding conflict in social
spaces. This work has been noted for presenting a postmodern perspective on security
issues and can be seen alongside those of Der Derian. Mention may also be made here
of Ashley’s ‘double reading’ of the anarchy problematique in IR theory. This
involves assembling and then disassembling the constitutive feature of the
problematique to contest the claim that power politics can be deduced from the
absence of central rule in international politics. Finally, the writings of Ashley,
Walker and William E. Connolly suggest a commitment to advancing postmodern
ethics that are detached from territorial/cognitive boundaries and speak not in terms
of the Self but of the Other. They represent a move away from the ethics of sovereign
exclusion that are entrenched by sovereign states and towards those that resemble the
moral ideas of Emmanuel Lévinas or M.K. Gandhi.

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What does this telegraphic outline tell us about the interface between postmodernism
and IR theory? Acknowledging the risks involved in pithy characterizations, the
following points may be suggested. One, postmodern IR thought is relatively less
self-conscious – and therefore less self-obsessed – than mainstream theoretical
perspectives like liberalism and realism. In fact, rather than identifying their work as
‘postmodern’, its practitioners prefer descriptions of it being a set of ‘critical
practices’ that create ‘dissident thought’ in IR. Two, extensive use of postmodern
reading methods such as deconstruction, genealogy, denaturalization and making
strange suggest an emphatic scepticism of positivist methods of analysis that
undergird disciplinary social sciences and IR. Three, its commitment to emancipatory
life conditions negates the criticism that postmodern IR thought is nihilistic, mindless,
hedonistic and devoid of ethical commitment/s. Four, it is doubtful if postmodern IR
thinkers want their ideas to assume mainstream status. Rather they wish to draw
attention to numerous ways in which critical discourses can and must flourish in IR so
that dialogues between creators and consumers of knowledge may continue. Five, for
this reason, many postmodern scholars would not wish to create a postmodern theory
of IR. What they would like is for their works to make existing theories confront the
transformations of international politics more earnestly. Instead of aiming to discover
self-evident and timeless truths that make theories fit for academic citadels, they
produce works that are informed by theory and history and have some policy
relevance most of the time. Six, the trajectories of postmodern IR scholars suggest
that they do not consider postmodernism to be a fad but an approach that can
critically inform perspectives of international politics. The adoption of forms of
communication apart from journal articles and scholarly monographs by Der Derian
and Weber are examples of this conviction.

9.5 POST MODERNISM AND THE GLOBAL SOUTH

Is the postmodern perspective relevant to understanding politics in the Global South?

It is important to note that much of the critical scholarship that has emerged from
India, especially postcolonial and Subaltern Studies scholarship, has benefitted from
postmodern methods and convictions about knowledge creation. Nevertheless, given
that postmodernism is a phenomenon of advanced capitalist societies, how useful can
it be for understanding our life-world? It is true that states, like India and China, in
the Global South are in the process of consolidation and not withering away. And this
may imply the inapplicability of postmodern perspectives. Yet, we can be aware of
the aggressive adoption by these states of capitalism and technology – factors that led
to postmodernism in the West – to achieve the two purposes of ‘development’ and
‘governance’. For historical reasons such as colonialism, the penetration of capital
within individual states of the Global South has been uneven. For instance, compare

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the flow of capital and scale of industrialization in the western region of India with
that in its eastern part. Postmodern perspectives are and would be useful in
understanding social phenomena in pockets, like the city of Mumbai, within these
states where capitalism has attained saturation. Notice how the Indian Premier League
(IPL), started by one of the richest sports bodies in the world, the Board for Control
of Cricket in India (BCCI), has affected international cricket. The IPL has
transformed the experience of space, time and performance in cricket. Even though
cricket commentators continue to describe the post-IPL genre of cricket as ‘modern’,
it is evident that the style of cricket played by the likes of David Warner, Yuvraj
Singh and Chris Gayle is different from the previous generation of Steve Waugh,
Rahul Dravid and Brian Lara who were also called modern. Conceptual change has
not followed practical innovation in this case, but that does not deny the altered
experience of the game. Postmodern perspectives are also helpful in understanding
the intentions and workings of states as they create governance regimes dependent
upon technology. For example, the unique ID (Aadhaar) project of the Union
government in India seeks to alter how the state services the security and welfare of
its populations. It aims also to overcome the impediments of uneven capitalist
development. But in the process, the state is using technology to create a uniform
experience of space and time between ‘itself’ and the populations it governs. We
know that different population groups and regions of India were configured within the
logic of the modern state, both colonial and postcolonial, through different strategies.
And that these strategies of the modern state have resulted in the acute disparities that
have led to the adage that ‘India lives in several centuries at once. It is worth
wondering whether the state that is aiming at development and governance with the
help of capitalism and technology isn’t becoming postmodern. We have seen how
postmodernism’s interface with IR theory has enhanced the ethical and epistemic
bases of postmodernism. Its interface with politics in the Global South may provide it
with yet more distinctive and desirable features.

9.6 SUMMARY

Postmodernism may continue to polarize intellectual opinion. Yet, it is clear that it

provides an important perspective on international politics and it must be engaged
with before being dismissed. Bauman may be useful here: ‘Postmodernity may be
interpreted as the fully developed modernity; as modernity that acknowledged the
effects it was producing throughout its history, yet producing inadvertently, by
default rather than design, as unanticipated consequences, by-products often
perceived as waste; as modernity conscious of its true nature – modernity for itself’
(Bauman 1991: 33). If postmodernity makes modernity understand itself better,

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postmodernism may be seen as a resource that makes modernist knowledge claims

about our world more reflexive and self-critical.

9.7 EXERCISE

1. What is postmodernism?
2. What do you understand about postmodernism and International Relations?
3. Discuss the origin of postmodernism.
4. Examine the applicability of postmodernism in the context of South Asia.
5. Critically examine post-modernism and IR theory.

9.8 REFERENCE

Anderson, Perry (1998) The Origin postmodernity, Biddles Ltd. The United
Kingdom.

Keohane, Robert O and Joseph Nye (1977), Power and Interdependence: World
Politics in Transition.

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UNIT-10: FEMINISM AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Structure
10.1 Objective
10.2 Introduction
10.3 Feminism and International Relations
10.4 Summary
10.5 Exercise
10.6 Reference

10.1 OBJECTIVE

After reading this unit you will be able to understand.

• The development of feminist interventions in IR
• The importance of ‘gender’ in the formulation of IR theories
• The social construction that structures out females from mainstream theories
and public activities
• The feminist criticisms against mainstream IR theories
•

10.2 INTRODUCTION

The issue of whether women/ gender should be included in the study of International
Relations (IR)/ IR theory can be traced back to the 1980s, although the denial of
women in politics and therefore political theory goes back to the earliest theoreticians
of politics. IR is a relatively new subject and the discovery of women’s absence from
IR theory is, therefore, new as well. However, the relegation of women away from
power or public life, in general, goes back a long way, and since ‘power’ is at the root
of international politics and to a large extent, IR theory, it is important to note that
women were viewed as subordinate in Western political theory (and in many Eastern
ones as well) from the very beginning of theorizing. For Aristotle (and following
Aristotle, and other early thinkers), women’s inferior position in society followed
from her nature, which he considered as being inferior to that of men, and this was
because of an inherent lack of female biology. For St. Thomas Aquinas, women were
the cause of sin and therefore should occupy a subordinate position in society. Both
believed that the sole purpose for the creation of the female species was procreation.
The natural outcome of this line of thinking was to shut women out of the public
sphere and relegate them to the ‘household’. Much later, Jean Jacques Rousseau too,
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expressed similar ideas when he said that women’s subordinate position in society
springs from the fact that they become mothers: “The mutual duties of the two sexes
are not, and cannot be, equally binding on both. Women do wrong to complain about
the inequality of man-made laws; this inequality is not of man’s making, or at any
rate, it is not the result of mere prejudice, but reason. She to whom nature has
entrusted the care of children must hold herself responsible for them to their
father….”

10.3 FEMINISM AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Feminist interventions to this kind of thinking began systemically only in the

nineteenth century with the growth of liberalism, which called for a curb on the
powers of the state and coincided with the development of capitalism in England and
the rise of the idea of free enterprise. Political liberalism opened new vistas in
political theorizing within which some thinkers like J.S. Mill advocated legal and
political rights for women, denying that women were inferior to men by having
“women’s nature” (nervous, intuitive, etc); women’s subordination came from
customs and legal systems whereby men denied women education and equal political
and legal rights, leaving women with no option but to get married and retire to the
private sphere of the household. Such ideas as well as the mainstream theories of
political liberalism influenced women thinkers, and liberal feminism emerged within
the context of the growth of economic and political liberalism in England and later,
the United States (US). Early liberal feminists assumed the absolute authority of the
‘natural right of reason’ as an inherent right of all human beings regardless of sex,
and therefore, individuals living in society should have political and legal rights
irrespective of gender. They also critiqued the relegation of women to the ‘private’
domestic sphere as women’s natural space. For the first time in the history of Western
political thought, there were theoretical and practical interventions by women
thinkers and activists. In this context, the names of Mary Wollstonecraft (A
Vindication to the Rights of Women), Francis Wright, Sarah Grimke, Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, and Susan B. Anthony, are worth mentioning.

Later feminist theory was built on these foundations, questioning the ‘private’ sphere/
‘public’ sphere dichotomy, the structuring of women in the public sphere, and the
invisibility of women in International Relations theory. Interestingly, IR theory began
with a central focus on the state and relations between states; women had been
‘theorized’ out of participation in the ‘state’ and its activities from the time of
Aristotle. It is not surprising therefore that women were missing from IR theory at the
time of its inception. Subsequently, with the rise of the feminist movement in the
West, feminist theorists not only began questioning mainstream political theory but

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also IR theory and began to examine how gender could enter into IR theory. The
present paper attempts a look at these feminist interventions and analysis the
importance of ‘gender’ in the formulation of IR theories.

Given the absence of women from the ‘public’ sphere, it is important to first explain
feminist conceptions of patriarchy and the patriarchal state before the issue of
feminist interventions in IR theory is taken up because the ‘state’ as mentioned
underlies most of IR theory throughout the 20th century. Feminist theorists typically
characterize patriarchy as a social construction.1 Lorraine Code defines it as a system
in which females are subordinate to men in terms of power and status, and that it is
“right and proper for men to command and women to obey”.2 While one cannot
speak of ‘feminist theory in the singular, feminist theorists appear to agree that
patriarchy extends from the family to the state, and the patriarchal state has its roots
in the patriarchal family unit. In liberal feminism, for example, there is a ‘public’/
‘private’ dichotomy, wherein the state, the market (economy), and all institutions
outside the family constitute the ‘public’; only intimate familial relations are
‘private’. This implies not only a structural but an ideological divide – according to
patriarchal ideology, everything outside the family (the private sphere) is a cold
uncaring place for competition; only the family is a haven for love, comfort, and
security. Feminists claim that this is how power dynamics and politics relegate
women to the private familial place, restricting the public space for men – the
patriarchal division of the ‘public’ and the ‘private’ teaches women that their ‘private’
world is a place of love and care outside the public realm of competition and strife.
Within this kind of patriarchal ideology, women can hardly come out with their
stories of domestic violence and marital rape, narratives that have long been wrapped
in silence. Feminists note that unless women learn that the ideology of ‘home as a
haven’, distinct from the violence of the public world, is generated via patriarchy to
keep male power in society intact, and that politics and power do not stop at the
doorstep of home, or that the bedroom is free of power dynamics, no amount of legal
or political empowerment would empower women. Therefore, the ‘private’ is also
political and women should be as much part of the public sphere as the private.

These views can be traced to both Marxist and liberal feminist scholars. One of the
basic tenets of Marxist theory is that history moves via contradictions between the
structure and the superstructure (structure being the production system) from
primitive modes of production to modern times; further, for Marx, labour power has
an exchange value and the key to the self-producing nature of capitalist accumulation
lies in the extraction of surplus value from the labour of the proletariat. Marxist
feminists who propagate the ‘dual systems’ theory, have, however, constructed a base
and superstructure of patriarchy, which is distinct from the Marxian model. Women’s

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oppression stems from both the material (economic) base and the patriarchal base,
and women do not have control over either. The material base of patriarchy, which is
not identical to the economic base, is formed through controlling women’s labour
power and sexuality in the public sphere, and through the sexual division of labour, in
the private sphere. In the public sphere, women perform jobs for lower wages, thus
producing only use value and not exchange value; exchange value is expressed in
monetary terms, and use value is not. Women’s labour is like that of the proletariat
whose labour is used by those who control the means of production. Unpaid domestic
labour is hidden surplus value that goes into reproducing the proletariat and
eventually in reproducing and accumulating capital. But since use value is not
exchange value, it denigrates women in the eyes of men, providing the rationale for
male dominance.

Liberal, radical, Marxist, and socialist feminist scholars, while agreeing that
patriarchy denotes oppression, have analytical differences and also provide different
solutions. Early feminist work on the state analyzed how women were subordinated
by a centralized state; later, however, it was realized that states are differentiated
entities and feminist interventions began in the different aspects of the state and
statecraft. It is from such roots that feminist interventions also began in the field of
International Relations since IR began as a discipline that dealt with relations between
states. However, there has been a widening and deepening of the discipline over the
years, particularly since the late 1980s and especially following the collapse of the
Soviet Union, when a state collapsed not as a result of international power politics or
war as had been the general conclusion of earlier IR theorists who focused on the
state and inter-state power relations but as a result of an implosion, in which non-state
variables played an important role. Therefore, actors other than the state, who had at
best been considered subordinate to the study of IR, the nature of social transitions,
and the fact that social and political constructs can sometimes succumb to assaults
from within, began to be studied. In the wider context of the new emerging
constructs, collective or group identities began to be recognized as significant in
matters like value formation – and these began to be considered important factors in
the study of the state as an ‘actor’ in the international arena and also in IR theory. For
instance, the construction and ascription of collective identities like religious or ethnic
identities, play an important role in war and peace – it has always been important in
relations between states including the conduct or non-incidence of war, but it is only
recently that IR theorists have expanded the discipline to accept identity formation as
important in IR. Militant groups (based on religion) like the Al Qaeda or collective
identities formed around issues like human rights that can serve as powerful pressure
groups and influence policy-making can no longer be ignored in the study of IR.
However, it is interesting that one of the most basic identities – in fact, the one

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identity that is natural and not a construct, i.e., gender identity –was discovered by
feminist scholars, and found no place in IR theory, even though the masculine
foundations of the patriarchal state induced many decisions leading to a perpetuation
of patriarchy to the detriment of women who made up half of humanity. When
feminist interventions in this area began, there was already a large amount of research
on feminist theory, but the specific implications of gender on IR theory had been, for
the most part, not studied in any depth. It was only in the late 1970s that women
began asking uncomfortable questions which challenged the ‘foundation myths’ of IR
theory and explore avenues by which gender could be integrated into IR.

The problem of integrating feminist theory or gender into IR can be traced to the fact
that since the end of World War II and through much of the Cold War, the
predominant paradigm of IR has been Realism, within which states, are largely seen
as unitary and rational, are deemed as the key actors. Realist scholars focus on reified
states and the potential for, or actual conflict between states, with the major concerns
being stability, sovereignty, and power. In this context, the experiences of women,
which are the domain of feminist theorists, were unimportant because women wield
very little power in the international state system, even as a collective.

Feminist theories, therefore, began their intervention in IR theory by questioning the

very foundations of IR as a discipline. This should be placed in the context of much
that was happening within British and American IR around that time. In the UK, there
was substantive work in the 1980s in the classical Realist tradition, particularly
around security, normative theory, and International Political Economy (IPE), 4 but
simultaneously, there was talk of an inter-paradigm debate in which no single IR
theory was seen to dominate the field. Instead, three paradigms – Realism/neo-
Realism, globalism/pluralism, and neo-Marxism/structuralism – were cited as
competitor streams in IR thinking. While the first two paradigms were common to
British and American IR theorists, critical theory, which was cited within the third
paradigm, became the British contender for the more radical wing of IR. Around the
same time, positivist thinking in the US was challenged by what came to be known as
the Third Debate, wherein new genres such as post-modernism demanded that IR
should account for its knowledge and methods, claiming that in the last 70 or so years
of existence, IR could neither boast of an impressive intellectual fortune nor
demonstrate a legacy of inclusiveness and justice. The collapse of the Soviet Union
further added to the discomfort of conventional IR; and this was followed by the civil
war in Yugoslavia, which also collapsed – not because of any external assault but as a
result of internal destabilization, the main cause of which was internal ethnic conflict.
Security and IR experts could hardly have imagined that at the end of the 20th

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century, ethnic cleansing and rape could become some of the most important
strategies of war and its causes.

Under the circumstances, there was the emergence of constructivism as the fourth
paradigm in both American and British/continental IR. The main issue in much of
constructivism is how actors/agents, issue areas, and structures of international
relations are shaped/co-shaped by ideas, norms, rules, and values that are not, in the
strictest sense, rational. While in the early 1980s, the pivot of the debate had lain
between the rationalists and the critical theorists, the main area of competition now
lay between the rationalists and the constructivists. Constructivism provided a large
enough umbrella to accommodate post-modernism, and by extension, some amount
of feminist thought.

It is in this background that feminist interventions in IR theory can be cited. A few

British women had written, some radically/critically in the 1980s, and had contributed
to the foundations of a feminist IR tradition. This also had a historical background in
the feminist movement of the 1960s, which laid the political and epistemological
groundwork for the study and analyses of ‘malestream’ theories. By the 1980s,
women’s studies programs were in place, and conferences and workshops introduced
feminist thinking to mainstream scholars in Britain and America. In fact, by 1990,
there was a Feminist Theory and Gender Studies (FTGS) section in the International
Studies Association. However, the issue of whether gender should be included in the
study of IR goes back to a seminar at the London School of Economics in 1988, the
proceedings of which were subsequently published in a volume of Millennium.5
Since then, there have been many feminist scholars who have written on how
‘gender’ or women’s issues affect international relations, but before reviewing that, it
is important to briefly discuss some of the pioneering works that questioned
mainstream theory and gave a feminist interpretation of international relations, which
are, in fact, responsible for the place that ‘gender’ has gained today in the study of IR.
Among the early feminist theorists, three women stand out for their interventions in
IR theory – Jean Bethke Elshtain, Cynthia Enloe, and Ann Tickner. Their writings
revealed theoretical deficiencies across the field. In “Women and War: Ten Years
On”, Elshtain took up the core IR issue of war and discussed the ‘dubious’ claims of
IR knowledge. Enloe in Bananas, Beaches, and Bases among narratives of various
feats/ (de)feats of women, brings up the issue of nationalism: she claims that
nationalism which is ever so important a factor in state formation, rarely, if ever,
takes women’s experiences as the point of departure, springing typically, from
“masculinized memory, masculinized humiliations, and masculinized hope”. She
adds that colonialism too sprang from masculinized dreams of power and adventure.
Militarized national movements draw her attention: “the more imminent and coercive

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the threat posed by an outside power – a foreign force or the local government’s
police – the more successful men in the community are likely to be in persuading
women to keep quiet, to swallow their grievances and their analyses”. As examples,
she cites the cases of Afghanistan and the Palestinian people – “the militarization of
Afghanistan [by the Soviet Union] has proved disastrous for women; during the
intifada in the Palestinian region, masculine ‘tradition’ gained strength. She points out
through her narratives about women like Pocahontas and Carmen Miranda, as well as
Filipina nannies, who are the creation of international debt politics, that the ‘political’
exists internationally and does not stop at one’s doorstep; as such, IR’s usual
knowledge contains little of value in the study of women and gender, and wars and
security.

Similarly, Tickner’s Gender in International Relations worked at basics to consider a

reappraisal of security defined in Realist terms from the feminist standpoint. She
presents ‘women’ as a gender group that is made to exist apart from the subject
matter of IR and international relations, fields that are dominated by men and their
concerns. However, women are often under threat as a result of IR’s projections of
masculine experiences as human/ universal experiences. She notes that the multiple
streams of feminist thinking – liberal, Marxist, radical, socialist, post-modern – all
raise questions about how “hierarchical gender relations are interrelated with other
forms of domination” and how “women are affected by global politics or the
workings of the world economy”. Tickner focuses almost exclusively on American IR
and sketches the positions of Realism, IPE, and international environmental studies
noting that the field and its challengers do not consider women and gender hierarchies
in ways that feminist analysis requires. For example, she raises some relevant
questions regarding economic nationalism and IPE. She says that the state and not the
individual is the main actor in economic nationalism. States strive for economic self-
sufficiency in their national interest. They induce war with other states for economic
reasons and thereby insecurity; Tickner asks, who is it and whose interest does the
state actually ‘protect’? Why exactly are women rendered insecure at the lower ends
of the economic nationalist state? These questions reach the bone of international
political and economic thinking. Her objective (unlike that of Elshtain and Enloe) is
to locate feminist IR in official IR, integrating feminist perspectives into IR as the
first step toward new International Relations that will transcend gender.

Earlier studies also focused on male and female styles of functioning in public
office,9 and this too has relevance to international relations because styles of
functioning can affect foreign relations. Feminist writers characterized the male style
as adversarial, rational, hierarchical, competitive, authoritarian, and product-oriented,
while the female style was seen as empathetic, collaborative, participatory,

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supportive, meditative, and process-oriented. Sara Ruddick extended this further with
the concept of ‘maternal thinking – the view that the practice of mothering provides a
foundation for the resistance to militarism and other forms of violence.10 The
opposite side is that men are adversarial and therefore prone to war.

Feminist analysts also critiqued the idea of stable, homogenous identities emerging
from the synthesis of state identity, and provided alternate conceptions of collective
identities which were not tied to the territorial boundaries of the nation-state, ‘gender’
being the most natural and most tangible of such identities, all other identities, as
mentioned earlier, being ‘constructs’. Feminist scholars like Nina Yuval-Davis, Floya
Anthias, Mary Russo, and others emphasized the relevance of gender in the
understanding of the nation-state, and the significance of women, sexuality, and
family as symbols in the ‘reproduction’ of the nation and its boundaries.11 The
symbolism of the nation as female, as a ‘beloved motherland’, is a powerful image in
war and conflict: its citizens will rush to the defence of the motherland, a female
body, whose violation will not be tolerated. This also helps to explain the gendered
significance of rape during wars. Women are depicted as the custodian of a nation’s
honour, and therefore, violating a woman is equal to violating the nation’s honour.
The bearing of arms or the ‘warrior ethic’ is seen as a male domain, and from the time
of Aristotle, this justified male citizenship and woman’s exclusion from the public
sphere, and even the ‘engendering’ of the contemporary political community. There
is, however, a crucial linkage between masculinity, feminity, and the making of war.
Radical feminists note that both militarism and sexism are maintained by a masculine
‘macho’ view of the world that suggests that social order must be maintained by
force, men being by nature aggressive. In this view, aggression and violence are
related to a cultural emphasis on masculinity. Research on peace movements, on the
other hand, indicates that while women by nature may not be peace-loving, the
obligation to care that is engendered through the woman’s mothering role may result
in more empathy and less violence. According to these feminists, understanding, this
is a step towards understanding what kind of structures can be built while working
towards resolving conflicts, since they feel that there is a linkage between militarism,
masculinity, and other forms of domination, including sexism. These feminist
scholars suggest therefore that there should be a rethinking of the approach to security
issues, which is one of the main components of IR, the question being whether gender
can be ‘securitized’.

Conventional IR is a study of states, non-state actors, and market transactions, where

neither man nor woman figures by himself or herself, the focus being on impersonal
actors, structures, and systems processes. Yet in this abstract system, there appears to
be a structuring-out of women and their activities, and this affects how people think

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about empirical international relations and the political economy. Feminist scholars,
on the other hand, study men, women and social relations within, across and against
conceptual frameworks, and this study led to the realization that what was so far
taken to be inclusive problematics, concepts and theories, objective methodologies
and transcendental truths, were in reality, not so. IR’s concepts, knowledge and
methodologies bore the mark of their collective and individual creators, who were
marked by gender, race, class and culture.13 According to Sandra G Harding,
“Women and men cannot understand or explain the world we live in or the real
choices we have as long as the sciences describe and explain the world primarily from
the perspectives of the lives of the dominant groups”.

Feminist theorists are therefore concerned with what is missing in IR theory as well
as in the durable actors, structures and processes of the world. They question whether
the absence of women and gender in IR is warranted, theoretically and empirically, or
have women and their political and economic activities have been structured out of
international relations by levels of analysis that do not apply to men and their
activities, even though conventional IR is supposed to be about abstract actors,
structures and systems. How can IR talk about continuities and discontinuities if it
does not recognize women’s agency? Why is there silence in IR about the global
structures of male dominance which affect IPE?

Feminist interventions in IR are diverse but all are concerned about the invisibility of
gender issues within mainstream IR theory. They also agree that visibility requires
considerable analysis of the points in the international system and the theories that
depict it, where women’s understandings and contributions are choked off and men’s
are taken as the norm. Harding discusses three epistemological approaches that
examine androcentrism in mainstream IR theory – empiricism, standpoint, and post-
modernism.15 She critiques them for not providing a theoretically complete
understanding of the reigning understandings of IR or IPE, but they are significant,
nonetheless, because they helped to identify distortions and systemic denials in
theories that assume that women and their activities are either pointless in the
understand ing of IR or are subsumed within men’s activities. Although each of these
theories focuses on different aspects of women’s exclusion, they all believe that
unveiling the deceptions begin with examining the base of the structures and
conventions of IR.

Empiricist feminist scholars claimed that the social sciences were not free from
gender biases partly because male academics did not worry about how being men
could distort their intellectual work and they could unknowingly be influenced by
prevailing views about men and women. Carol Gilligan, for instance, has shown the

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Kohlberg scale of moral reasoning tests conformity with men’s ethical concerns: one
test showed that while boys think that justice is the most important moral value, girls,
who are not the usual subjects of study, pay more importance to the ethics of care.16
Feminist empiricists argued that there are some underlying biases in IR and IPE
theories that distorted the outcome of theorizing. Among such biases, ‘rationality’ and
the ‘single society’ must be mentioned along with the functional bias and the bias of
impersonal actors and structures. The rationality argument figures strongly in Realism
and neorealism, but this may be derived from the unexplored assumption that men are
motivated by ‘rational’ considerations. States, bureaucracies, trade regimes, etc that
appear in IR and IPE theory are personifications of ‘Real (White) Men”, that is,
mainstream theory and case studies unwittingly accept idealized Western, masculine
qualities as the norm. Therefore, while the core concepts of the discipline may make
sense to Western white men, there is a hidden fallacy underlying these theories
because of the root bias of ‘rationality’. As such, states become ‘gendered’ – that is
they are unitary actors that calculate their uses.

Similarly, the ‘single society bias’ critiques world systems theory noting that while
several overlapping realms of activity may be recognized by transnationalism,
neorealists, and others, the obvious awareness of plurality does not extend to the
realm of gender, even though, presumably men and women live together in ‘the’
world system, ‘the’ state system or ‘the’ international system, which should mean that
there are shared perspectives, norms, and values. Feminists, however, suspect that
women are forced to occupy rather separate societies, and the state system only
appears gender unitary. Maria Mies traces the emergence of two male-identified
societies historically: (a) the class society of capitalism, which world systems
theorists acknowledge, and (b) the unacknowledged society of patriarchy. Of the two,
the second is perhaps older, perhaps because of biology: women could produce
without tools through pregnancy and lactation, but men, being unable to do so,
became the wielders of tools – the tool-oriented, nation-dominating sex – and
therefore the dominant class. Patriarchy conditions women to be household caretakers
rather than the keepers of the tools and offices in the public sphere. In current times
too, Mies recognizes a capitalist-patriarchal re-division of labour that manipulate
ideology to make producer-housewives in both the developed and the developing
world separate from the so-called ‘real’ breadwinners. Women, therefore, form an
“unintended aggregate” quite different from the capitalist patriarchal society.

Feminist scholars have also reflected on other biases that structure women out of
official significance in IR They show that historical trends in the emerging
international system were very likely misogynist as well as racist and classist. Both
the state and the market became communities of men. If the social biases that the

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process of state and market formation wrought are eliminated from the biased
scientific research of mainstream theory, women will reappear.

As far as feminist standpoint theory is concerned, it claims an epistemic privilege

over the character of gender relations, and of social and psychological phenomena in
which gender is implicated, on behalf of the standpoint of women. The privilege is
relative to theories that justify patriarchy or reflect sexist assumptions. Various
feminist standpoint theories ground the claim of epistemic privilege in different
features of women's social situations.18 They focus on centrality, cognitive style,
collective self-consciousness, and women’s oppression. First, women have more
access to knowledge because they are central to the system of reproduction and caring
for the needs of everyone in the household; they are therefore better able to see how
patriarchy fails to meet people’s needs. Men, in virtue of their dominant position,
have the privilege of ignoring how their actions undermine the interests of
subordinates.19 Another view is that male dominance is based on sexual
objectification, a process involving epistemic mystification. Men constitute women as
women by representing their natures as essentially sexually subordinate to men and
treating them accordingly. 20 Women can unmask these ideological
misrepresentations by achieving and acting on a shared understanding of themselves
as women—that is, as a social group unjustly constituted by sexual objectification.
Women act collectively on this shared understanding in resisting the sexist
representations made of them, through campaigns against sexual harassment,
pornography, restrictions on reproductive freedom, etc. Thus, collective self-
consciousness is necessary to end male dominance. Some early versions of standpoint
theory accept feminist object relations theory, which explains the development of
stereotypical feminine and masculine traits in terms of the different problems of
identity formation faced by male and female children who are raised by female
caregivers.21 Object relations theory postulates that male children form their
distinctive masculine identities by separating themselves from their mothers, a task
that psychologically involves an anxious rejection of the feminine and a continuous
need to maintain distance and boundaries by controlling and denigrating the feminine.
Female children gain a sense of their gender identity through identification with their
mothers, and so are more comfortable with a blurring of boundaries between self and
other. The development of gender identities leads males and females to acquire
distinctively masculine and feminine cognitive styles. The masculine cognitive style
is abstract, theoretical, disembodied, emotionally detached, analytical, deductive,
quantitative, atomistic, and oriented toward values of control or domination. The
feminine cognitive style is concrete, practical, embodied, emotionally engaged,
synthetic, intuitive, qualitative, relational, and oriented toward values of care. These
cognitive styles are reinforced through the distinctive types of labour assigned to men

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and women, men having a near monopoly on the theoretical sciences, war-making,
and on positions of political and economic power calling for detachment and control;
and women being assigned to hands-on emotional care for others. The feminine
cognitive style is said to be epistemically superior because it overcomes the
dichotomy between the subject and object of knowledge and because ethics of care is
superior to ethics of domination.22 The final feminine standpoint mentioned here is
oppression. Here, theorists point out that women are oppressed, and therefore it is in
their interest to reveal this oppression. Men’s privileged position enables them to
ignore how their actions oppress women as a class. This line of thinking helped in the
development of black epistemology in the US. Patricia Collins, for instance, grounds
black feminist epistemology in black women's personal experiences of racism and
sexism, and cognitive styles associated with black women.

In feminist standpoint theory, the feminist is the transformer. She enhances her
agency by putting her lived experiences on the same plane, if not a higher plane than
the woman-denying authority. The question here, therefore, is, whether there is a
woman’s standpoint in IR and IPE. Is there a relation between the social construction
of males as men, for instance, on the topics that IR analysts consider to be within the
field? The importance of this area of reasoning lies in the deconstruction of
abstractions that may be invisibly gender-marked. In this sense, it is a type of critical
theory that aims to empower the oppressed.

The third stream of feminist theory that critiques IR theory is post-modernism.

Feminist post-modernists advise researchers to assume a position of uncertainty about
“the self, gender, knowledge, social relations, and culture” as understood through
linear, teleological, hierarchical, holistic, or binary ways of thinking and being. For
them, reality can have an ‘a structure only if the perspective of the dominant group is
falsely universalized. They also object to accounts of womanhood that are not
sensitive to history and which ignore class, race, culture, and lived experiences.
Harding suggests that we should expect differences in cognitive style and world
views from people engaged in different activities.24 There can be no ‘a’ feminist
standpoint because women are engaged in many activities in different class structures,
races etc. There are therefore intersecting and simultaneous realities within a pro-
woman framework. The concern with women as the ‘other’ emanated largely from
the writings of white middle-class western women whose generalizations were
grounded in their own experiences. 25 Post-modernism, therefore, gave space to
women who felt excluded, including Afro-American women from the Americas and
Third World post-colonial women. Chandra Mohanty has analyzed the writings on
Third World women by several western feminists and concluded that they “. . .
colonize the material and historical heterogeneities of the lives of women in the third

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world, thereby producing/ re-presenting a composite, singular ‘third- world woman’ -

an image which appears arbitrarily constructed but carries with it the authorizing
signature of western humanist discourse . . .”26 The representation of Third World
women as uniformly poor, powerless and vulnerable while western women are
educated, modern and sexually liberated distorts women’s multiple realities and
makes coalitions between western (usually white) feminists and working-class
feminists and women of colour difficult to sustain.

One other area of feminist intervention is development, which is part of the widened
notion of IR. The development carries within it the issues of labour, productivity,
welfare, and the distribution of benefits. For functionalist scholars, the emergence of
the nuclear family model under Western industrialization and modernization, with its
accompanying sexual division of labour, was deemed rational and advantageous to
the reproduction of the family. Hence, the normative condition within communities of
European descent was that women were expected to specialize in (unpaid) domestic
labour, while men were in wage labour. Ester Boserup’s seminal work, Women’s
Role in Economic Development helped to produce a distinct feminist vision of the
development process which challenged the assumption that the benefits of
development would automatically trickle down to the poor; she pointed to the
declining status of women as a clear indication to the contrary. She identified the
tendency to utilize male labour in paid employment in the modern sector as being
detrimental to women. The few opportunities available to women in the modern
sector meant that they were largely bound to the informal and subsistence sectors. In
the urban sector, women were concentrated in the informal sector typified by petty
trading and prostitution, while men were disproportionately placed in wage labour, a
function of the prevailing norms of male privilege in training and access to credit. So,
while men were advancing in the modern sector, women were seen as languishing in
the informal sector which resulted in the reproduction of women’s dependence on
men.

Welfarism was the first approach to women’s development issues, and the 1970s saw
an extension of Western liber ideologies addressing itself to relief and aid for
vulnerable groups, part of which was directed towards family planning targeting
women. Women in Development (WID), a women’s caucus that emerged from the
Society for International Development, criticized the welfare approach for its
paternalistic perpetuation of existing gender roles, and thereby dependence, rather
than on individual autonomy.28 Welfarism was seen as the expression of sexist, sex-
role socialization which deprived women of participation in productive life, focusing
as it did on mother and child health and nutrition, stereotyping the needs of women as

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those of a homemaker rather than a productive person with needs that included access
to skills and credit.

Women’s issues in development were brought to the international limelight through

official United Nations conferences (Mexico City, Copenhagen, Nairobi, Beijing),
which gave legitimacy to the broad platform of feminist activists at both the national
and international levels. In the struggle to articulate women’s viewpoints, competing
ideologies engaged each other. Women from developed countries stressed equality
between men and women, while their counterparts from developing countries
emphasized the satisfaction of basic material needs as the pressing issue in the
context of a disadvantageous international economic order. Women from socialist
states claimed that equality between men and women already existed. They
emphasized the importance of class and national hierarchies in determining access to
resources. The difference between Women and Development (WAD) and Gender and
Development (GAD) marks the distinction between a class and gender-centred
analysis.

In terms of theory, feminist scholars have critiqued both capitalist and Marxist views
of the state. For instance, in capitalist economies, the market is viewed as the core of
economic activity. Labour force participation and productivity are seen in terms of
market value; unremunerated work, usually women’s work, therefore, is not counted
as productive. Feminist scholars have critiqued Marxist and critical scholarship in
global political economy (GPE) as being gender blind. Marxist class bias ignores
gender, the key actors being social classes, and the key conflict, class conflict.
Critical theorists have also failed to explore the gender dimensions of inequality, and
therefore the gender-specific impact of globalization and liberalization, structural
adjustments, debt, and the feminization of poverty, though long recognized in
development literature have not been theorized.29 Here, feminist empiricists,
standpoint theorists, and postmodernists have all made contributions, particularly
because of an intra-feminist debate regarding gynocentrism, Third World women,
universalization in standpoint theory, etc.

Feminist analysis has also examined how far structural adjustment programs and state
transitions have led to the feminization of poverty, that is, how far can the increase in
the poverty of women, especially in female-headed households is the result of the
gendered effects of policies of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund
(IMF) as well as policies like Reaganomics, and the restructuring of post-Soviet
transition societies. Since women, as noted by feminist theories are concentrated in
the informal sector or subsistence agriculture, they have remained largely invisible to
decision-makers (mainly male), even though they play a role in the restructuring of

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the global economy.31 IR feminists have attempted to analyze the cause of this
invisibility and they find that it lies not only in the global economy but also in the
discipline of IR itself because IR theory does not possess the concepts to study the
status of women in GPE. While some of their analysis is close to critical theory
because they try to show how hierarchical structures of class and race together with
gender act and react with the boundaries of the state, and how these interactions affect
GPE, feminist theorists vary in their prescriptions and methodologies. Some post-
colonial theorists question the imposition of Western categories of analysis of women
of the South, while others believe that despite inequalities in remuneration, women’s
earnings have improved their status in the developing world.32 So far as
methodologies are concerned, there is a definite tilt towards empirical studies that
draw on both global and local knowledge in an attempt to understand GPE.

What then are the contributions of feminist interventions in IR theory? Here, a

quotation from an article by Robert Keohane, which was itself a response and a
critique of Ann Tickner’s questioning of IR theory, is pertinent:

Feminists give us wise advice to dispense with sexist dichotomies. I think that
conversations among students of international relations-nonfeminist,
feminists, neofeminists, and quasi-feminist will be advanced if we extend this
advice to common but misleading dichotomies about theory and method in our
disciple. We need more cogent continent generalizations about international
relations scientific because based on publicly known methods and checked by
a community of scholars working both critically and cooperatively. This
generalization will not stand forever no science does but if successful they
could command wider inter-subjective agreement forming the basis for more
discriminating and subtle analysis. The questions asked and the methods will
reflect our preoccupations and critical dissatisfaction as members of
particular societies at a particular time hence the finding will indeed be
socially constructed. Furthermore, in so far as these generalizations are
worthwhile, they will not claim excessive comprehensive events that follow
pathways created by individual action are unlikely to be meaningfully
explained by covering laws. Most of all we should all be sufficiently humble to
recognize that the point on which we have chosen to place our emphasis on
the tradeoffs we accept are not privileged.

Although Keohane questions the strength of Tickner’s arguments, pointing out that
the dichotomies that Tickner uses to critique IR theory are themselves problematic, he
incorporated some of the early feminist IR work into neoliberal institutionalism.
Feminist critique of existing theory, the reconceptualization of core concepts, and the

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expansion of empirical knowledge are some of the contributions of feminist theory to

IR. Feminists have questioned the ‘irrelevance’ of gender in mainstream theory,
which has entailed the recovery of women’s experiences, the recognition of gender-
based exclusion from decision-making roles, and the investigation of women’s
invisibility in international theory. Feminists have also raised very pertinent questions
regarding how women are ‘secured’ by the state in times of war and peace. Further,
and very importantly, feminist interventions in development theory have led to re-
thinking about development policy and the promotion of equitable access to
capabilities as state policy. And finally, more recently, feminists have troubled the
assumption that gendered security practices address only women and have started to
develop a variegated concept of masculinity to help explain security.

10.4 SUMMARY

In today’s fast-changing world, gender is now seen as an important factor in war and
peace. Actual empirical situations involving women in former Yugoslavia, the Darfur
crisis, and the attempts to reconstruct Afghanistan, have all demonstrated the truth of
some of the feminist interventions in IR theory. Recognizing the need for difference,
the post-genocide (1994) government has ensured the presence of a substantial
number of women in decision-making, particularly in the Rwandan parliament. The
adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 in October of 2000 was
a watershed because this resolution recognizes the role of women in peacebuilding
and the prevention and resolution of conflicts, and calls for the study of the impact of
conflict on women and girls. It marks the first time the United Nations has taken
formal action on gender issues in security matters. In the final analysis, the kind of
understanding and knowledge that feminist theory has given visibility to is a first step
towards the promotion of a more equal and peaceful world.

10.5 EXERCISE

1. What is feminism?
2. What is the feminist perspective in International Relations?
3. What is the importance of gender in the formulation of IR theories?
4. Discuss the socially constructed notion to make outside the females from
mainstream theories and public activities.
5. Examine the feminist criticism against mainstream IR theories.

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10.6 REFERENCE

Ann J Tickner, “Patriarchy”, Routledge Encyclopedia of International Political

Economy, Taylor and Francis, 2001, pp 1197-1198.

Lorraine Code, Lorraine Code. Encyclopedia of Feminist Theories, London; New

York: Routledge, 2002, PAGE, Netlibrary/eBook Collection, accessed 20 September
2013.

Heidi Hartmann, “The Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism”, in Linda

Nicholas, The Second Wave: A Reader in Feminist Theory, Routledge, New York,
1997.

See, for instance, Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World
Politics, (1977), 2nd ed., Columbia University Press, 1995; and Kenneth N. Waltz,
Theory of International Politics, Michigan University Press, Ann Arbor, 1979.

Special Edition, “Women and International Relations”, Millennium: Journal of

International Studies, vol. 17, no. 3, 1988. In 1998, Millennium published a 10th-
anniversary issue, “Gendering the ‘International’”, vol. 27, no. 4, 1998.

Some of Elshtain’s notable books and articles are Public Man, Private Woman:
Women in Social and Political Thought (1981); “Reflections on War and Political
Discourse”, Political Theory, vol. 13, no. 1, 1985; Women and War (1987);
RealPolitics: At the Center of Everyday Life (1997); “Women and War: Ten Years
On”, Review of International Studies, vol. 24, no. 4, 1998.

Among Cynthia Enloe’s work, some are worth mentioning: Does Khaki Become you?
The Militarization of Women’s Lives (1983); The Morning After Sexual Politics at
the End of the Cold War (1993); “Margins, Silences and Bottom Rungs: How to
Overcome the Underestimation of Power in the Study of International Relations”, in
Steve Smith, Ken Booth and Marysia Zalewski, eds., International Theory: Beyond

Positivism (1996); Maneuvers: The International Politics of Militarizing Women’s

Lives (2000); Bananas, Beaches and Bases; Making Sense of International Politics
(2000);

The important works of Ann Tickner are Gender in International Relations: Feminist
Perspectives on Achieving Global Security (1992); Self-Reliance vs Political Power:
The American and Indian Experiences in the Building Nation States (1987); “Hans
Morgenthau’s Principles of Political Realism: A Feminist Reformulation”,
Millennium, vol. 17, no. 3, 1988, pp 429-440; “You Just Don’t Understand: Troubled

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Engagements between Feminists and IR Theorists”, International Studies Quarterly,

vol. 41, 1997; Gendering World Politics: Issues and Approaches in the Post-Cold War
Era (2001).

See, for instance, Carol Gilligan, “Moral Orientation and Moral Development”, in
Eva A Kiltary and Diana T Meyers, Women and Moral Theory, Rowman and
Littlefield, Ottawa, Lanham, Maryland, 1987; Rosabeth Moss Kanter, Men and
Women of the Corporations, Basic Books, New York, 1977; Sally Helgesen, The
Female Advantage: Women’s Ways of Leadership, Doubleday, New York, 1990.

Sara Ruddick, Maternal Thinking: Towards a Politics of Peace, Beacon Press,

Boston, 1989; Nancy Chodorow, The Reproduction of Mothering: Psychoanalysis
and the Sociology of Gender, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1978.

Nina Yuval-Davis, Floya Anthias, “Introduction”, in Women, Nation, State,

Macmillan, Basingstoke, 1989; Andrew Parker, Mary Russo, Doris Sommer, Patricia
Yaeger, eds., Nationalism and Sexualities, Routledge, London, 1991; Suruchi Thapar,
“Women as Activists; Women as Symbols: A Study of the Indian National
Movement”, Feminist Review, vol. 44, 1993, pp 81-96.

See line Hansen, “The Little Mermaid’s Silent Security Dilemma and the Absence of
Gender in the Copenhagen School”, Millennium, vol. 29, no. 2, 2000, p 285 ff. See
also, Marysia Zalewski and Jane Parpart, The ‘Man’ Question in International
Relations, Westview Press, Boulder, 1998.

Sandra G Harding, The Science Question in Feminism, Cornell University Press,

1986.

Sandra G Harding, Whose Science? Whose Knowledge?: Thinking from Women’s

Lives, Cornell University Press, 1986.

Carol Gilligan, In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women’s

Development, Harvard University Press, 1982.

Maria Mies, Patriarchy and Accumulation on a World Scale:Women in the

International Division of Labor, Zed, London, 1986.

Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, “Feminist Epistemology and Philosophy of

Science”, 2011, available at http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/feminism-
epistemology/#empiricism, accessed 29 September 2013.

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Nancy Hartsock, “The Feminist Standpoint: Developing the Ground for a Specifically
Feminist Historical Materialism”, in Sandra Harding, ed., Feminism and
Methodology: Social Science Issues, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1987.

Catherine MacKinnon, Towards a Feminist Theory of the State, Harvard University

Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1999.

Dorothy Smith, “Women’s Perspective as a Radical Critique of Sociology”,

Sociological Inquiry, vol. 44, 1974, pp 7-13; Chodorow, n. 10.

Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, n. 18.

Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought, Unwin Hyman, Boston, 1990.

Harding, n. Jane L Parpart, “Who is the ‘Other’?: A Postmodern Feminist Critique of

Women and Development Theory and Practice”, Development and Change, vol. 24,
no. 3, published online 22 Oct 2008, available at
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-7660.1993.tb00492.x/pdf, accessed
29 September 2013.

Chandra Mohanty, “Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial

Discourses”, Feminist Review, vol. 30 1988, pp 61-88; see also Chandra Mohanty,
Ann Russo, Lourdes Torres, eds., Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism,
Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1991.

Ester Boserup, Women’s Role in Economic Development, St Martin’s Press, New

York, 1970.

Barbara Rogers, The Domestication of Women: Discrimination in Developing

Societies, St Martin’s Press, New York, 1980.

Christine Sylvester, “The Emperor’s Theories and Transformations: Looking at the

Field Through Feminist Lenses”, in Christine Sylvester and D. Pirages,
Transformations in Global Political Economy, Macmillan, London; Sandra
Whitworth, “Gender in the Inter-paradigm Debate”, Millennium, vol. 18, no. 2, 1989,
pp 267 ff.

On Third World development and women’s needs, some important works are Gita
Sen and Karen Grown, Development, Crises and Alternative Visions: Third World
Women’s Perspectives, Monthly Review Press, New York, 1987; Mohanty, n. 26
(1991); Kumari Jayawardena, Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World, Zed
Books, London, 1986; Naila Kabeer, “‘Rethinking Development from a Gender

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Perspective: Some Insights from the Decade”, paper presented at the Conference on
Women and Gender in Southern Africa, University of Natal, Durban (30 January-2
February 1991; World Bank, Kenya: The Role of Women in Economic Development,
Washington, DC: IBRD, 1989.

Marianne H Marchand, “Reconceptualizing ‘Gender and Development’ in an Era of

Globalization”, Millennium, vol. 25, no. 3, 1996; Commonwealth Expert Group on
Women and Structural Adjustment, Engendering Adjustment for the 1990s,
Commonwealth Secretariat, London, 1989.

Linda Lim, “Women’s Work in Export Factories: The Politics of a Cause”, in Irene
Tinker, ed., Persistent Inequalities: Women and World Development, Oxford
University Press, Oxford, 1990; April A Gordon, Transforming Capitalism and
Patriarchy: Gender and Development in Africa, Lynne Rienner, Boulder, 1996.

Robert O Keohane, “Beyond Dichotomy: Conversations between International

Relations and Feminist Theory”, International Studies Quarterly, vol. 42, 1998, p 196.

Eric M Blanchard, Gender, International Relations and the Development of Feminist

Security Theory”, available at http://people.reed.edu/~ahm/Courses/Reed-POL-240-
2012- S1_IP/Syllabus/EReadings/05.1/05.1.zFurther_Blanchard2003Gender.pdf,
accessed 29th September 2013.

See also Sanjukta Banerji Bhattacharya, “Gender and the Study of International
Relations”, in Anindyo J Majumdar and Shibashis Chatterjee, Understanding Global
Politics: Issues and Trends, Lancer’s Books, New Delhi, 2004

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UNIT-11: COLONIALISM AND POST-COLONIALISM IN

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Structure
11.1 Objective
11.2 Introduction
11.3 Colonialism
11.4 Post-Colonialism
11.5 Post-Colonialism in International Relations
11.6 Three Movements in Post-Colonial
11.7 Summary
11.8 Exercise
11.9 Reference

11.1 OBJECTIVE

After reading this unit, you will be able to understand;

• The concept of colonialism and its relations with international relations.
• The idea of post-colonialism
• The contribution of post-Colonialism theory to international relations.
• The relevance of post-colonial theory in contemporary international relations.

11.2 INTRODUCTION

Post-colonialism along with other alternative approaches made a very late entry into
international relations studies. Its reception has been lukewarm amongst mainstream
practitioners of international relations. Its core concerns are often not included in any
discussion within international relations textbooks. Its claims to a status of ‘theory’
have often been refuted by conventional international relations scholars. While
middle ground theory like Social Constructivism has gained importance and is
viewed as a ‘legitimate theory’ other alternative approaches have yet to gain such
recognition. The alternative approaches (to social sciences) as the name suggests offer
alternative perspectives, shifting focus from positivist and rationalist to more
interpretive and hermeneutic-based theories. In international relations studies, these
approaches described as ‘critical theories’ by Robert Cox (Cox, 1981) made a late
entry, almost as late as the 1980s but have gained visibility only in the last decade or
so. Amongst these post-colonialism is one of the last, preceded by post-structuralism
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and feminism. Cox has referred to the dominant theories such as realism as
‘explanatory’ or ‘problem-solving’ theories while alternative or ‘critical’ theories
focus on how the social world is constituted through critical thinking and reflection.
For the latter, the world is not taken as a pre-determined fact but the focus is on how
‘reality’ comes into being through social relations of power and domination,
inclusions and exclusions.

Explanatory theories also known as rationalist theories in international relations

studies include Realism, Liberalism and some strands of Marxism. These remained
the only recognized theories in understanding international politics until the 1980s.
By the end of the Cold War, their monopoly in understanding international politics
diminished giving scope for alternative perspectives which came to be labelled as
post-positivist or alternative theories. The dominant rationalist theories that came to
be identified as explanatory theories were conservative in nature, taking the world as
a given while the critical approaches by highlighting relations of domination and
subordination sought a change in the international system. There is a great deal of
overlap among alternative theories but they also differ from one another (Ballis,
Smith and Ownes 2008).

11.3 COLONIALISM

Colonialism is a practice or policy of control by one people or power over other

people or areas, often by establishing coloniesand generally with the aim of economic
dominance. In the process of colonization, colonisers may impose their religion,
language, economics, and other cultural practices. Foreign administrators rule the
territory in pursuit of their interests, seeking to benefit from the colonised region's
people and resources. It is associated with but distinct from imperialism.
Though colonialism has existed since ancient times, the concept is most strongly
associated with the European colonial period starting with the 15th century when
some European states established colonising empires. At first, European colonising
countries followed policies of mercantilism, aiming to strengthen the home-country
economy, so agreements usually restricted the colony to trading only with
the metropole (mother country). By the mid-19th century, however, the British
Empire gave up mercantilism and trade restrictions and adopted the principle of free
trade, with few restrictions or tariffs.
Christian missionaries were active in practically all of the European-controlled
colonies because the metropoles were Christian. Historian Philip Hoffman calculated
that by 1800, before the Industrial Revolution, Europeans already controlled at least
35% of the globe, and by 1914, they had gained control of 84% of the globe. In
the aftermath of World War II colonial powers retreated between 1945 and 1975;

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over which time nearly all colonies gained independence, entering into changed
colonial, so-called postcolonial and neocolonialist relations.
Post-colonialism and neocolonialism have continued or shifted relations and
ideologies of colonialism, justifying its continuation with concepts such
as development and new frontiers, as in exploring outer space for colonization.

11.4 POST-COLONIALISM

Post-colonialism focuses on colonial forms of power and the continuing dominance

of race and cultural hierarchies in world politics. Both its proponents and critics have
differing conceptions of what post-colonialism is or its definition. While the
proponents argue that the unbroken term, ‘post-colonialism’ is more sensitive to the
long history of colonial consequences, some of its critics invoke the hyphenated form
‘post-colonialism’ as a decisive temporal marker of the decolonizing process (Gandhi
1998). Still, others maintain that it implies a chronological separation between
colonialism and its aftermath- because the postcolonial condition is inaugurated with
the onset rather than the end of colonial occupation, where the condition can be
referred to as ‘postcoloniality’ and the theory that deals with the condition as, ‘post-
colonialism’ (Gandhi,1998). Chakravorty Spivak maintains that ‘we live in a post-
colonial neo-colonized world,’ (Chaktavarty 1990), while Homi Bhabha regards
postcoloniality as a salutary reminder of the persistent “neo-colonial” relations within
the “new” world order and the multi-national division of labour’(Bhabha, 1994). In
short, colonialism, as conventionally defined in terms of formal settlement and
control of other people’s land and goods, is generally over, but many of its structures
and relations of power are still in place. The post in post-colonialism is not, therefore,
to be understood as a dividing temporal post, but rather as an indication of continuity.
8 The newly emergent postcolonial nations desire to forget their colonial past but they
cannot undo or disown the burdens of their colonial inheritance. Their interactions
with the other nation-states are always underlined by their colonial past; according to
postcolonial scholars, racial overtones are existent and play a role in these
interactions (Abrahamsen, 2007).

11.5 POST-COLONIALISM IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Postcolonial theory largely focuses on the experiences of non-Western societies and

questions the implicit universalistic claims of Western knowledge and experiences as
representative of human nature and all of mankind. Especially in the discipline of
International Relations, they argue Eurocentrism has been the force that single-
handedly and inevitably shaped the discourse. Postcolonial theorists maintain that

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through its imperialistic and colonizing past the West created and shaped the world in
its image. By claiming superiority of the European experience and the development
and history of the European continent the modern nation-state system that undergirds
the world of international relations is taken as a pre-given determined ‘fact’ rather
than a socially constituted system which emerged under extreme colonial violence
both internally within Europe and concerning its colonies. Armed with the sole claim
to reason and scientific understanding the 'West', labelled the 'rest' as native, heathen,
uncivilized and irrational as opposed to the white European male who saw himself as
Man, Christian, civilized and rational. The images of the Occident and the Orient as
two opposing systems of thought and ideas are reproduced by the Eurocentric bias in
scientific research.

A legacy of the Enlightenment, Europe considered itself to be uniquely endowed with

modern traits such as reason, science and technology; therefore, Europeans decided
that it was their mission to ‘civilize’ or to spread these ideas and norms to the rest of
the world and dictate the direction, which non-Western societies in the world were to
take. One of the most important tools to succeed and legitimize this task was science.
Literature, history, philosophy, and anthropology were all used to remake distinctly
European experiences. Regional Europe became global and universal and non-
Western cultures, arts, and sciences were degraded to folklore, myths, and shamanism
(Grovogal,2007).

According to postcolonial theorists, language plays an important role in the West

establishing its power relations; often the binary ‘us’ versus ‘them’ such as a ‘clash of
civilizations’ is arguedas a re-statement of colonial relations. This kind of ‘othering’
plays a key role in formulating practices in the international arena. Postcolonial
theorists following the French philosopher Michel Foucault try to uncover the power
relations that lie beneath these practices or what they call ‘discourses’ (the way
‘practices’ are thought and spoken about through speech and writing) to expose them
as specific to Western culture and not ‘universal’. Thus they shift the terms of the
debate from assumed equality between sovereign states in an anarchic self-help
system (a la realist) to power hierarchies between dominant and subordinate groups
using the categories of race, gender and class. These often do cut across national
boundaries and the separation between the inside or domestic and outside or
international is questioned (Naeem and Blaney, 2004).

Postcolonial scholars argue that a singular focus on a class or capitalist political

economy as advocated by many Marxists is not adequate but the importance of
culture and identity is stressed with an equally if not more important emphasis placed
on race, ethnicity, gender, religion and other markers of cultural identity (Chowdhry

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and Nair, 2004). Post-colonialism deals with these cultural themes because they
believe even though some approaches deal with one aspect they leave out the other
(like Marxist theories may not adequately deal with gender and even if they do so
may remain Eurocentric or draw from western feminism). For instance, Chandra
Talpade Mohanty arguing from a postcolonial perspective points out that western
feminists often create an image of a ‘Third World woman’ who does not have her
voice but must be spoken for (Mohanty, 1995). Thus postmodern feminist Christine
Sylvester suggests that feminists should be represented “without giving one among us
voice(s), interpretation(s), writing(s), word(s), brush and canvas (Chowdhry, 1004).
Hence, the major implications of post-colonialism in international relations studies
are issues of race, ethnicity, identity, gender, class, power, discourse, exploitation,
oppression and politics of what is defined as knowledge (Daddow, 2010) while
providing a challenge to ‘First Worldism.’ Some critics have described post-
colonialism as a dialectic between post-structuralism or postmodernism and Marxism,
where it tries to work towards a synthesis or negotiation of or between both modes of
thought (Gandhi, 1998).

The post-colonialist thinkers problematise what they see as the dominant way in
which the history of international relations is constructed in western terms and has
been used to justify imperialism and war. They also address how western nation-
states try to ‘reform’ developing nations in the same image as they like the one used
during the height of the colonial empires, i.e.as a ‘white man’s burden’. According to
postcolonial theorists, contemporary International Relations cannot be understood
without examining what one scholar calls the ‘colonial signs’ of global politics
(Muppidi, 2011). In other words, whether it is the rise of the nation-state system,
international law, human rights regime, sovereignty, or political economy
(capitalism)-they argue that all have origins in a violent colonial past that is silenced
in any understanding of present-day international relations. In short, to quote Sanjay
Seth et al, “postcolonialism, has directed its critical antagonism towards
universalizing knowledge claims of ‘western knowledge (Seth, 1998).

Methodologically many of them use Foucault’s ‘genealogical approach’ which draws

attention to the undetected and invisible power that propels some concepts into
prominence while muting some concepts or themes in international relations studies.
These scholars address various inequalities and silences within International relations.
They explore the power relations that govern international relations’ ways of
representing the world where colonial practices have given rise to exploitation,
alienation and repression. They aim at emphasizing how international relations theory
serves to naturalize that which is historically produced, whereas knowledge serves to

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constitute that which is claimed to be merely being represented or understood (Seth,

2011).

Edward Said in his Orientalism plots out different dimensions of power that shape
how the nonWest or the ‘Orient’ is understood by the West. Oliver Daddow argues
that the four most prominent ones are:
1. Power political: the establishment of colonial structures for governing foreign
territories
2. Power intellectuals: the subjection of the Orient to study linguistics,
historians, scientists and so on
3. Power cultural: orthodoxies, canons of taste, texts and values
4. Power moral: ideas about who ‘we’ and ‘they’ are, as well as how ‘we’ and
‘they’ think.

Postcolonial international relations scholars also draw inspiration from Frantz Fanon
(who deals with the role of class, race, national culture and violence and the deep
psychological effects of colonization on the colonized) and Ashis Nandy (who also
emphasizes the psychology of colonialism but highlights its effects on both the
colonizer and colonized within their societies). Homi K. Bhabha’s concept of
mimicry as a strategy of colonial power/knowledge has also influenced their
understanding, where inclusion and exclusion by the colonial master play a dominant
role by employing, similarity (resemblance to the masters) and dissimilarity. The
subaltern studies group has also influenced postcolonial theory, and its contributions
are consistent with the Gramscian emphasis onthe dialectic of culture and imperialism
and the relationship between ideology and material domination as pointed out by
Geeta Chowdhry and Sheila Nair (Chowdhry and Nair, 2004). More recently the
ideas and writings of M.K. Gandhi have also played an influential role in thinking
about how colonial violence cannot be separated from modern western ideas and that
modern western civilization itself is deeply flawed because of its way of looking at
the world (and itself) has been inherently colonizing.

11.6 THREE MOVEMENTS IN POST-COLONIAL

Philip Darby and Albert Paolini discuss three “overlapping but distinct movements”
in postcolonial scholarship that are useful to the study of IR (Chowdhry and Nair,
2004).
1. First Movement: Originated in the study of Third World fiction, and
interrogated representational practices in the service of colonialism, where
colonialism signifies “a continuing set of practices that are seen to prescribe
relations between the West and the Third World beyond the independence of
the former colonies” (Chowdhry and Nair, 2004).
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2. Second Movement: The second movement constituted a focus on the projects

of “resistance and recovery,” highlighted in the works of Memmi and Fanon
among others.
3. Third movement: The third movement in postcolonial studies, constituted the
“one world”movement according to Gandhi, which engages with the
“postcolonial desire for extra- or post-national solidarities and considers (s)
concepts and terms such as hybridity and ‘diaspora’ which have come to
characterize mixed or globalized culture.” (Chowdhry and Nair, 2004).

Post-colonialism’s apparent inability to offer a systematic and well-bounded

theoretical alternative to mainstream international relations theories is the primary
source of criticism against it. Post-colonialists respond by pointing out that their
objective is precisely to move away from these well-defined and abstract theories and
focus on the fragments, the world of experience, every day, the personal (which like
the feminists they say is also political), tell stories and engage in a relentless and
continuing critique of dominant paradigms. Postcolonial scholars argue this is the
spirit of their research and not to formulate abstract theories that appear to be
scientifically ‘objective’ but are in reality entirely subjective. They argue their
objective is to speak ‘truth to power and not formulate alternative theories that may
also become oppressive and silence others in the process. They see their roles
primarily as ‘social critics’ and not as theoreticians providing alternative theoretical
paths to follow. Other criticisms include a certain ‘pietism’ that critics argues is due
to post-colonials self -important posturing within academia (Seth, 1998). ArifDirlik
and Aijaz Ahmad among others have criticized postcolonial intellectuals for
opportunistically making a career out of ‘marginality’ and speaking on behalf of those
‘who cannot speak’. But despite these criticisms, postcolonial approaches have come
to occupy a place within academic circles which has allowed them to ‘become self-
critical and introspective’ as Sanjay Seth et al claim in Postcolonial Studies. They go
on further to state it is currently 'respectable, popular, publishable and pedagogically
secure.’

Various scholars within international relations have drawn insights from postcolonial
theory to construct a growing body of literature that can be identified as postcolonial
International Relations scholarship. However, scholars have emphasized different
aspects in their works. For instance, Sankaran Krishna highlights the importance of
race in international relations. His main argument is that there has been a 'wilful
amnesia' on the issue of race in constituting the discipline of international relations
itself (Krishna, 2001). The history of the world he says has been distorted in its
depictions since the so-called discovery of the 'New World by Christopher Columbus.
In trying to come to terms with something new and unexplained, Western Europe as a
result of the legacy of the Enlightenment viewed the Native American tribes in North

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America as the uncivilized and barbaric 'other' in opposition to the rational and
civilised 'self'. The West through an extension of the idea of Enlightenment also
constituted the pillars of international relations studies in the 'post-Columbian' era
through devices like 'sovereignty, territoriality, nation-state, security and international
law (Krishna, 2001). According to him, these abstract ideas were primarily
constituted as a tool aimed at advising colonial masters on the requirement to
maintain peace and conflict prevention between European sovereign states in light of
expanding colonies and greater scramble for land and resources. Thus, while
mainstream IR characterised “...the nineteenth-century world as the 'Hundred Years
Peace' maintained by the Concert of Europe,” he provides a counterpoint in the fact
that, “...the emergence of the modern, territorially [defined] state system in Europe
was coterminous with, and in dissociable from, the genocide of the indigenous
peoples of the 'new' world, the enslavement of the natives of the African continent,
and the colonisation of the societies of Asia (Krishna, 2001).

Extending his argument, he maintains that international theory tends to describe the
world only in terms of the categories the West constructs and with reference only to
those limited materials. While recognising that some level of abstraction and theory-
building is necessary for intellectual debate to proceed, Krishna argues for a more
critical and ethical approach to the abstractions utilised in academic work on the
international. Conventional approaches, he points out, are wont to excise entire
narratives of violence, dispossession, victimhood and resistance that do not fall into
the neat categories of inter-state relations or realpolitik. Thus he argues for a
'contrapuntal' approach to the intertwined histories with a perspective of not just the
coloniser, but also the perspective of the colonized and their resistance (Krishna,
2001).

Siba Grovogui focuses on Western power and its implications in defining ‘universal’
international practices such as international law. He talks about the West’s projecting
their ideas as ‘universal values’ while in reality, they engaged in very parochial
politics in which only Europe and its ideas mattered. He questions the mainstream
account of the history of the Westphalian system, a founding pillar of International
Relations. He argues that conventional theories falsely perceive the Westphalian
system and the underlying principle of territorial sovereignty to be universal despite
its European roots. The “Westphalian commonsense” according to him has become so
dominant that instead of treating deviations, particularly in postcolonial Africa, as
evidence undermining the universalism of the Westphalian system, they are seen as
proof that deviating states cannot live up to the demands of sovereignty (Grovogui,
2002). He then argues that international law does not stem from ethical considerations
on how to create a universal order but on how a small group of European states could

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achieve hegemony. Although international law has been described as universal, it has
also been effectively conformed to fit and perpetuate the hegemony of the West.
Praxis and jurisprudence have silenced and excluded others from equal participation
on the international stage. The Westphalian system has in a similar way come to be
seen as natural, a transcendent form of a regime that has become idealized in
academia. However, as states in Europe, weak or strong, were given sovereignty the
same regime was denied to the peoples of Africa. In Africa other rules applied as
evident in the outcome of the Berlin conference of 1884 - the resultant colonial
scramble for Africa (Grovogui, 2002).

For example, in analysing the colonisation of Congo, Grovogui recounts that a small
and insignificant Belgium, or rather it’s King Leopold II, could take control over the
vast and rich Congo. The incoherent and loosely put-together states of Belgium and
Switzerland could not have survived if it were not for the other Western powers.
However, due to ethnic, racial and religious differences, the same paradigm that
supported the small states in Europe did little to achieve or respect the sovereignty of
the peoples of Africa. Different renditions of sovereignty have been applied and
practised all over the world, primarily to suit the interests of the West. There is
nothing essential about the so-called Westphalian commonsense. Therefore, any
claim that the failure of African states is due to a deviation from the Westphalian
system is not only flawed but false (Grovogui, 2002). Any input or thought from
“natives” on any topic was generally regarded as redundant and of no importance. In
other words, the “native” was efficiently denied possessing will, conscience, or
agency. According to Grovogui and other postcolonial scholars, this ‘native
essentialism’ is implicitly present in Eurocentric theories and needs to be challenged.

According to Grovogui, post-colonialism treats “truth” and knowledge as something

that can never fully depict how an event unfolded. “What is said to be, is never a full
account of events.” The gap between what is said and what has happened can only be
understood if imperial and colonial structures are revealed and examined. Under the
guise of neutrality and scientific objectivism, European scholars provided “truths”
about the world and its people. As has been observed, for example by Edward Said,
these observations were solely European and excluded “native” concerns or
knowledge. Said also illustrated how these stereotypical observations of the others in
the Orient were culturally institutionalized by the colonizers and used as the basis of
Europe's policies towards the Orient and how these ideas have continued to influence
policy both in the West and among the formerly colonized (Grovogui, 2007).
Himadeep Muppidi focuses on what the discipline and practice of international
relations conceal– he believes it is devoid of a concern for humanity. He states that as
a result of an unflinching desire by conventional theories to be precise and objective,

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the colonial past and its legacies are forgotten, ignored or re-imagined in ways that
obscure its human cost (Muppidi, 2011).Tracing the colonial forms of knowledge and
their influence on modern notions and concepts of international relations, Muppidi
goes beyond these limited notions to examine how issues in global politics are
communicated for instance in the press. He states that by selectively focusing on the
continuous imagining and re-imagining of binaries of the self and the other, “...much
of conventional international relations theory and practice, is constructed and
circulated predominantly as a threat from the other to the Self.” He argues that
colonial forms of violence and exclusion are replayed in the present, through a
selective focus on certain disasters, tragedies and episodes of contemporary political
violence, which prioritises and humanises certain categories of people as worthy of
the world’s attention and reduces others to marginalised invisibility (Muppidi, 2011).

Muppidi finds that the only solution to the ‘uneven and asymmetric relationship’ in
which ‘the colonized have been destroyed en masse more times and in greater
magnitude than any colonizer’ is to adopt an approach which is anti-colonial and
acknowledges the diversity of humanity within the field of international relations. In
highlighting the ‘colonial signs’ that underpin so many of the wars and ‘humanitarian
interventions of the 21st century and which continue to ignore their victims, Muppidi
opens a conversation to the possibility of a world where these ‘signs’ are recognized
and acknowledged. He also calls for the dissolution of the distinctions between them
and us, inferior/superior, the Self and Other (Muppidi, 2011).

David Blaney and Naeem Inayatullah while not self-confessedly postcolonial scholars
deal with many postcolonial themes within international relations and their book
‘International Relations and the Problem of Difference’ has been path-breaking in this
regard. They focus on the way the idea of ‘difference’ has been treated as central to
international relations in the way inside/outside or national/international has been
constituted since Westphalia. According to them, the suppression of difference or
diversity within European societies that was taking place (with the intolerant and
bloody religious wars between Catholics and Protestants) during the emergence of the
Westphalian system of nation-states led to the creation of a homogenous European
inside/Self versus an external non-European Other that was increasingly viewed as
suspicious and threatening. The creation of what they call ‘empires of uniformity’
(homogeneous nation-states) internally in Europe was crucial to understanding
colonial empire building externally which was premised on annihilating or wiping out
difference or diversity in the colonies and westernizing the natives either through
religious conversions to Catholicism such as in the early Spanish conquest of
Americas or the more secular British civilizing mission in India, to make Indians
more ‘modern’ (i.e. English).

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11.7 SUMMARY

Post-colonialism is not just about telling the 'other's' story; it is also about delivering
an understanding that Western Eurocentric knowledge does not represent the “truth”,
but reproduces the other as inferior to Western men and civilization. Thus post-
colonialism aspires to delineate and critique the imperial desire for hegemony in
international relations discourse and practice and to introduce different kinds of
universalisms and ‘multiple truths’ based on democratic, socially just and pluralistic
principles

11.8 EXERCISE
1. What is the meaning of colonialism?
2. What is Post-colonialism?
3. What was the impact of colonialism?
4. How does postcolonialism change the implication of the colonial set-up
5. Explain the three-movement in the post-colonial era.

11.9 REFERENCE

Abrahamsen, Rita (2007) “Postcolonialism” in Griffiths, Martin (ed.) International

Relations Theory for the Twenty-First Century: An Introduction. London and New
York: Routledge, p.111-122.

Agathangelou, Anna M and M. Turcotte, Postcolonial Theories as Critique and

Challenges to ‘First Worldism’, from e-International Relations - http://www.e-
ir.info/2010/05/07/postcolonial-theories-as-critique-and-challenge-to-
%E2%80%98first-world-ism/

Baylis John, Steve Smith and Patricia Owens (2008) The Globalization of World
Politics: An Introduction to International Relations. New York: Oxford.

Bhabha, Homi K. (1994) The Location of Culture. London: Routledge, p. 6.

Chowdhry, Geeta and Sheila Nair (2004) Power, Postcolonialism and International
Relations: Reading Race, Gender and Class. London and New York: Routledge.

Chowdhry, Geeta and Sheila Nair (2004), p.150.

Cox, Robert (1981) “Social Forces, States and World Orders-Beyond International
Relations Theory”, Millennium, 10:2, p.129.

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Daddow, Oliver (2010) International Relations Theory. London: Sage, p.173.

Gandhi Leela (1998) Postcolonial Theory: A Critical Introduction. New York:

Columbia University Press.

Gandhi Leela (1998) Postcolonial Theory: A Critical Introduction. New York:

Columbia University Press.

Grovogui, Siba (2007) “Postcolonialism” in Tim Dunne, Milja Kurki and Steve Smith
(eds.) International Relations Theories: Discipline and Diversity. Oxford: Oxford
University Press, pp. 229-246.

Grovogui, Siba N. (2002) “Regimes of Sovereignty: International Morality and the

African Condition” European Journal of International Relations, 8: 3, pp. 315-338.

Grovogui, Siba N. (2007) “Postcolonialism” in Tim Dunne, Milja Kurki and Steve
Smith (eds.) International Relations Theories: Discipline and Diversity. Oxford:
Oxford University Press, pp.237 (pp.229-246).

Mohanty, Chandra Talpade (1995) “Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and
Colonial Discourses” in Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffiths and Helen Tiffin (eds.) The
Postcolonial Studies Reader. London and New York: Routledge, pp.259-263.

Muppidi, Himadeep (2011) The Colonial Signs of International Politics. New York:
Columbia University Press, p. 6

Muppidi, Himadeep (2011) The Colonial Signs of International Relations. New York:
Columbia University Press, p.8.

Naeem Inayatullah and David Blaney (2004). International Relations and the Problem
of Difference. New York and London: Routledge.

Sankaran Krishna (2001) “Race, Amnesia, and the Education of International

Relations”, Alternatives (Special Issue on Race in International Relations), 26:4, pp.
401-424.

Spivak, Gayatri Chakravarty (1990) “The political economy of women as seen by a

literary critic”, in Elizabeth Weed (ed.), Coming to Terms. London: Routledge. p.
166.

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UNIT-12: CONSTRUCTIVISM AND INTERNATIONAL

RELATIONS

Structure
12.1 Objective
12.2 Introduction
12.3 Constructivism in International Relations: A General Overview
12.4 Alexander Wendt and Constructivism
12.5 Norms and Constructivism: Identity, Strategic, culture and security
Community
12.6 Summary
12.7 Exercise
12.8 Reference

12.1 OBJECTIVE
After reading this unit, you will be able to understand:
• The constructivism in International Politics
• The constructivist critique of neorealism
• Contribution of constructivism in the realm of IR theory
• Relevance of constructivism in contemporary time

12.2 INTRODUCTION

The unit on constructivism unfolds in four broad sections. The first section discusses
some of the general features of the constructivist project in International Relations
(IR) theory. The second section looks into the work of Alexander Wendt, whose work
is universally taken as paradigmatic. The next section surveys norm analysis in
security studies, by focusing on the works of Katzenstein, Johnston and Adler, a
genre that is widely considered one of the most important areas of applied
constructivist scholarship.

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12.3 CONSTRUCTIVISM IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: A GENERAL

OVERVIEW

Like every major approach in IR, constructivism does not refer to a unified body of
thought. Ruggie, for instance, differentiates among three variants of constructivism,
calling them neoclassical constructivism, post-modernist constructivism and
naturalistic constructivism, respectively (Ruggie 1998: 880-882). Neo-classical
constructivism is marked by features like pragmatism, the use of analytical tools
necessary for understanding inter-subjective meaning (like the speech act theory or
the theory of communicative action), faith in an evolutionary epistemology and
commitment to an idea of social science that is flexible and genuinely social. Apart
from himself, Ruggie included Kratochwil, Finnemore, Onuf, Katzenstein and Adler
in this group.

The constructivist notion of inter-subjectivity involves both harmony and discord

(Zehfuss 2002: 39-42). If the community is a positive image of a perceived sense of
collective identity, it is also simultaneously a process of authorisation, for any identity
is logically a contrast to its other. Identities both cohere and displace. While identities
may be shared to some extent, beyond a point they are always incommensurate. An
identity, thus, helps constructivists to consider the dynamics of differentiation and the
politics of integration together.

The constructivists also make a powerful case for the role of ideas as prime movers in
world politics (Ruggie 1998: 865-869, 878-880). This radically separates them from
the structural realists. For Waltzian neorealism, the physical properties or material
attributes of given units exclusively determine their behaviour. There is no question
of ideas having any causal role in this. States might use ideological justifications for
strategic purposes. But ideology is treated as a facade, a chimaera; it explains nothing.
Although liberal institutionalism is not so categorical in its denial of any efficacy to
ideas, its utilitarian cast and preference for a physicalist model do not allow ideas to
generate anindependent effect. In contrast, constructivists see ideas as causal. They
normative conflicts. Conflicts are ideational and material, intellectual as well as
mechanical. Conflicts grow on different interpretations of facts. They are ideational in
the sense of being ideologically constituted in the minds of men. For a constructivist,
conflict is a matter of discordant or antithetical perceptions held by adversarial actors.
Threats are always perceptual and ideational. Thus the classification of relations that
is who becomes a friend or a foe depends on inter-subjective interpretations, on ideas,
rather than the structurally deterministic pulls of anarchy. Since ideas shape the
world, define actors and set preferences, they matter equally to the myriad dimensions
of security as well.

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If one eliminates the post-modern variety of constructivism as category

constructivism, three distinctive qualities emerge. First, constructivists like Wendt
and Adler have strongly articulated a case for subtracting the gap between rationalism
and constructivism on the one hand, and realism and constructivism on the other.
Second, most constructivists have prepared concrete casestudies based on
constructivist epistemology and although a general theory of constructivism, one that
subsumes the inner variations conclusively, is yet to emerge, the direction of research
within the paradigm shows good consistency and focus. Third, constructivism has
shown an excellent capacity to fill in several loopholes and limitations of the
dominant rationalist paradigm, particularly research on constitutive norms. It is
because of modesty, intellectual sincerity and a disciplined eclecticism that the
constructivist turn undoubtedly promises to be the most exciting prospect for the
discipline.

The post-modern variety of constructivism, deriving its philosophical inspiration from

the works of Nietzsche and borrowing heavily from the writings of Foucault and
Derrida, is more radical. It stresses the “linguistic construction of subjects,” fashions
an anti-foundational epistemology, denies social science and universal truth claims,
celebrates diversity, and refutes the possibility of condition. Ruggie includes R. B. J.
Walker, Der Derian, Campbell and the feminist scholar Spike Peterson as standard
bearers of this genre. In contrast to Ruggie, however, we adopt the more conventional
interpretation by excluding this group as ‘constructivists’. They are better described
as post-modern or post-structuralist scholars, who share little with the conventional
constructivist assumptions.

Ruggie’s third variant is a compromise of the other two, which he grounds in the
philosophical doctrine of scientific realism. Naturalistic constructivism is close to its
neo-classical counterpart in its commitment to the idea of social science. This
approach believes in a common ontology for both sciences but argues that knowledge
is essentially about knowing non-observables and that there is a knowable world of
inter-subjective meaning that exists outside the mind of the scholar (Ruggie 1998:
881-882). Since Wendt’s contribution to constructivism has been paradigmatic, we
shall look into his ideas separately.

The constructivists argue that the social world is a product of human consciousness
consisting of different kinds of communicative idioms that congeal around some form
of community. The social world is inter-subjectively constituted; it is made by people
who live there in a manner they wish to understand and relate to. The social world is
predicated on the material. However, the material entities become meaningful

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“things” through the ideas or beliefs that people come to have about them. Even in the
hard world of military security, “meaning” rules. Thus, security is not a matter of
brute physical assets. Mere arms or gadgets signify nothing. What matters are the
ideas or beliefs underlying the making, organization and deployment of weapons as
perceived by the people? The military assets are thus subjectively configured and
assume potency in the consciousness of beings. For the constructivist, security is not
only a matter of physical capabilities. The material attributes defining capability are
no doubt important; but what is unquestionably prior is the understanding people
develop of these capabilities (Jackson and Sorensen 2003: 255-257).

Contrary to neo-realism and neo-liberalism, therefore, constructivists do not operate

with set payoffs or settled preferences. Constructivists problematise what the
mainstream takes for granted. They question how actors come to bear identities and
interests. With the mainstream, identities are given; with constructivists, identities are
acquired, constituted and transformed. To quote Ruggie: “Thus contra neo-realism, I
argued that American hegemony was every bit as important as American hegemony
in shaping the post-war order” (1998: 863). Constructivists also differ from neoliberal
institutionalists over the dynamic of choice. Whereas neoliberals emphasize utility
considerations, the constructivist enjoins identity or the definition of self-hood as a
motivator of such choice. Identities are seldom static; identitytransformation redefines
the schedule of state interests. In addition, the constructivists also talk in the language
of norms. Normative ideas are loaded with causal potency by key constructivist
thinkers.

Alexander Wendt defines constructivism as follows: “Constructivism is a structural

theory of the international system that makes the following core claims: (1) States are
the principal units of analysis for international political theory; (2) the key structures
in the state system are intersubjective, rather than material; and (3) state identities and
interests are in important parts constructed by these social structures, rather than
given exogenously to the system by human nature or domestic politics” (Wendt 1994:
385).

Wendt’s constructivism is state-centric. But he does not take the state for granted.
Wendt criticizes neorealists and neoliberals for their inability to explain the
constitutive characters of international entities. They take the identities, interests and
powers of the state for granted, or, as Wendt puts it, treat them as “ontologically
primitive.” The utilitarian realist explanation of the sources of international conflict is
superficial, for they mechanically derive conflict from the anarchical structures. What
they lack precisely is a social theory of state interests, without which any proper
investigation of the bases of international conflict and cooperation is impossible. Thus

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anarchy visibly produces a range of state interactions and a variety of state behaviour,
depending on how states derive their interests. States are not dull, lifeless entities;
they bear a collective identity that creates basic states’ “appetites,” such as the drives
for physical security, stability, recognition by others, and development. How states
fulfil their needs, however, depends upon their social identity: that is how states
define themselves in relation to others within the international system. Hence,
contrary to realism, anarchy is not logically wedded to conflict and a zero-sum view
of the world. Wendt shows that a variety of social structures are possible under
anarchy. The constructivist reading of a conflict is very different from the realist
mode. First, as Wendt categorically puts it: “…the deep structure of anarchy
[is]…cultural or ideational rather than a material phenomenon.” Hence the logic of
anarchy varies. Accordingly, there are different cultures of anarchy with their
distinctive, concomitant roles. Wendt identifies three macro-level cultures of
international politics, namely Hobbesian, Lockean and Kantian, based on distinctive
images of the relationship between the self and the other. The three cultures fit with
three distinctive roles, viz. enemy, rival, and friends. The upshot of this agreement is
that these cultures are distinctive in terms of how a state visualizes another, and there
is a possibility of transformation of these images over time. States have plural social
identities, some cooperative and some conflicting, depending on how they define the
social situation in which they live (Wendt 1999: Ch. 6). Wendt’s fundamental
contribution, therefore, is to explain variations in state interactions through a social
theory that discloses the dynamics of changing state preferences and actions.

Wendt’s constructivism not only provides a useful social theory of state preferences
and activities, but it also supplies a dynamic model of international interaction
(Ruggie 1998: 874-876). One of Wendt’s most important complaints against neo-
realism is its inability to explain transformation and change. Both Wendt and Ruggie
point out the essentially static character of neo-realism. Neo-realism’s grounding in
an atomistic ontology of states in a state of anarchy makes it hostile to the idea of
change. Although the pay-offs under anarchy might vary and its effects ameliorated
by cooperative strategies, neo-realism sees no prospect of any alternation of the basic
structure. The neo-realists err by failing to see that states do not merely perpetuate or
reproduce the system structures over time, they also can and often do transform the
structure in qualitative ways.

Wendt also challenges the concept of institutions deployed by the followers of

rational choice theory (both neo-realists and neoliberals). The neo-realists simply
negate the role of institutions as an independent variable in international politics.
Neoliberals selectively liberate institutions, implying that they variously constrain
pre-existing agents (states) by altering the cost-benefit calculus of different strategies.

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Wendt, in contrast, “empowers” institutions as being capable of constituting the

agents in various domains of international relations, including security. For Wendt,
the international structure combines social relationships and material capabilities:
“Inter-subjective systemic structures consist of shared understanding, expectations,
and social knowledge embedded in international institutions and threat complexes in
terms of which states define some of their identities and interests” (Wendt 1992: 399).
Institutions are “…a relatively stable set structure of identities and interests …
Institutions are fundamentally cognitive entities that do not exist apart from actors’
ideas about how the world works.” Wendt proposes that states and institutions are
mutually constitutive. Institutions, therefore, are not outside or independent of states.
They shape, regulate and give meaning to state action and often decide what it is to be
a state; in short, they provide stable state identities. Since states and institutions co-
act, with each bringing significant changes in the other, institutions can alter the line
of states’ thinking and reconstitute state identities and interests at the systemic level.

Wendt’s constructivism hinges ultimately on the idea of identity. According to

Wendt, the “daily life of international politics is an on-going process of states taking
identities in relation to others, casting them into corresponding counter-identities, and
playing out the result” (Wendt 1992: 21). In Social Theory of International Politics,
Wendt shows how identity is defined and how it changes via interaction. He defines
identity (in an earlier work) as “relatively stable, role-specific understandings and
expectations about self” (Wendt 1992: 397). Although the assumption of the relative
stability of identities is there, it does not prevent the more pressing need to understand
change and transformation of “self-hood.” Wendt says, “identities may be hard to
change, but they are not carved in stone” (Wendt 1992: 21). The definition of identity
impacts on security practices and shapes the security environment of states. Identities
again provide the basis for interests. Most crucially, for Wendt, identity determines
the kind of anarchy that prevails in the international system.

How identities are constituted? In order to answer this, Wendt employs the principles
of Anthony Giddens’ structuration theory. Wendt’s central contention, following
Giddens, is that units do not exist independent of the structures around them, but
those structures also cannot be understood as independent of the agents, who either
reproduce or transform the former. Wendt imputes a certain discursive quality to
social structures as being “inseparable from the reasons and self-understandings” of
agents. The identity of actors is determined through interactions (Zehfuss 2002: 41-
42). Wendt, however, ontologically puts the state before such interactions and endows
it with functions independent of the social context. But beyond this, the identity of
actors becomes communicative, repeating and responding to the practices of other
agents over time. This allows Wendt to refashion the binary of self and collective

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identity into a continuum. When states define others in exclusion of themselves, the
result is conflict based on the definition of that identity itself. When others are a part
of an actor’s definition of the self, cooperation and peace become possible, being
predicated again in the qualities of the definition (of identity) itself (Zehfuss 2002:
40).

12.4 ALEXANDER WENDT AND CONSTRUCTIVISM

Alexander Wendt defines constructivism as follows: “Constructivism is a structural

theory of the international system that makes the following core claims: “(1) States
are the principal units of analysis for international political theory; (2) the key
structures in the state system are intersubjective, rather than material; and (3) state
identities and interests are in important parts constructed by these social structures,
rather than given exogenously to the system by human nature or domestic politics”.
(Wendt, 1994: 385).

Wendt’s constructivism is state-centric. But he does not take the state for granted.
Wendt criticizes neorealists and neoliberals for their inability to explain the
constitutive characters of international entities. They take the identities, interests and
powers of the state for granted, or, as Wendt puts it, treat them as “ontologically
primitive”. The utilitarian realist explanation of the sources of international conflict is
superficial, for they mechanically derive conflict from the anarchical structures. What
they lack precisely is a social theory of state interests, without which any proper
investigation of the bases of international conflict and cooperation is impossible. Thus
anarchy visibly produces a range of state interactions and a variety of states’
behaviours, depending on how states despite their interests. States are not dull,
lifeless entities. They bear a collective identity that creates basic states’ “appetites”,
such as the drives for physical security, stability, recognition by others, and
development. How states fulfil their needs, however, depends upon their social
identity, that is how states define themselves in relation to others within the
international system. Hence, contrary to realism, anarchy is not logically wedded to
conflict and a zero-sum view of the world. Wendt shows that a variety of social
structures are possible under anarchy. The constructivist reading of a conflict is very
different from the realist mode. First, as Alexander Wendt categorically puts it:
“…the deep structure of anarchy (is) … a cultural of ideational rather than material
phenomenon”. Hence the logic of anarchy varies. Accordingly, there are different
cultures of anarchy with their distinctive, concomitant roles. Wendt identifies three
macro-level cultures of international politics, namely Hobbesian, Lockean and
Kantian, based on distinctive images of the relationship between the self and the
other. The three cultures fit with three distinctive roles, viz. Enemy, rival and friends.

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The upshot of this agreement is that these cultures are distinctive in terms of how a
state visualizes another, and there is a possibility of transformation of these images
over time. States have plural social identities, some cooperative and some conflicting,
depending on how they define the social situation in which they live. (Wendt, 1999,
Chapter 6) Wendt’s fundamental contribution, therefore, is to explain variations in
state interactions through a social theory that discloses the dynamics of changing state
preferences and actions.

Wendt’s constructivism not only provides a useful social theory of state preferences
and activities, but it also supplies a dynamic model of international interaction.
(Ruggie, 1998 :874-876) One of Wendt’s most important complaints against neo-
realism is its inability to explain transformation and change. Both Wendt and Ruggie
point out the essentially static character of neo-realism. Neo-realism’s grounding in
an atomistic ontology of states in a state of anarchy makes it hostile to the idea of
change. Although the pay-offs under anarchy might vary and its effects ameliorated
by cooperative strategies, neo-realism sees no prospect of any alternation of the basic
structure. The neo-realists err by failing to see that states do not merely perpetuate or
reproduce the system structures over time, they also can and often do transform the
structure inqualitative ways.

Wendt also challenges the concept of institutions deployed by the followers of

rational choice theory (both neo-realists and neoliberals). The neo-realists simply
negate the role of institutions as an independent variable in international politics.
Neoliberals selectively liberate institutions, implying that they variously constrain
pre-existing agents (states) by altering the cost-benefit calculus of different strategies.
Wendt, in contrast, “empowers” institutions as being capable of constituting the
agents in various domains of international relations, including security. For Wendt,
the international structure combines social relationships and material capabilities.
According to Wendt: “Inter-subjective systemic structures consist of shared
understanding, expectations, and social knowledge embedded in international
institutions and threat complexes in terms of which states define some of their
identities and interests”. (Wendt, 1992: 399) Institutions are “… a relatively stable set
structure of identities and interests … Institutions are fundamentally cognitive entities
that do not exist apart from actors’ ideas about how the world works”. Wendt
proposes that states and institutions are mutually constitutive. Institutions, therefore,
are not outside or independent of states. They shape, regulate and give meaning to
state action and often decide what it is to be a state; in short, they provide stable state
identities. Since states and institutions co-act, with each bringing significant changes
in the other, institutions can alter the line of states’ thinking, and reconstitute state
identities and interests at the systemic level.

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Wendt’s constructivism hinges ultimately on the idea of identity. According to

Wendt, the “daily life of international politics is an ongoing process of states taking
identities in realism to others, casting them into corresponding counter-identities, and
playing out the result”. (Wendt, 1992: 21) In Social Theory of International Politics,
Wendt shows how identity is defined and how it changes via interaction. He defines
identity (in an earlier work) as “relatively stable, role-specific understandings and
expectations about self”. (Wendt, 1992: 397) Although the assumption of the relative
stability of identities is there, it does not prevent the more pressing need to understand
change & transformation of “self-hood”. Wendt says, “identities may be hard to
change, but they are not carved in stone”. (Wendt, 1992: 21) The definition of
identity impacts on security practices and shapes the security environment of states.
Identities again provide the basis for interests. Most crucially, for Wendt, identity
determines the kind of anarchy that prevails in the international system.

How identities are constituted? In order to answer this, Wendt employs the principles
of Anthony Gidden’s structuration theory. (Giddens, 1997, 1984) Wendt’s central
contention, following Giddens, is that units do not exist independent of the structures
around them, but those structures also cannot be understood as independent of the
agents, who either reproduce or transform the former. Wendt imputes a certain
discursive quality to social structures as being “inseparable from the reasons and self-
understandings” of agents. The identity of actors is determined through interactions.
(Zefuss, 2002: 41-42) Wendt, however, ontologically the state before such
interactions, and endows it with functions independent of the social context. But
beyond this, the identity of actors becomes communicative, repeating and responding
to the practices of other agents over time. This allows Wendt to refashion the binary
of self and collective identity into a continuum. When states define others in
exclusion of themselves, the result is conflict based on the definition of that identity
itself. When others are a part of an actor’s definition of the self, cooperation and
peace become possible, being predicated again in the qualities of the definition (of
identity) itself. (Zefuss, 2002: 40)

The following propositions of constructivism, formulated by direct reference to

Wendt’s work sum up the main thrust of the approach. (Wendt, 1999: 41-44).
1. The meaning and explanatory power of the distribution of capabilities is
constituted by the distribution of interests in the system. Those interests, in
turn, are ideas. Power and interest are therefore culturally constituted.
2. States are unitary actors bearing anthropomorphic attributes such as identities,
interests and intentionality with a certain capacity for institutionalized

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collective action. The self–interested or power-seeking character of states,

however, is contingent and socially constructed.
3. The states articulate/define interest based on identities and these interests are
endogenous and changeable.

12.5 NORMS AND CONSTRUCTIVISM: IDENTITY, STRATEGIC,

CULTURE AND SECURITY COMMUNITY

The application of norms to security issues is one of the most fascinating theoretical
developments that have happened in the two decades of security studies.1 In a broad
scene, norm analysis is located within the constructivist paradigm and a large number
of scholars have expressed their affiliation with the use of constructivism in security
affairs. Norms have been used variously by security analysts, of which four deserve
special mention. The most dominant approach in norm analysis remains that of Peter
Katzenstein and his team, who have published extensive surveys on the role of norms,
identity and culture in different dimensions of national security. (Katzenstein, 1996)
A second tendency has been the use of norms to flesh out the theoretical implications
of the security community in constructive mode(s). The works of Adler, Amitava
Acharya and Peter Hass deserve special mention within this genre. (Adler and Barnett
1998; Adler, 1997; Acharya; 1999; Haas, 1992) The third variety of norm analysis
relates to the strategic culture approach, epitomized best by the writings of Alistair
Johnston. (Johnston, 1995, 1996)The final variant of norm analysis can be called
rather loosely critical security studies, with Keith Krause and Michael L. Williams
being leading figures in this field. (Krause and Williams, 1997) This section surveys
the work done by Katzenstein, Johnston and Adler on norms, strategic culture and
security communities respectively. (It leaves out critical security studies due to its
closeness with critical geopolitics, which deserves a separate treatment).

Katzenstein:
Katzenstein’s central argument is that the security environment of a state is both
materially and culturally/institutionally constituted. Further, the cultural environment
not only regulates behaviour across issue areas, but it also constitutes the basic
character of states or their identity. (Katzenstein, 1996:33) These two assumptions
contrast nicely with the neorealist and neoliberal understanding of security that takes
actors’ identities as given. Like Wendt, Katzenstein also problematizes the
ontological status of the actors, emphasizing their socially contingent character rather
than being exogenous to the environment. Third, norms and culture matter to the
patterns of cooperation and conflict in international affairs, in friends’ actor’s
selection of alliances, and determination of grounds, neutrals and enemies.
(Katzenstein, 1990:34).

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Significantly enough, Katzenstein does not rule out the role of material factors behind
the choice of security policies. He adds crucial ideational and cultural variables to the
material, arguing in the process that conventional theories – neo-realism and neo-
liberalism – are often unable to explain anomalies because of their neglect of cultural
and ideational factors.

Katzenstein defines norms as “collective expectations for the proper behaviour of

actors with a give “identity”. (Katzenstein, 1996:5) Norms are both “constitutive”,
that is they help define the identity of an actor”, and “regulative” in the sense of
specifying “standards of proper behaviour”. “Thus norms either define (institute)
identities in the first place … or prescribe or prescribe (regulate) behaviour for
already constituted identities…”. (Katzenstein, 1996:54).

By summarizing the contributions to the path-breaking volume The Culture of

National Security, (1996) Katzenstein identified five crucial functions or effects of
norms regarding national security. Thus “cultural and institutional elements of states’
environment, shape the national security interests or (directly) the security policies of
states”; shape state identity”; “variations in state identity affect the security interests
or policies of states”; “configurations of state identity structures affect interstate
normative structures, such regimes or security communities”; and “state policies both
reproduce and reconstruct cultural and institutional structure”. (Katzenstein, 1996
:52-65).

Whether experts or students of a security agree or not, the work of Katzenstein in

general and the volume in particular, has opened a new vista in security studies. The
great strength of the enterprise inheres in its empirical orientation and the use of
extensive and detailed case studies. Indeed, some of the conclusions and findings of
many of the essays are not too convincing, and, more crucially, do not rule out the
possibility of rival interpretations. These points to the need for further tightening the
approach, particularly in developing a methodology that can discriminate independent
norm effect on security behaviour or practices. But this in no way detracts from the
analytical usefulness of the approach. Katzenstein’s claims, that norms, culture and
identity matter to security, actors are culturally and socially constituted, and security
is at least as much a matter of ideas and cultural mediation as it is a reflex of material
calculations, are invaluable to the development of alternative thinking on security.

Johnston:
Alaistair Johnston did not introduce the concept of strategic culture. Though the exact
origin of the concept is difficult to specify, nevertheless, there is a broad agreement
that Jack Snyder elaborated on the concept in a 1977 RAND paper on the

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implications of Soviet strategic culture for limited nuclear war. (Krause, 1999: 11)
Snyder, however, had neither a clear definition of the category nor did he wish to
apply it for analytical purposes. The strategic culture was simply an argument of the
last resort when everything else has failed, a guard against excessive ethnocentricism
and overt dependence on strategic rationality. Johnston’s contribution is a seminar for
the systematized three generations of scholarship on strategic culture and sought to
improve upon themes.

Drawing on the work of Clifford Greetz, Johnston defines strategic culture as An

integrated system of symbols (e.g., argumentation structures, languages, analogies,
metaphors) which acts to establish pervasive and long-lasting strategic preferences by
formulating concepts of the role and efficiency of military force in inter-state political
affairs, and by clothing these conceptions with such an aura of factuality that the
strategic preferences seem uniquely realistic and efficacious”. (Johnston, 1995/2003:
11).

Next, Johnston constructed certain “observable indicators” to trace strategic culture.

This is essential for the ultimate task before the analyst: relating strategic culture to
behavioural choices. He attempts this by breaking down strategic culture into two
parts: “the first consists of basic assumptions about the orderliness of the strategic
environment…about the nature of the adversary and the threat it poses … and about
the efficacy of the use of force. Together these comprise the central paradigm of
strategic culture.” (Johnston, 1995/2003: 11).

The second part is more about “specifics”, that is the operational level assumptions
relating to strategic options considered “most efficacious” in dealing with the “threat
environment”. Thus Johnston’s strategic culture evolves in the form of “a limited,
ranked set of grand strategy preferences” commensurate with the “objects of
analysis”, and recursive in the time. (Johnston, 1995/2003: 11).

A vital part of Johnston’s essay relates to methodology, where he urges for the
adoption of (t) twoforms of content analysis … namely cognitive mapping and
symbol analysis. Cognitive mapping “involves rigorously analyzing the contents of a
particular document or sample of documents, and drawing graphically all cause-effect
statements in this sample”. (Johnston, 1995/2003: 14) Symbolic analysis, on the other
hand, holds that “strategic culture may be reflected by symbols about the role of force
in human affairs, about the efficacy of certain strategies, and hence about what sort of
strategies are better than others”. The symbolic analysis includes the examination of
“idioms and phrases”, keywords, analysis and metaphors”. (Johnston, 1995/2003: 14)
The distilled by-product of cognitive mapping and symbol analysis has to move

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through three stages to link strategic culture with behaviour. (Johnston, 1995/2003:
15-16).

Johnston’s work, somewhat disturbingly, did not clarify the central puzzle: the
specific link between a strategic culture and behavioural outcome. Johnston conceded
that strategic culture could both be an independent and intervening variable
explaining strategic choice or outcome. Yet, his contribution is useful for two
reasons. First, his analysis concretizes the research agenda considerably by situating
the elements of strategic culture in the world of policymaking – in policy-making
drafts, diaries, memorandums, documents, and other forms of recorded evidence.
Second, Johnston’s detailed exposition is self-critical and cautious. It shows the limits
of explaining through strategic culture, and the powerful effects that it might have on
other, equally plausible, explanations of policy choices. (Krause, 1998 : 11-12).

Like Katzenstein and Wendt, Johnston’s motion of strategic culture has been widely
used in case studies across the world, concerning both Western and non-Western
contexts. Johnston’s appropriation is particularly marked in grand strategy literature,
where his delineation of the “cultural paradigm” has become some kind of fetish.
Conventional security analysts have monotonously dismissed strategic culture as a
non-serviceable concept. Their negation nevertheless is too predictable to be taken
seriously. However, one has to concede that much of strategic culture explanations of
strategic behaviour/choice are liable to alternative (read realist) readings. It is in this
sense, more than anything else, that the realist critique of Johnston’s inability to
fashion a rigorous methodology, which genuinely and convincingly controls for the
effects of non-cultural variables that might provide rival explanations(s) of a given
strategic choice/behaviour, cannot be altogether wished away.

Adler
Like Wendt and Katzenstein, Emmanuel Adler’s work hinges on the identity of
identity. Adler’s inspiration is Karl Deutsch, who pioneered the concept of a
pluralistic security community in the fifties. Deutsch defined a political community as
social groups with a process of political communication, some machinery for
enforcement, and some popular habits of compliance. (Deutsch et. al., 1957 : 3)
Deutsch introduced the concept of a security community as a group of people (or
states) that have become integrated to the point where there is a “real assurance that
the members of that community will not fight each other physically, but will settle
their disputes in some other way”. (Deutsch et. al., 1957: 5) Deutsch differentiated
amalgamated and pluralistic security communities by the degree of integration.
Amalgamated communities are the product of the formal merging of independent
states. Pluralistic communities, in contrast, retain the legal independence of

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constituting member states, but share “dependable expectations of peaceful change”.

(Deutsch et. al., 1957 : 6).

Adler’s security communities are “socially constructed cognitive regions or

community regions”, whose security and welfare frontiers coincide with the limits of
shared understandings and common identities. (Adler, 1997: 250) Territoriality
separates people and provides them (at least most) with a definite homeland. The state
becomes the basis of citizens’ unconditional allegiance. Yet, states hang together for
common purposes. Hence, the idea of a community life coterminous with territoriality
is socially contingent. The region, conceived as a transnational space, is also a
legitimate collective imagination, bound by mutual recognition of shared destiny and
identity. Community regions can therefore be the most powerful destination for men.

Such community regions are “socially constructed”, spatially differentiated” and

transnational in nature, constituted by “national, “transnational, and international
elites and institutions”. (Adler, 1997: 253) Adler defines such regions as “regional
systems of meanings … not limited to a specific geographic place”. (Adler, 1997:
253) People whose commitments go beyond sovereign territoriality, who can and do
communicate/interact freely across borders, work with a political commitment
towards the promotion of regional interests, and catalyse such sentiments and
perspectives in their respective jurisdictions, construct these regions.

The identity of the construct is vital. The community regions are physical in the
obvious sense. But more than this, Adler describes them as “cognitive regions or
cognitive structures that help constitute the practices of their members, whose
meanings, understandings, and identities help keep the region in place. (Adler, 1997:
254) Likewise, Adler and Barnett reworked Deutsch’s idea of security community as
those regions comprised of sovereign states whose people maintain dependable
expectations of peaceful change”. (Adler and Barnett, 1998: 73) Deutsch’s
classification of amalgamated and pluralistic security communities are reproduced by
Adler and Barnett as loosely and tightly coupled variants, whose defining criteria,
however, came from Wendt (trust, institutionalization, and the culture of anarchy)
rather than Deutsch.

Two other themes stand out in Adler’s writings. First, Adler’s security community is
essentially meant for liberal democracies. (Adler, 1997: 257-260) Why this
preference? Adler develops an interesting argument based on democracy to privilege
the case for a liberal order. Totalitarian systems might be capable of collective
understanding, but they can never betray trust. An additional element comes from the
culture of peaceful negotiation of conflicts, one that reinforces mutual trust among

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unknown members. Adler did concede that security communities were possible in
other kinds of orders after all – but a liberal democratic order had to consecrate or
diffuse the underlying norms in such regions. (Adler, 1997: 260).

Second, Adler in his subsequent writings did recognize the role of power behind the
development and institutionalization of security communities, although in his earlier
volume, Security Communities (1998), edited jointly with Michael Barnett, they
erected a dichotomy between force and community, and asserted that friendship
represented a direct challenge to the realist imagery of power-balancing. (Adler and
Barnett, 1998: 5) Adler proposes a new understanding of power as the “authority to
determine the shared meanings that embody the identities, interests, and practices of
states, as well as the conditions that confer, defer, or deny access to ‘goods’ and
benefits”. (Adler, 1997: 261) Meanings, therefore, are not only created but are often
“imposed on physical objects” lacking them. Hence rule creation, implementation,
umpiring and enforcement are “subtle and most effective form(s) of power”.

Adler also notes that social reality is not only a matter of identity and
constructed/imposed meaning. The configuration of identity and the imposition of
meaning are in large measure physically determined, with material and technological
resources playing vital roles in this. (Adler, 1997: 261-262) Adler’s norm analysis,
inherent in his idea of the security community, is thus theoretically closer to the
Wendtian variety of constructivism, where both material and ideational factors are
given due (though not equal) weightage.

Although Adler’s contribution is undoubtedly significant, several limitations mark his

work of which two are particularly pressing. First, it is not quite clear in what specific
sense Adler and Barnett join security and identity. Various associations are claimed,
such as identity ‘imprints’ security (Adler and Barnett, 1998 : 3), to identity and
security being ‘tied’ (Adler and Barnett, 1998: 4) or married (Adler and Barnett,
1998: 30), and identity being causal to security (Adler and Barnett, 1998: 34). It is not
clear therefore what exactly is the relationship between the two variables, for each of
these three forms of association indicates distinctive relationship and provides
varying levels of importance as a factor of/in security. Its identity “imprints” security,
it is an intervening variable that only mediates some other relationship, and this is not
radically different from the realist position that rules out any autonomous role for
friendship in promoting security. Marriage or tie-up, however, conjugates identity and
security, without spelling out the extent of the independent effect of the former on the
latter. (Bially, 2000: 301-302) As a constitutive factor, it is not clear whether identity
is autonomous of its material underpinnings in defining security or not. The claim that
identity is causal to security is robust and direct. But Adler’s insistence that one needs

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to put the material factors alongside identity confuses. For, in effect, this amounts to a
case for multi-causality, where it is quite clear that identity matters, without, however,
any indication of how much identity matters in specific instances. (Bially, 2000: 302)
There is nothing in Adler’s methodology that allows a precise measurement of the
nature and extent of the relationship between identity and security, something that
limits the originality, as well as the utility of his concept since several other scholars
working within diverse theoretical traditions, have noted the close or proximate
association of the two.

The second problem relates to the applicability of the idea of a security community.
Like Deutsch, Adler’s ethnocentrism is transparent, his bias too overtly manifest.
Given the criteria for the formation of a security community as a socially constructed
cognitive region, the concept is unserviceable as an explanatory tool for the security
predicament of the bulk of the non-Western world (if not entirely). Although this does
nothing to the approach cognitive status, it cripples the prospect of generalization of
the same. In contrast to the works of Wendt, Katzenstein and Johnston, Adler’s
security community remains alien to the ontology of the Third World and is
particularly unsuited for any explanatory purpose in South Asia.

12.6 SUMMARY

The constructivist formulations regarding the unpacking of the state and the
mutability of state interaction lend sufficient flexibility to account for variations in the
given relationship. Constructivists have a powerful case for explaining conflicts at all
levels of existential reality. Constructivists explain ethnic conflicts as security
problems for states by turning them into identity clashes that seem to conform to the
given evidence. Communities confront each other only when they have sufficiently
defined themselves in terms of exclusive or distinctive identities that both unite and
divide at the same time. Constructivists do not freeze identities as settled. Identities
are social constructs that change if people bearing them wish to alter them. Thus in
the ethnicity or nationalism of exclusion, the dominant group imposes its values on
others or excludes others in sharing of powers. This is what happened in Sri Lanka,
Pakistan and India’s northeastern states. However, a nationalism of exclusion need
not be invariant. Protracted, internecine conflicts could achieve reconciliation through
learning. Communities might modify their construction of the other and start sharing
a life-world. Both Tamil or Dravidian ethnonationalism and secessionist Khalistan
sub-nationalism metamorphosed from their notice, disintegrative mode to a peaceful
accommodation within the Indian state, sharing their material and symbolic resources
with other communities. Even the prospects of sharing larger assets in a peaceful
stable situation might induce moderation in behaviour. Finally, ethnic conflicts can be

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tamed or disciplined through judicious state policies that desist from the
naturalisation of distinctive communities qua its rigid brand of territorial nationalism.
Articulate just distribution policies for groups, and attempt to satisfy ethnic
grievances through negotiation rather than force. In brief, identities are always in flux
and therefore conflicts of identities are neither recurrent nor perennial.

Theoretically, therefore, models of interaction can change and transformations can be

qualitative. A Hobbesian world of mistrust, enmity, the balance of threat, alliance and
deterrence is different from a Kantian universe of trust, friendship, coordinated
mutual interest, institutionalized cooperation and reciprocally sustained de-escalation
of conflict. There is nothing to guarantee the perpetuity of the one at the expense of
the other. If battling ethnic communities want peace they will find peace. They can
reverse their modular construction of images; they can metamorphose their dealings.
The constructivists, however, discipline the extent of such explanation. Wendt talks
of cultural embeddedness when relations are culturally defined and institutionalized
over generations their transformation became very difficult. But this still does not rule
out the possibility of change. There is a problem in this mode of argument – both
continuity and change seem to follow from its theoretical injunction. But change is
conditional. It occurs only with transformation in the definition of reality. Things
change when people’s reading of their interests changes. It happens when new ideas
move people, fresh identities are proposed, reflexivity is rehabilitated and power is
reconfigured. Whether between states or communities, the ends do vary. Variable
ends make for new identity constructions or reprioritization of the elements of a given
social construct. Our understanding of whom we determine how we live with others.
Hence ethnic conflicts evolve according to how identities are defined, the definitions
being predicated on material conditions facing the communities themselves about the
manifest practices of the state. In contrast to realist discourses that see only endless
conflicts and an invariable security dilemma for groups and liberalism that defines
ethnic peace (or conflict) in terms of transaction costs and utility calculations, the
constructivist tale of ethnicity enables IR to interrogate ethnicity in cultural-ideational
terms. The accent on identity construction and the malleability of some make
constructivism a far superior handle to understanding ethnic conflicts in general and
those in South Asia in particular.

12.7 EXERCISE
1. What is constructivism?
2. What is the idea of constructivism in international relations?
3. What is the relevance of constructivism in contemporary times?
4. Examine the contribution of constructivism to international relation theory.

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12.8 REFERENCE

Adler, Emanuel (1997) “Seizing the Middle Ground: Constructivism in World

Politics” European Journal of International Relations, 3 (3).

Deutsch, Karl W (1957) Political Community and the North Atlantic Area:
International Organisation in the light of Historical Experience, Princeton University
Press.

Jackson, Robert. H and George Sorensen (2003), Introduction to International

Relations: Theories and Approaches, Oxford University Press.

Johnston, R (1995) “The Determinants of Service Quality: Satisfiers and Dissatisfies”

International Journal of Service Industry Management, 6: (5), pp-53-71.

Katzenstein, J (1996) The Cultural of National Security Norms and Identity in World
Politics, Columbia University Press.

Ruggie, John Gerard (1998), “What Make the World Hang Together Beo-
Utilitarianism and the Social Constructivist Challenge” International Organisation,
52:(4) pp: 855-885.

Wendt, Alexander (1994), “Collective Identity Formation and the International State”
The American Political Science Review, 88: (2), pp: 380-400.

Zehfuss, M (2002), Constructivism in International Relations: The Politics of Reality,

Cambridge University Press.

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 Block-4
Multilateral Forums

Unit-13 Multilateralism

Unit-14 Regionalism

Unit-15 Global Civil Society

Unit-16 Global issues and challenges

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UNIT-13: MULTILETALISM

Structure
13.1 Objective
13.2 Introduction
13.3 Defining Multilateralism: Institution vs Norms
13.4 Multilateralism in the Contemporary World Order
13.5 Rationalist and Reflectivity Theorization on Multilateralism: A
Comparison of Western and Indian Perspectives
13.6 Summary
13.7 Exercise
13.8 Reference

13.1 OBJECTIVE

After reading this unit, you will be able to understand;

• The Concept of Multilateralism in International Politics
• Rationalist and Reflectivist Theorisation on Multilateralism: A Comparison of
Western and Indian Perspectives
• Role of institutions and norms in defining Multilateralism in an ever-changing
world.
• The transformed nature of contemporary world order has tended to add
additional layers to the traditional definition and practice of Multilateralism.
• The distinctive conceptualization of Multilateralism by rationalist and
Reflectivist approaches in Western and Indian IR

13.2 INTRODUCTION

Multilateralism has been traditionally understood as an institutionalized collective

action by an inclusively determined set of sovereign nation-states. As such, it is a
significant instrument for ordering and reordering world politics. Multilateralism and
the world order share a dialectical relationship. Multilateralism institutionalizes a
world order by embedding new norms into it. However, when the existing norms
become dysfunctional with time, multilateralism redefines or displaces them, thereby
transforming the very world order that it once helped to institutionalize. Therefore the
concept and praxis of multilateralism can be scrutinized at two levels: ‘institutional’

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and ‘normative’. While the institutional facet of multilateralism has been more
stressed by the ‘rationalist’ theories, the normative aspect of multilateralism has been
more emphasized by the ‘reflectivist’ theories. 1 The functioning of the institutional
and normative dimensions of multilateralism eventually transforms with the
corresponding contextual change in the world order. This chapter aims at developing
a conceptual and praxeological understanding of multilateralism against the backdrop
of shifting world order. The chapter is divided into three sections. The first section
assesses the role of institutions and norms in defining multilateralism in an ever-
changing world. The second section analyses the transformed nature of the
contemporary world order that has tended to add additional layers to the traditional
definition and practice of multilateralism. Finally, the third section sets out to discuss
the distinctive conceptualization of multilateralism by rationalist and reflectivist
approaches in Western and Indian IR.

13.3 DEFINING MULTILATERALISM: INSTITUTION VS NORMS

The first documented use of the term ‘multilateral’ to describe an international

arrangement dates back to 1858, whereas the noun form of the word ‘multilateralism’
only came into use in 1928, in the aftermath of the First World War. James Caporaso
points out that the noun comes in the form of an ‘ism,’ suggesting a belief or ideology
rather than a straightforward state of affairs. A definition outlined in US foreign
policy in 1945 supports this observation.

During the second half of the twentieth century, the nature of world politics changed
almost beyond recognition due to unprecedented developments in the sphere of
economy and politics. In the economic sphere, the technological revolution in
transport and communications closely integrated national economies by facilitating
increased cross-border flows of trade, investment and finance. In the political domain,
the collapse of communism and the triumph of capitalism gave way to a world with a
single dominant neoliberal political ideology. These developments created a
conducive atmosphere for enhanced exchanges among nation-states. In this changed
circumstantial backdrop, multilateralism was defined as international governance of
the ‘many’, and its fundamental principle was ‘opposition of bilateral and
discriminatory arrangements’ that were believed to enhance the leverage of the
powerful over the weak and to increase international conflict.

The theory and practice of multilateralism gained momentum in the post-Cold War
world, wherein multilateralism was broadly defined in two different ways.7 The
definition that gave central importance to ‘institutions’, projected multilateralism as
institutionalized collective action by three or more independent nation-states. It held

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that the institutions with a truly multilateral character were open to all nation-states
meeting specified criteria. The rules of multilateral institutions were publicly known
and persisted over an extensive period. Robert O. Keohane, who defined
multilateralism in institutional terms, wrote in 1990: ‘Defining multilateralism in
strictly institutional rather than normative terms, makes it possible meaningfully to
ask causal questions about whether multilateral institutions promote norms…Such a
definition also facilitates inquiry into whether strictly institutional forms are
normatively legitimate.’ 8 Nevertheless, Keohane argued that the norms underlying
the multilateral institutions by no means superseded the sovereignty of nation-states.
The states were the most important actors in world politics and the multilateral norms
were created by states. The states dominated the process of decision-making in
multilateral institutions. He asserted that multilateral institutions such as the United
Nations (UN) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) performed valuable
functions for states. They reduced the costs of preparing and implementing
agreements, they helped to supply information about other states’ policies, and they
increased the costs of reneging on commitments, thereby enhancing the credibility of
promises made by the states associated with a multilateral set-up.

John Gerard Ruggie agreed that Keohane’s definition was accurate but he criticized it
for being nominal and incomplete. In 1992, Ruggie observed that what was
distinctive about multilateralism was not merely that it coordinated national policies
in groups of three or more states. Other organizational forms also did such
coordination. The peculiarity of multilateral organizations was that they coordinated
national policies based on certain ‘principles’ of ordering relations among those
nation-states. While Keohane called for evaluating the norms of multilateralism
through its institutional framework, Ruggie assigned a greater role to norms or
principles in understanding the functioning of multilateral institutions, thereby
designing an alternative definition of multilateralism.

Ruggie’s alternative definition restricted multilateralism to action among three or

more states based on ‘generalized principles of conduct. Two corollaries of the
generalized principles of conduct were: ‘indivisibility’ among the members of a
collectivity concerning the range of behaviour in question; and ‘diffuse reciprocity’
expected by each member to yield a rough equivalence of benefits in the aggregate
and over time. Indivisibility can be thought of as the scope (both geographic and
functional) over which costs and benefits are spread. The generalized principles of
conduct usually come in the form of norms exhorting general if not universal modes
of relating to other states, rather than differentiating relations case-by-case based on
individual preferences, situational exigencies, or prior particularistic grounds. Diffuse
reciprocity adjusts the utilitarian lenses for the long view, emphasizing that actors

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expect to benefit in the long run and over many issues, rather than every time on
every issue. Keohane opines that Ruggie’s definition is most valuable for studying
possible transformations in world politics.

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, another phase of transformation in world

politics became visible. Firstly, the UN system as a multilateral forum had
transformed both in terms of the strength and character of its members and the scope
of its numerous specialized agencies. Secondly, the UN system was not the only
instrument of multilateralism. The cropping up of multiple regional organizations
(EU, SAARC, ASEAN, SCO, APEC, G4, G6, G8+5, G20, G77, BASIC, BRICS, and
IBSA) provided alternative venues for operationalizing multilateralism. Additionally,
the onset of a worldwide financial recession in 2007 began to expose loopholes in the
existing multilateral arrangements and presented a changed context to the theory and
practice of multilateralism. It is evident that the design of multilateral organizations
and their associated law by many nations, each of which has its concerns, is a very
difficult task. This task has been made more difficult in the last decade or so by major
changes in economic and geopolitical relations and worsening disequilibria in global
commodity, currency and asset markets. One way to capture this changed context of
multilateralism is to use the metaphor of ‘Multilateralism 2.0’which stresses how the
playing field and the players in multilateralism are currently changing.

13.4 MULTILATERALISM IN THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD ORDER

The multilateral arrangements are being transformed by two major developments in

the contemporary world. The first is the trend towards ‘multi-polarity’ as expressed
by the emergence of ‘rising powers’ that have started acting as key players in world
politics. Unlike the historical phases when only a few or even one player dominated
the geopolitical game, today it seems that several nation-states are becoming
dominant players as global or regional actors. The voting behaviour of the BRICS
countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) in the UN and their presence
in the G20 exemplify this trend. In their drive to mould the functioning of world
politics by their national or regional interests, these rising powers have organized
selves based on ’ multilateral forums such as IBSA (India, Brazil, and South Africa)
and BASIC (Brazil, South Africa, India and China).

The second and related development is marked by the proliferation of regional

organizations and their increased influence on the exercise of multilateralism. Since
1974, the European Union (EU) for instance has been an observer in the United
Nations General Assembly (UNGA). But on 3 May 2011, UNGA improved the EU’s
status by granting it speaking rights. The UNGA resolution also opened the door for

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other regional organizations to request the same speaking rights. While some UN
members warned that this could unbalance the ‘one state, on vote rule within the UN,
the others argued that this opening towards regional organizations brought with it new
opportunities.

Together these two developments illustrate that multilateralism is no longer only a

play between states: various regions as well as other actors are present and are
profoundly changing the multilateral game. Thakur and Van Langenhove wrote: ‘The
policy authority for tackling global problems still belongs to the states, while the
sources of the problems and potential solutions are situated at transnational, regional
or global level’. As such the building blocks of multilateralism, the nation-states,
seem to be less and less capable of dealing with the challenges of globalization. But
because the multilateral world order is so dependent on the input of nation-states,
multilateralism itself is not functioning well. Langenhove observes: ‘…what was
once an exclusive playing ground for states has now become a space that states have
to share with others. It is a fascinating phenomenon: both supra- and sub-national
governance entities are largely built by states and can therefore be regarded as
‘dependent agencies’ of those states. However, once created, these entities start to
have a life of their own and are not always totally controllable by their founding
fathers. These new sub- and supra-entities are knocking on the door of the multilateral
system because they tend to behave ‘as if they are states. This actorness gives them,
at least in principle, the possibility to position themselves against other actors,
including their founding fathers! All of this has weakened the Westphalian relation
between state and sovereignty.

The comparative decline of state sovereignty has paved the way for the emergence of
supra-national multilateral bodies like the European Union (EU). In practice, the
West expects multilateralism to foster governance (transcending the traditional
understanding of sovereignty whenever it appears to be necessary), whereas the other
actors seem to expect that multilateralism should ‘reproduce sovereignty’: not
surprisingly China, India and Russia tend to identify multilateralism with the
workings of the UN. To tackle this challenge emanating from the safeguarding of
sovereignty, the European Security Strategy (ESS), the first-ever common strategic
document of the EU, adopted by the European Council in December 2003, accords a
central place to the concept of ‘effective multilateralism. Effective multilateralism has
been described by the ESS as ‘the development of a stronger international society,
well functioning international institutions and a rule-based international order As
such, it stresses that ‘international organizations, regimes and treaties’ can become
effective if the EU is ‘ready to act when their rules are broken‘Effective
multilateralism’ thus appears to imply enforceable multilateralism.

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Though serious thought has been devoted to improving the effectiveness of the EU’s
multilateral policies, Andornino Giovanni and Anna Caffarena opine that the concept
of ‘effective multilateralism has been neither clearly defined in theoretical terms nor
appropriately understood in a practical sense.18 A severe blow to the EU’s aspired
‘effective multilateralism’ came in the aftermath of the recent financial recession
when particular member states of the EU badly suffered while the better-off member
states seemed reluctant to help them out. This became most obvious when Germany
and the other creditor countries did not want to commit more billions of Euros to pull
Greece out of its economic death spiral.

Besides the complexity generated by multiple levels of governance (supra- and

subnational governance), another development that has often obstructed the smooth
operation of multilateralism is the growing ‘US unilateralism’. The exercise of an
excessively unilateralist role by the US (hegemon) gives a setback to the general
spirit of multilateralism. Shridath Ramphal wrote: ‘The paradox and the tragedy of
recent times are that even as the need for a multilateral approach to global problems
has become more manifest, support for internationalism has weakened-eroded by
some of the strongest nations. This is most true, of course, of the United States,
whose recent behaviour has served actually to weaken the structure of
multilateralism, including the UN itself.

Historically, multilateralism has largely been a post-World War II element of US

foreign policy. The US policies such as the Monroe Doctrine Doctrine (1903) were
unilateral. Although American involvement in World War I seems to be a multilateral
alliance with Great Britain and France, it was a unilateral venture. The US declared
war against Germany in 1917, almost three years after the war began in Europe; it
cooperated with Great Britain and France simply because they had a common enemy;
aside from combating the German spring offensive of 1918, it refused to follow the
alliance's old style of trench fighting; and, when the war ended, the US negotiated a
separate peace with Germany. When President Woodrow Wilson proposed a truly
multilateral organization – The League of Nations - to prevent another such war,
Americans refused to join. Only World War II pulled the US toward multilateralism.
At the end of the war, the US became involved in a flurry of multilateral diplomatic,
economic, and humanitarian activity, thereby joining the war's victors in the creation
of the UN (1945), International Monetary Fund and World Bank (1944) and World
Health Organization (1948). The US and its Western allies also created the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1949 and followed that up with the
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) and the Organization of American
States (OAS). However, this short span of multilateral endeavours took a back seat

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with the increasing US interest in ‘going it alone. Cornwell went on to cite instances
of the George W. Bush administration ‘going it alone opting out of the Kyoto
Protocol on global warming, scuppering the tightening up of the 1972 Biological and
Toxin Weapons Convention, and “refusing to ratify the statutes of the International
Criminal Court of Justice. It is widely held that the US's refusal to go along with the
international consensus is detrimental to the general well-being of the international
community.

In response to the criticism of US unilateralism, a new concept – ‘new

multilateralism’ – has been generated. In 2009, Johanna Mendelson Forman wrote:
‘Almost a decade into the twenty-first century, the United States has yet to think
strategically about a new multilateralism that will address the threats our nation faces
– threats not only from other states but from forces that do not respect borders. These
so-called transnational threats – include the spread of infectious diseases such as
HIV/AIDs; the perils of organized crime, which can destabilize fragile states; the
increased impact of global warming on the development and sustainability of
agriculture; the unchecked proliferation of nuclear weapons; and the ongoing internal
conflicts that negatively affect regional development – are all areas where the global
mechanisms provided through UN agencies can be used to expand our national
capacities to address them…If multilateralism is used effectively, the United States
can rebuild its reputation in the community of nations while Forman discusses the
concept of new multilateralism to emphasize the need to remake the repute of the US
which has been maligned due to excessive unilateralism, and to highlight the
continued relevance of US-UN partnership, Ngaire Woods carves out this concept in
the light of the transformed role of multilateral institutions such as the International
Monetary Fund (IMF).

In 2010, Ngaire Woods questioned: ‘In the wake of the global financial crisis, three
G20 Summits have reinvigorated global cooperation, thrusting the IMF centre stage
with approximately $1 trillion of resources. With China, Brazil, India, Russia and
other powerful emerging economies now at the table, is a new more multilateral era
of governance emerging?’ She concluded that a new order might emerge in which
multilateral institutions such as the IMF end up with only a limited role to play
alongside emerging national and regional strategies unless a more radical
transformation begins. In response to the arguments put forth by Woods, the Advisor
and Deputy Division Chief in the IMF’s Strategy, Policy and Review department,
Isabelle Mateosy Lago and Yongzheng Yang wrote: While we agree that maintaining
the momentum of multilateral cooperation in a post-crisis era will not be easy, the
reforms underway give greater hope for continued multilateralism than Woods’
analysis may suggest’.

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An optimistic assessment of new multilateralism echoed in the writings of Robert O.

Keohane, Stephen Macedo, and Andrew Moravcsik. They argued: ‘…participation in
multilateral institutions defined broadly to include international organizations,
regimes, and networks governed by formal international agreements—can enhance
the quality of domestic democracy. To be sure, some instances of multilateralism
have undemocratic implications, but multilateralism can also enhance domestic
democracy in a number of important ways. Involvement with multilateral institutions
often helps domestic democratic institutions restrict the power of special interest
factions, protect individual rights, and improve the quality of democratic deliberation,
while also increasing capacities to achieve important public purposes. Under some
plausible circumstances, international cooperation can thus enhance the quality of
democracy even in reasonably well-functioning democratic politics.

Starting from a traditional understanding, wherein multilateralism was viewed as the

acting together of several sovereign nation-states for executing a common course of
action, to new multilateralism, that encompasses the influence of the growing number
of national, supra- and sub-national actors, the conceptual and praxeological
dimensions of multilateralism have undergone a sea change. This change has been
captured by the theories on multilateralism that can be broadly categorized under two
heads: rationalist and reflectivist. Since IR as an academic discipline remains
dominated by the West, most of the rationalist and reflectivist theorisation on
multilateralism was initiated by Western scholars. However, this Western theorisation
has been further expanded by the Indian scholarship on multilateralism.

13.5 RATIONALIST AND REFLECTIVITY THEORIZATION ON

MULTILATERALISM: A COMPARISON OF WESTERN AND
INDIAN PERSPECTIVES

The initial efforts toward theorising multilateralism in the West can be traced to the
works of Keohane, Ruggie, Cox and Rosenau. While Keohane subscribes to the
rationalist tradition, and Cox and Rosenau are committed to the reflectivist school,
Ruggie lies somewhere in between. Keohane defines multilateralism as the ‘practice
of coordinating national policies in a group of three or more states’ through
institutional arrangements having a ‘persistent set of rules that constrain activity,
shape expectations and prescribe roles’. Keohane’s views find resonance in the
writings of Ruggie. According to Ruggie, ‘multilateralism depicts a generic
institutional form in international relations that coordinates relations among three or
more states on the basis of generalized principles of conduct. A careful study of

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Keohane and Ruggie suggests two necessary ingredients of the Western rationalist
theorising on multilateralism:
1. perpetual regulatory framework and institutional structure;
2. universal state-centric appeal. Though the issues of ‘rules’, ‘institutions’ and
‘state-centrism’ are re-iterated in the Indian rationalist theorising on
multilateralism, their perpetuality and universality are effectively
problematized.

Deepak Nayyar opines that there is a need not only to change or adapt the existing
multilateral rules or institutions but also to create the missing rules or institutions
particularly to govern global macroeconomic management, international financial
structure, transnational corporations, cross-border movement of people and
international public goods and public bads. He highlights three major problems in this
regard: First, there are different rules in different spheres. For instance, the WTO is
more open in the sphere of trade flows and capital flows but less open in the sphere of
technology flows and labour flows. Second, there are rules for some but not for
others. There are no rules for surplus countries, or even deficit countries, in the
industrialized world which do not borrow from the multilateral financial institutions,
but the IMF and the World Bank set rules for borrowers in the developing world and
the transitional economies. Third, the agenda for new rules is partisan. The attempt to
create a multilateral agreement on investment in the WTO, which seeks free access
and national treatment for investors with provision to commitments and obligations to
foreign investors, provides the most obvious example. Surely these rights of foreign
investors must be matched by some obligations. He concludes by advocating the need
to make the rules symmetrical across spheres and uniformly applicable to all states.

Though Nayyar’s call for uniformity echoes Ruggie’s emphasis on ‘generalized’

principles of conduct, the applicability of Nayyar’s idea of uniformity is much wider
as it is not just limited to a multiplicity of states but also embraces plural spheres of
interaction amongst states. Moreover, Nayyar’s demand for introducing new
multilateral rules and institutions questions the perpetuality of existing multilateral
rules and institutions on the one hand and reflects impatience towards the idea of
‘diffuse reciprocity’ on the other. A profound mistrust towards the efficacy of diffuse
reciprocity in serving collective purposes is reflected in the views of Achin Vanaik
who writes: ‘Multilateralism is essentially a neutral rather than definitionally positive
term as it is so often used for bad ends.

While J.N. Dixit and Shashi Tharoor largely associate the concept of multilateralism
with the regulatory problems of multiple co-existing states as members of universal
multilateral institutions like the UN, B.S. Prakash warns that the changes in
multilateralism are not limited to the UN system as ‘sub-regionalism’ or ‘pan-

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regionalism’ has evolved as another multilateral reality that challenges the universal
character of traditional multilateralism. Unlike the Western scholars, who suggest that
regional organizations like the EU have multilateralism in their DNA, and who sense
continuity rather than the contradiction between the forces of regionalism and
multilateralism, the Indian scholars consider regionalism as an obstacle in the move
toward multilateralism. The majority of Western scholars - Hudgins, Either,
Mansfield and Reinhardt, Sampson and Woolcock, Wei and Frankel, and Menno -
assert that regionalism is not blocking multilateralism but is facilitating its
development, whereas the majority of Indian scholars like Jagdish Bhagwati, Nipun
Agarwal and Sayantan Gupta argue that regionalism might not be a building block or
a stepping stone but rather a stumbling block in the path of multilateralism. They
argue that the ‘economic rents’ produced through multilateral trade diversion
adversely affect the politico-economic interests of many regional special-interest-
lobby groups. Consequently, these groups push the governments to stop moving
further in the direction of multilateralism. The governments face a ‘multi-objective’
decision-making scenario wherein they need to maximize cultural, environmental,
economic, social and many other factors rather than just one factor – the economic
factor – as stressed by Adam Smith and David Ricardo. The complexity of multi-
objective decision-making causes governments to make decisions that are not always
compatible with the goal of multilateralism.

Noticing the fragmentation in the universal character of multilateralism due to

growing regional tilt in multilateral practice, B.S.Prakash observes: ‘As one surveys
the changing face of multilateralism today, we see mutation and multiplication. The
underlying reality is that the world is multipolar and with more poles, you tend to
have more constellations’. He asks, how does one understand the ‘many-literalism of
multilateralism? Though the Indian scholarship admits some degree of overlap
between the divided landscapes of regionalism and multilateralism, it underlines the
possibility of a clash between regional and universal multilateral interests, thereby
challenging the notion of ‘divisibility’ that is so central to Ruggie’s understanding of
multilateralism.

As the theoretical discourse on multilateralism acquires a reflectivist attitude, the

actors and arenas of multilateralism expand. The criticism of rationalist emphasis on
perpetuality and universality paves way for reflective thinking on transformation and
regionalism. The operation of institutions and rules are analyzed in light of
underlying norms. The activities of states are scrutinized in the context of civil
society. The Western reflectivist theorising on multilateralism is arguably best
exemplified in the writings of Cox and Rosenau. Cox’s ‘Historical Dialectic’
approach studies multilateralism as a historical problem in the making of new world

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order. Thus multilateralism becomes an arena of conflict between the endeavour to

buttress the freedom of movement of powerful homogenizing economic forces, and
efforts to build a new structure of regulation protecting diversity and the less
powerful. Cox aims at exploring the prospects for creating ‘new multilateralism’ built
from the bottom up on the foundations of a broadly participative global society. In
line with Cox’s idea of new multilateralism that encompasses a tussle between
diverse social forces often transcending the boundaries of the state, Rosenau
perceives the formation of multilateralism through a historical dialectic between
‘globalizing’ and ‘localizing’ forces. He argues that both sets of forces challenge the
authority of the nation-state in favour of some sort of alternative ‘imagined
community, whether sub-national, supranational or transnational in scope. For him,
the problem of multilateralism is connected to the issue of multiple levels of
associations including ethnic, religious and familial affiliations. Two features sum up
the Western reflectivist proposition on multilateralism: (1) historically transformable
trajectory; (2) dialectically linked social forces. Though the Indian reflectivist
thinking on multilateralism takes account of the transformative thrust of diverse
social forces, it has a distinctive appeal in two respects. First, it employs not just
historical but also ‘sociological’ tools for explaining the process of transformation in
multilateralism. Second, it suggests that the dialectical interaction between diverse
social forces in the process of shaping multilateralism is not always mutually
conflictive but also ‘mutually constitutive’.

Sharing Cox’s dynamic and historical vision, Ramesh Thakur states that
multilateralism, like any social construction, is destined to evolve as a function of
changing environmental dynamics. The multilateral norms that underpin multilateral
institutions are products of historically specific demands and power configurations.
Since the demands and underlying power configurations evolve and change with
time, there is little reason to believe that multilateral norms or institutions could or
should remain static in form and nature. Amitav Acharya endorses Kratochwil’s
conviction to further explain that the dynamics of multilateralism are more a function
of norms than institutions. Multilateralism institutionalizes a world order by
‘embedding’ new norms into it. However when the existing norms become
dysfunctional at a particular temporal juncture, multilateralism ‘redefines’ or
‘displaces’ them, thereby transforming the very world order that it once helped to
institutionalize. Therefore the changes in the institutional dimensions of
multilateralism can be grasped by comprehending the related normative shifts in time.
However, the normative shifts in multilateral practice are not just temporally but also
spatially contingent. Acharya argues that the norms of multilateralism vary and
undergo adaptation in different regional contexts, something Ruggie’s general
definition of multilateralism does not demonstrate. Though Ruggie’s definition

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acknowledges the normative elements of multilateralism and Cox’s account admits

the importance of regional contexts, they do not explore how the transnational norms
of multilateralism acquire regional specificity and meaning through ‘socialization’. In
his attempt to fill the gaps in Ruggie’s and Cox’s understanding of multilateralism,
Acharya uses the sociological framework of norm localization to explain how
external/foreign multilateral norms are constructively diffused into regional/local
contexts.46 He describes ‘norm localization’ as the active construction of locally
applicable multilateral norms by local actors through discourse, framing, grafting and
cultural selection of foreign ideas. The norm localization helps in achieving
congruence between foreign and local beliefs as well as practices, thereby uniquely
determining the diverse practices of multilateralism at various regional levels.

Though Acharya espouses Cox’s and Rosenau’s concept of ‘dialectics’ by admitting

that the central feature of norm dynamic is the contestation between pre-existing
regional and emerging global normative orders, he penetrates deeper into the nature
of contestation between regional and global forces to reveal that the regional and
global normative orders are not in a thoroughly oppositional but in a mutually
constitutive relationship. He further elaborates that the resulting behaviour of the
recipient can be understood more in terms of the former than the latter, although it
can be fully understood in terms of both. Acharya’s notion of ‘new multilateralism’
involves a mix of three types of actors:

1. Counter hegemonic coalitions;

2. Cosmopolitan moral movements;
3. Knowledge-based epistemic communities.

Though Acharya borrows the concept of ‘counter-hegemonic coalitions’ from Cox

and ‘epistemic communities’ from Adler and Haas, how he utilizes these concepts for
explaining the role of ‘leadership’ in new multilateralism makes his contribution
more than a mere application of existing Western ideas to non-Western contexts.
Unlike the Western practice of acknowledging the hegemonic leadership of the US in
creating post-war multilateral order, Acharya argues that the actors of new
multilateralism provide leadership that goes beyond the ‘structural leadership’ of
tleadershipegemon. He demonstrates that some of the most creative contributions of
new multilateralism such as the report of the International Commission on
Intervention and State Sovereignty are neither American-led nor produced by a
formal governmental organization. The sociological bent of Acharya’s reading of
multilateralism opens greater space for ‘entrepreneurial’ leadership.

The distinctive Indian understanding of multilateralism has the following key tenets:

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(i) Multilateralism is based not on static but potentially dynamic institutions

and rules.
(ii) Multilateralism is more a function of norms than institutions and the
normative shifts in multilateralism can be captured through the
sociological process of norm localization which implies the melding of
global norms by the regional culture.
(iii) Norm localization is shaped more effectively by regional than global
forces.
(iv) The leadership provided by the actors of new multilateralism goes beyond
the structural leadership offered by the global hegemony.

These tenets are relatively ignored in the Western discourse on multilateralism.

As the West struggles to operationalize the process of ‘effective multilateralism’,
it needs to develop theoretical clarity on the subject. The incorporation of the
insights provided by the Indian scholarship on multilateralism can create an
isomorphic space that can benefit both Indian and Western IR studies.

13.6 SUMMARY

In the asymmetrically interdependent character of the contemporary world, wherein

no state can fulfil its aspiration unilaterally, the question of how a nation-state
perceives the nature of its collaboration with other regional and global powers in the
pursuit of its aspiration is central to the theory and practice of multilateralism.
Though multilateralism as a joint venture of various nation-states for accomplishing
certain well-defined common aspirations is not a new phenomenon, the nature of its
practice has transformed over time with the parallel change in the world order and its
influential actors. While the world order has become more multipolar with the rise of
many ‘emerging powers’, the influential actors are not just sovereign nation-states
that are labelled as major powers or emerging powers, but also various sub- and
supra-national forces that have recently cropped up as new actors of multilateralism.
Consequently, the concept of multilateralism has been redefined. Robert B. Zoellick
in his article entitled ‘Redefining Multilateralism’ (2008) comments: ‘Today's
globalization and markets reflect huge changes in information and communications
technology, financial and trade flows, mobility of labour, and vast new competitive
forces. New economic powers are on the rise, making them stakeholders in the global
system. But the developed world's financial systems, especially in the US, have
revealed glaring weaknesses. The international architecture designed to deal with
such circumstances is creaking. The new multilateralism will need to be a flexible
network. It must maximize the strengths of interconnecting institutions, public and
private. It must build a sense of shared responsibility for the health of the global
political economy and must involve those with a major stake in that economy. We
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must redefine economic multilateralism more broadly, beyond the traditional focus on
finance and trade. Today, energy, climate change, and stabilizing fragile and post-
conflict states are economic issues. They are already part of the international security
and environmental dialogue. They must be concerned with economic multilateralism
as well. As multilateralism acquires varied faces in diverse regional contexts, its
appropriate theoretical comprehension and effective practical implementation become
far more challenging. As the West increasingly realizes that a new set of widely
shared rules is necessary to foster a cohesive multilateral framework for sustaining
global governance, and as it strives to play a leading role in accomplishing this goal,
the need to grasp the attitude and preferences of emerging powers becomes critically
essential. The greater sensitivity toward the temporal and spatial dimensions of
multilateral practice in the works of Indian scholars establishes multilateralism as a
more regional, normative and dynamic concept. The creative employment of
sociological conceptual tools like ‘norm localization’ by the Indian theorists, aids in
developing an improved understanding of the complex interface between the regional
and global dynamics of multilateralism over time.

13.7 EXERCISE

1. What is multilateralism?
2. What are the aspects of multilateralism?
3. What is the role of the institution in the context of multilateralism?
4. Discuss multilateralism in the contemporary world.

13.8 REFERENCE

Acharya, Amitav, 2004. How Ideas Spread: Whose Norms Matter? Norm
Localization and Institutional Change in Asian Regionalism. International
Organization, 58(2), pp.239-275.

Agarwal, Nipun, 2007. Why Multilateralism Can’t Exist: Is The WTO Mandate
Wrong? Available at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=957765.
[Accessed July 28, 2010].

Amitav, 2009. Multilateralism, Sovereignty and Normative Change in World Politics.

In Ramesh Thakur et.al. (eds.) Multilateralism Under Challenge?. United Nations
University Press, pp 95-118.

Bhagwati, Jagdish, 1992. Regionalism Versus Multilateralism. The World Economy,

15(15), pp.535-556; Bhagwati, Jagdish, 1996. Preferential Trading Areas and

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Multilateralism: Strategies, Friends or Foes? In Jagdish Bhagwati (ed.) The

Economics of Preferential Trade Agreements. AEI Press.

Caporaso, James, (1992), International Relations Theory and Multilateralism: The

Search for foundation, International Organisation, Vol.46, No-3 Pp 600-601.

Cornwell, January 26, 2002. Weekend Review, The Independent, p. 4

Cox, Robert W., (ed.) 1997. The New Realism: Perspectives on Multilateralism and
World Order. St. Martin’s Press/ United Nations University Press.

Cox, Robert W., 1996. Multilateralism and World Order. In Robert W. Cox and
Timothy Sinclair (eds.) Approaches to World Order. Cambridge, pp.494-523.

Dixit, J.N., 2005. India’s Approach to Multilateralism. In C. Uday Bhaskar et.al (eds.)
United Nations: Multilateralism and International Security. IDSA-Shipra; Tharoor,
Shashi, Sep/Oct 2003. Why America Still Needs the United Nations? Foreign Affairs.
Available at http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/59184/shashi-tharoor/why-
america-still-needs-the-unitednations. [Accessed 4 April, 2010].

Forman, Johanna Mendelson. 2009. Investing in a New Multilateralism: A Smart

Power Approach to the United Nations, CSIS. Available at
http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/090128_mendelsonforman_un_smartpower_web.
pdf [Accessed March 18, 2013]

Gupta, Bhabani Sen, 1997. India in the Twenty-First Century. International Affairs,
73(2), p. 297-314.

Kahler, Miles, (1992), Multilateralism with Small and large Number International
Organisation, Vol.46 No-3 p.681.

Keohane, Robert O., Macedo, Stephen and Moravcsik, Andrew. 2009.

‘DemocracyEnhancing Multilateralism’. International Organization, Vol. 63, pp. 1–
31.

Keohane, R.O (2006), the contingent Legitimacy of Multilateralism, GARNET

Working Paper n. 09/06. Available at http://rrii.150m.com/t08/Robert_O._Keohane_-
_The_Contingent_Legitimacy_of_Multilateralism_GARNET_Working_Paper_No09
06.pdf [Accessed March 17, 2013].

Keohane, Robert O, (1988), International Institutions: Two Approaches, International

Studies Quarterly, Vol32, No-4: PP379-396.

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Kratochwil, Friedrich, 1993. Norms Versus Numbers: Multilateralism and the

Rationalist and Reflexivist Approaches to Institutions. In John Gerard Ruggie (ed.)
Multilateralism Matters: The Theory and Praxis of an Institutional Form. Columbia
University Press, pp.443-474.

Lago, Isabelle Mateos y and Yang, Yongzheng. 2010. ‘The IMF and a New
Multilateralism’. Global Policy, Vol. 1, Issue 2, pp. 223-225.

Langenhove, Luk Van 2010, The transformation of Multilateralism Mode1.0 to

Mode2.0, Global Policy Vol1 No.3 pp 263-270.

Lloyd, peter (2012), Multilateralism in crisis’ Artnet Working paper series No.114.

Nayyar, Deepak(ed), 2002, Governing Globalization, Oxford, P-3.

Powell, Lindsay, (2003), In defence of Multilateralism, Yale centre for Environment

Law and Policy, Available at
http://www.yale.edu/gegdialogue/docs/dialogue/oct03/papers/Powell.pdf [Accessed
March 17, 2013.

Prakash, B.S., 2005. Strengthening and Restructuring Multilateral Institutions: A

Perspective. In C. Uday Bhaskar et.al (eds.), United Nations: Multilateralism and
International Security. IDSA-Shipra.

Prakash, B.S., 2010. Looking for Meaning in Multilateralism. Available at

http://newsrediff.com/column/2010/feb/23/looking-for-meaning-in-
multilateralism.htm [Accessed 25 June 2010].

Ramphal, Shridath. 1988. Preface to Harrod and Sahrijver (eds.) UN Under Attack.
Gower. Jones, Steve ‘What is Multilateralism?’. Available at
http://usforeignpolicy.about.com/od/introtoforeignpolicy/a/What-Is-
Multilateralism.htm [Accessed March 22, 2013

Rosenau, James N., 1997. The Person, the Household, the Community and the Globe:
Notes for a Theory of Multilateralism in a Turbulent World. In Robert W. Cox (ed.)
The New Realism:

Ruggie, John Gerard (1993), Multilateralism: The Anatomy of an institution in John

Gerard Ruggie (ed), Multilateralism Matters: The theory and praxis of an Institution
from Columbia University Press.

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Thakur, Ramesh and Langerhove, Luk Van (2006), Enhancing Global Governance
Through Regional Integration. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateral and
International Organization, Vol.2 No 3 pp 233-240.

Woods, Ngaire. 2010. Global Governance after the Financial Crisis: A New
Multilateralism or the Last Gasp of the Great Powers? Global Policy, Vol. 1, Issue 1,
pp. 51-63.

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UNIT-14: REGIONALISM

Structure
14.1 Objective
14.2 Introduction
14.3 Historical background
14.5 Theories of Regionalism
14.6 Functionalism in International Politics
14.7 Constructivism in International Relation
14.8 Regional Organisation
14.8.1 NAFTA: North American Free Trade Agreement
14.8.2 OSCE in International Relations
14.8.3 European Union (Eu)
14.9 Summary
14.10 Exercise
14.11 Reference

14.1 OBJECTIVE

After reading this unit you will be able to understand

• The origin of regionalism.
• The different theories of regionalism.
• The functionalism in the context of international politics.
• The regional economic organisation.

14.2 INTRODUCTION

The concept of regionalism in international politics has a historical precedent but its
importance comes up in the 20th century with the formation of regional military
power blocks as a system of balance of power and collective security. Subsequently
spilling over to the 21st century as economic cultural and cooperative blocks. Its
significance has risen due to the strategic importance of small states in the Atlantic
and the Pacific Ocean regions.

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14.3 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

In the aftermath of the devastating 2nd world war, the entire global community
witnessed the horror of nuclear power that was unleashed on Japan by the United
States. This had a great impact on nations worldwide. The threat of nuclear war and
annihilation of mankind. Thus a realisation emerged amongst the leadership of the
developed and developing countries. In the newly decolonised countries in the Afro-
Asian and Latin American regions, the emerging problems that are confronting
humanity can be resolved effectively through international cooperation and fraternal
feelings. This will be only possible when we strengthen our relationship through
alliance and collective endeavour.

It is necessary that before explaining the concept of regionalism, we have to

understand what region is in international relations and geopolitics. “It consists of a
group of states possessing common security or political interest, common social
values and goals with or without an organisation. Therefore, we can say that region
can be defined as a limited area with a sovereign state having a common interest in
this area.

14.4 WHAT IS REGIONALISM

Regionalism is an expression of identity with a common purpose, objective and

action. It also aims at creating institutions and implementing its views with a
collective action within the confine of a geographical area.“ Regions have always
played an important role in world politics but the parameters of a given region,
including its geographical composition and its policy focus whether Economic,
strategic or socio-cultural have been influenced by politico-strategic and economic
forces. This is evident from the evolution of regional groupings both during and after
the cold war” ( S. D. Muni)

It is a political ideology that seeks to increase the political power, influence and self-
determination of the people of one or more subnational regions or territories. It can
also be a political focus area within a country or outside. In the United States, we find
examples of the perceived differences between Southerners and New Englanders.
Although they were occupying similar geographical areas, tracing them to their
earlier political leanings and contribution to agriculture made to developing the
counties can be an example of regional perceptions.

Another dimension to regionalism as a political ideology that favours specific regions

over a greater area is, it results due to political separations, religious geographical

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order, linguistic regions, cultural boundaries and managerial divisions. It starts within
the state territory and sub-national projection and gradually has international
ramifications.

Regionalism also has a positive impact on competition and market expansion due to
the effect of delivery costs leading to the existing supply of cheaper goods. The
negative impact it can arouse causing deflation in trade when the original cheaper
foreign inputs are replaced by more expensive domestic production. This is revealed
by the United States playing a dominant and significant role in the European
Reconstruction programme. ‘‘This provided a strong impetus to the growth of
regionalism in Europe and on the other helping the American economy to expand and
grow and this reinforced the western alliance.’’ We all know that NATO and the
point 4 Marshall plan played in strengthening America’s transatlantic alliance to have
an integration with the American economy.

14.5 THEORIES OF REGIONALISM

The political, and economic trend toward cooperation and integration of states within
a region where it has a greater or equal force in the state’s governance acts as a patch
to make these theories more effective and applicable. It can also be understood why
regionalism is important for globalisation. Both interstate and sub-state regionalism
has developed in response to the spread of such cultural globalization. A crusade to
preserve one’s own distinct cultural attributes. It will be correct to say that
regionalism has responded to cultural globalization with an increase in cultural
identity and the rise of regional parties.

There is often a debate that whether regionalism challenges globalisation or builds

upon it. “Thailand, Myanmar data trade intelligence. (July 29th 2010)”. This day and
time are very significant in history as the world order is transforming. We are witness
to a shrinking of the globe, due to the advancement of technology and the increasing
and increasing interdependence of the states one upon another. It is also very hard to
detect the various weaknesses and grey areas of unaddressed atrocities that lay within
the system of globalised international relation system.

Now it is revealed that the system of globalisation contains a new form of regionalism
that has arisen in the world to fill in what global multilateralism couldn’t and may not
However the modern term globalisation came into practice in the post-2ndworld war
and post-cold war disintegration of the Soviet Union in the early nineties. Its coming
is reflected in the emergence of unilateralism for a decade till the end of the 20th
century which gives a new meaning to it. The socialist economy model gave way to a

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market economy as in China and other countries having a socialist bias in their
economy.

Thus, we can say that regionalism can be briefly defined in the context to give an idea
of the contrasting ideals each term embodies. We also find that there has been lateral
use of pragmatic examples like the continental governing bodies, regional trade
agreements and cultural movements. This can be proof that as a result of globalisation
regionalism is rising in political, economic and cultural spheres. A counter-argument
can be made surrounding new regionalism which might be retreating its step
backwards in achieving global cohesiveness. In conclusion, it can be said that
regionalism is a building block of achieving a successful globalised world and this
must be accepted and embraced rather than avoided or discarded.

Looking at the post second world war scenario the world order as imposed by the
United States through the various agencies like IMF, UN, WORLD BANK GATT,
and now WTO, all these represent the vision of a borderless world or what we say the
global village, contemporary global world. In recent times it implies the consistent
growth of a world market which allows the increased penetration of economies and
essentially the trans nationalized economic, financial, environmental and political
problems whether the sovereign state likes it or not. Thus we can say that the
economic sovereignty of developing and underdeveloped small states is under a
serious challenge that may be fuelling an anti-wave against the intrusion of MNCs
and TNCs.

Political Scientists like Toshino Tanaka criticize it on the basic issue of globalization
is its selectiveness. Exclusion is inherent in the process (of globalisation) and the
benefits are evenly balanced by misery, conflict and violence when it comes to the
sources of globalisation. They are mainly detected in the capitalist mode of
production, technological development and the deregulation of financial markets. In
short, it can be said that the United States in the post-war era catalysed this version of
globalisation which the countries today recognise as a weakly regulated world system
that favours the few and undermines the majority with transnational problems.

Regionalism like globalisation can also be seen as somewhat vague in its meaning. A
region is defined not just as a geographical want but also as a social system, organised
cooperation in a certain field (society, economy and cultural and acting subject with a
distinct identity. It should be explained that there is a sharp contrast between the old
regionalism that existed during the cold war period and the idea of new regionalism
as seen arising in the modern milieu. The old regionalism revolved around countries
siding with hegemonic powers and implementing protectionist policies. Excellent

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examples of which are NATO and Warsaw pact followed up by CENTO SEATO.
These were specifically formed to be in regional agreement for balance of power and
collective security immediate impact of the bipolar world system.

New Regionalism on the other hand has taken shape out of the multi-polar world
order and is more spontaneous a process from within the regions where constituent
states now experience the need for cooperation to tackle new global challenges. The
past few decades have accelerated the resurgence of regionalism in world politics.
Old regionalist organisations have been revived; new ones are formed which has
given a call for strengthening regionalist arrangements which have also become a
focus of many debates about the nature of post-cold war international order. In the
regionalist wave of 1960sthe nature, scope and diversity of regional schemes have
grown significantly.

Joseph Nye would point to two major classes of regionalist activity “on the one hand
microeconomic organisation involving formal economic integration and characterised
by formal in institutional structures and the macroregional political organisation
concerned totally with conflict.”

Thus we find today in the political field the re-emergence of regional dimensions,
such as the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the organisation of American
States (OAS) and they have been linked to another large number of aspiring micro-
regional bodies like the wise guard pact and the pentagonal in central Europe. The
Arab Masque by Union. (AMU) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCL) in the
Middle East. (ECOWAS) and possibly a more renewed Southern African
Development Community(SADC)

New Regionalism is a more comprehensive and multidimensional process which not

only includes trade, commerce and economic development but also environmental,
and social security issues and also to mention as a part of a structural transformation
in which non-state actors are also active and operating at several levels in the global
system. Modern Regionalism goes beyond free trade and addresses multiple concerns
as the world struggles to adapt to the transforming and globalizing world.

In the economic sphere, regionalism has proved to be extremely effective in helping

to secure markets and providing economic strength through the creation of regional
Trade Agreements RTA’s IMF WTO NAFTA.

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14.6 FUNCTIONALISM IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS

Functionalism is one of the modern approaches to the understanding of International

Relations. This theory came into prominence when there arose a strong concern for
the obsolescence of the state during the inter-war period as a form of social
organisation. It is an approach that justifies the formation of international
organisations that advocates international cooperation on humanitarian, scientific,
social and economic issues.

Functionalism is a doctrine that makes or formalises a thought, a desire (any other

type of mental state) depending on the internal constitution but solely focuses on the
function or the role it plays in the cognitive system of which it is a part.

The theory is based on the premise that all aspects of society, institutions, roles,
norms and others have a sense of purpose and that all these factors or variables are
indispensable for the long-term survival of society. As we understand the simple
definition that views society as a complex but orderly and stable system with a
network of interconnected structures and functions or it can be the social patterns that
operate to meet the needs of the individuals that is an integral part of the society.

The 19th-century French philosopher and eminent sociologist, Emile Durkheim, like
other functionalists tried to focus on the problems of social order and the positive
effects of social institutions. He tried to explain their existence in terms of their
functionality and their necessary contribution. As it is evident that a social system is
assumed to have a functional unity in which all parts of the system work together
with some levels of internal consistency. Functionalism also assumes that all cultural
and social phenomena have a positive function and that all are indispensable.

Basing on this theoretical framework its relevance to international relations can be

cited by Arpita Anant. A functionalist approach to International relations tries to
emphasise the importance of specific issues or problems which may be at times
technical in nature and create a situation and the need for cooperation among nations.
According to David Murray (1943), cooperation among technical experts in a
functional area will result in the creation of an international agency that will push
nations to cooperate in one functional area which will have impacts and greater
ramifications in other functional areas.

A form of functionalism namely neo-functionalism became an idea recognised in the

post second world war phase due to the experiences generated by it paving the way

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for the integration of Europe. Ernst B Hans (1958) in his views says that over and
above the technical issues, it is the political parties, interest groups and the opinion of
political elites that influence cooperation. Further, a spillover from one functional
area to another is also likely but is conditioned by additional factors.

Amongst other prominent scholars who developed the theory along neo-functionalist
lines are Phillipe C. Shutter, Joseph S. Nye, and Robert O Keohane. The
contemporary significance of these theories lies in the fact that increasingly
multilateral cooperation is taking functional forms. Its ramifications to other
functional areas are however sometimes wary and unwilling to take risks. Especially
in the fluctuating political and economic conditions around the world. Therefore, it
becomes a basic component of foreign policy in international relations for major and
emerging powers.

While realism talks about power struggle, statism and survival of the fittest through
self-help. Functionalism speaks of shared values and beliefs coming together, what is
called hand holding and values consensus, a belief in integrated principle.
International relations being a complex system needs a simple solution to tackle
issues and problems. Solidarity and stability are necessary for the international
structure that shapes international relations. The common interest or objective shared
by states and non-state actors has had a steady growth post globalisation among all
stakeholders.

Global integration which is gradually taking shape triggered by economic and

sustainable development and the diminishing role of the state has also its input. It is
further argued that non-state actors with their persistent effort have infused more
vigour into policy making in states where they have an interest, in their involvement
in the policy-making process. Relating to another discipline for a more holistic
approach. William James, John Dewy and Harvey have provided their seminal
contributions on the psychological perspective of living in a world driven by
Globalisation. Termed a global village, the strategy of globalisation depended on
functionalism.

Looking at the charter of the United Nations, article 55 one finds it traces to
functionalism. The various agency of the UN reflects that individual attention will be
effective through collective action. An example can be cited of EU and functional
peace. Richard Cobden’s idea about the benefit of cooperation over efforts of other
slow processes has also a look at political will and responsibility. Neo-functionalism
has political and economic governance and integration strategies. Robert Schuman
architect of the European integration project. The French entrepreneur Jean Omer

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Marie Gabriel Monnet who is hailed as the chief architect of European unity talked
about the common convergent policy of all states. (Dr Amma Mirzaopinion on
functionalism (CEC New Delhi online lecture)

Another term which is connected with functionalism is spillover. Functionalism

spillover is the interconnection of various economic sectors or issues areas and their
integration in one policy area thereby spilling over into others. Political spillovers are
the creation of mega states with supranational governance models as far as one of the
brightest examples is the European Union as voluntary as reflected in the formation
of the United Nations.

Further spillover was a concept coined by neo-functionalism in the nineteen sixties to

pave the way for European integration. It refers to the inner dynamics whereby the
members associated with a regional order and its schemes would be compelled to
either enlarge the scope or increase the level of their mutual commitments to both.

Though functionalism has been of use in the process of integration yet it also has its
critics. It has been often criticised for its failure to account for social change and
individual agency. Some feel and consider it as conservatively biased while others
criticise it for attributing a human-like need to society.

The functionalist perspective attempts to explain social institutions as collective

means to meet individual and social needs. This has to be applied to a larger
perspective in the contemporary world.

14.7 CONSTRUCTIVISM IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

The development of this concept has been credited to Nicholas Onuf the term has
been coined to describe the theories that emphasized the socially constructed
character of international relations since the late 1980s and early 90s. For decades the
theory of international relations was dominated by two major approaches realism and
liberalism. Constructivism had been marginalised by these mainstream theories as it
focussed on social construction instead of material construction (Barkin 2017).
However, the turning point came late in the 1990s as a consequence of the collapse of
the Soviet Union and the end of the cold war. This made scholars and people think
and reconsider the explanatory capability of mainstream theories. Thus, a new debate
emerged under which the constructivist approach of Alexander Wendt gained
attention.

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Constructivism has become one of the major schools of thought in the domain of
international relations. It has been argued by constructivists that states can have
multiple identities that are socially constructed through constant intervention with a
variety of actors. This also reflects on who they are and what influences and turns
their interest and signals them from time to time.

Jean Piaget is taken to be one of the first theorists of constructivism His theories
indicate that humans create knowledge through the interaction between experience
and ideas. The concept is the advocacy of self-reliance on or employing construction
or constructive methods or processes. (Meriamwalden)

In international relations constructivism is a social theory that asserts that the most
significant aspects of international relations are shaped by ideational factors i.e from
ideas and concepts through the historical and social process like a policy framework
and not only a natural process. However, the most important ideational factors are
those that are “collectively held beliefs that help in the construct of interest and
identities of actors”(Finnamore Martha, Sikhink Kathryn 2001.)

However, in contrast to other prominent international relation approaches and

theories, (such as realism and rational choice) constructivists view the identities and
interests of actors as socially constructed and changeable identities. In a sense, they
are dynamic and not static and cannot be exogenously assumed. It will always have
an external reason of origin. Similarly, rational choice constructivism does not make
broad and specific predictions about international relations. This can be an approach
to studying politics at the global level but cannot be a substantive theory of
international politics. But constructive analysis can only provide substantive and
subtractive explanations, and predictions once the relevant actors and their interests
have been identified as well as what constitutes the social structures. Amongst the
prominent approaches that have conceptualised power in material terms like military
and economic in recent times is the constructivist who analyses and see power as the
ability to structure and constitute the nature of social relations amongst the actors.
Peter J Katzenstein edited the volume The culture of National security compiled
works by numerous prominent and emerging constructivists who have shared their
insights into this concept. This has been an important feature in the field of security
studies and an area of international relations that has been dominant. However, the
later constructivist focussed on explaining the circumstances under which some
norms mattered and others did not.

Alexander Wendt is the most prominent advocate of social constructivism in the

domain of international relations. He published “Anarchy is what states make of it.

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The social construction of power politics 1992.” He tried to show the limitation of the
concept of anarchy from the neo-realist and neo-liberal institutionalist theories in
explaining international relations. Laid the theoretical groundwork for challenging
what he considered to be a flaw in the two theories stated above. Thus, he threw open
the scope of international relations for scholars to work on from a constructive
perspective.

Social constructivism is a theory in the discipline of sociology, social ontology and

communication theory which proposes that certain ideas about physical reality arise
from collaborative consensus instead of pure observation of said reality. The theory
centres around the notion that meanings are developed in coordination with others
rather than separately by individuals. Thus interaction process generates new ideas.
Social constructivism replaces the subject with a concept of society that is at the same
time descriptive and normative. (Leeds Harwitz Wendy (2009), the social
construction of reality Encyclopaedia of communication theory.

There are certain weaknesses of constructivism. Some Neo realist scholars are highly
critical of the constructive approach and its intervention in the realm of international
relations.
1. The neo-realist are sceptical about the importance that constructivists attach to
norms and such that they exist yet they are routinely disregarded if that is in
the interest of powerful states.
2. The major problem that states face in anarchy is an issue that is not
sufficiently analyzed by constructivists. This is the problem of uncertainty and
the problem of uncertainty is sufficiently increased by the fact of deception.
(Copeland 2000) Thus, it seems that the approach is in not full proof in
addressing these issues.
3. According to Mearsheimer (1995), constructivism does not offer a well-
defined argument as to why discourse rise and falls. Jerne (1998) contends
constructivists fail to explain how norms are formed, how identities are
shaped and how interests are defined as they do. Thus, looking at the
theoretical approach to Realism Liberalism Constructivism. It can be stated
that Realism explains that states are always in a constant state of war because
anarchy exists. Liberalism says the state always cooperate as anarchy exists
and constructivist feel anarchy is what the state makes of it.
According to constructivism behaviour of states is not driven by tangible things but
ideas, norms, values, traditions etc. of a state matter a lot. Reality is not absolute but it
is a subjective term. To demonstrate this aspect there can be a close look at the
application of constructivism. The threat perception of nuclear weapons. North Korea
with few Nukes in its arsenal is a threat to the USA while France is not. The end of

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the cold war. United state considers it as a whole-scale loss for Russia whereas the
other way round Russia considers it as an act done in the favour of the world.

Arab spring or the democratic movements in west Asia, Tunisia and other countries.
The United States considers it a wave of democratization and Russia considers it a
wave of instability in the region. Thus, it is the perception that matters. The reality is
to perceive Iran, Russia, and China as a threat to the United States whereas Israel,
France, and Britain are not a threat. American values are inclined towards capitalism.
While Russia is a step back from the USA. Not all constructivism believes reality is
constructed. No fixed national interest as national interest can be constructed.
Security, prosperity and maximisation of economic forces. The constructivist view is
that what is rational for one state may be irrational for another.

As we look at some of the recent developments we find a significant group of

scholars who have studied in depth the processes of social construction deliberately
avoid the label of constructivism their argument that mainstream constructivism has
abandoned a lot of the most important insights from the term and social constructivist
theory in the pursuit of respectability as a scientific approach in the study of
international relation. Even some of the potential mainstream constructivists, the likes
of Jeffrey Chekel, have expressed their concern that constructivists have gone too far
in their efforts to build bridges with the non-constructivist school of thought. This
dichotomy persists. This growing number of constructivists contend that
contemporary theories pay inadequate attention to the role of habitual and ineffective
behaviour in world politics. However, the epicentre of relations and processes in
constructing world politics has been found in the inspirational work in neuroscience.

Some of the noted constructivists in international Relations are Emanuel Adler,

Michael Barnett, Mark Blyth, Ernst B Hans, Ian Hacking, Jeffrey d Chekkel, Peter J.
Katzen stein, and Alexander Wendt.

In another new line of thought, Amitav Acharya talks of the diffusion of ideas and
norms in world politics and constructivist international relations. Emphasising
comparative regionalism with a focus on a regional organisation like ASEAN and
other practices from the global south. “Constructivism has traditionally accorded
more importance to the role of ideas and norms in international politics compared to
realism and idealism.’ He points out that most constructivists conceive of ideas
looking outward from the west or what is termed as the global north to the rest of the
global south. He challenges the unidirectional norm and suggests diffusion referring
to local beliefs and practices that also matter.

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Highlighting ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations) leaders’ denial to

accept transactional norms was in line with prior local beliefs and successfully
localising it. Thus, the cooperative security which is manifested in the ASEAN
regional forum is recognising the need for inclusive regional security cooperation.
Thus Prof acharya gives a lot of importance to the study of regions in world politics.
He has also highlighted the ASEAN way of conflict management based on its norm
of non-interference and avoidance of confrontation in word and deed. This has been
built upon research work where the outlook of war has become almost unthinkable.
Thus, in the fast-changing world order where the superpowers dominated post second
world war and the end of the cold war. US hegemony in shaping the world institution
after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Its dominance in the name of liberal world
order over institutions and interventionist foreign policy in Africa Latin America and
other regions is coming to an end. In our concluding observation, it can be said that
constructivist theory is formulated on the debate that the subject of international
relations is guided by social construction as opposed to material capabilities. “Despite
its apparent weaknesses, constructivism remains instrumental to date in explaining
the nature of international relations and state behaviour”( Ivy Panda “ free essays
August 2020).

14.8 REGIONAL ORGANISATION

14.8.1 NAFTA: North American Free Trade Agreement

NAFTA was created to eliminate barriers in trade and investment between the three
North American countries, the United States, Canada and Mexico. This was
implemented in a free-trade sphere on January 1st 1994. However, it had been signed
earlier in November 1993. It facilitates to establish the of free-trade guidelines
between the three countries. The immediate effect of this agreement was the removal
of Tariffs on some goods and commodities. On other goods, tariffs were scheduled to
be eliminated over some time. It also brought about the elimination of tariffs on more
than one-half of Mexico’s exports to the US and more than US exports to Mexico. It
established a huge free trade zone between the three participating countries. Thus
becoming a significant landmark in the trade deal between Canada, the United States
and Mexico.

The agreement was an expansion of the earlier Canada-US free trade agreement of
1989. Unlike the European Union, NAFTA does not create a set of supranational
governmental bodies nor does it create a body of law which is superior to national
law. It is an international agreement and very much similar to a treaty. Under US law
it is classed as a congressional-executive agreement.

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NAFTA has a certain key provision.

1. Tariff elimination for qualifying goods
2. Establishing standards
3. Elimination of non-tariff barriers
4. Supplemental agreements
5. Protection of intellectual property rights
6. Trade dispute resolution.
The main objectives of NAFTA are the following.
1. To strengthen the existing bonds of friendship and cooperation.
2. To act as a catalyst in international cooperation.
3. To create, expand and secure future markets.
4. To establish fair rules of trade.
5. To ensure a predictable framework for business planning.
6. To foster creativity and innovation.
7. To create new employment opportunities and innovation.
8. To promote development.
9. To Strengthen environmental regulation.

However, if we try to analyse the positive and the negative impact, we find them on
equal terms. In the pros and cons, we can see that it lowered the price of many goods.
It enhanced GDP growth. It also increased international understanding through
diplomatic relations. It was responsible for increasing exports and creating regional
production blocs. Consequences were, it led to the loss of US manufacturing jobs.
With the rising trend of American jobs being lost. In 2020 and more so during Covid
19. It was replaced by (USMC) agreement. United States, Mexico, Canada
agreement.

Certain sectors of the United States economy lost out as a recession emerged but
other sectors got a boost. According to the CFR, nearly 200,000 export-oriented jobs
were created annually and good wishes must go to NAFTA. These jobs were able to
pay between 15% to 20% more than the manufacturing jobs that moved out of the US
post-NAFTA. Even in manufacturing, NAFTA led to a lot of cooperation between
countries creating new regional industries, where different parts are made in the other
signatory countries. According to other analysts this in turn has helped NATO and
America compete with Asian manufacturing powerhouse.

The analysts who were sceptical of NAFTA cite the loss of US manufacturing jobs as
a reason to criticize NAFTA and to be wary of future trade deals. According to the
CFR, The US auto sector lost roughly 3,50,000 jobs between 1919-2016. Many of
these jobs were taken away by workers in Mexico. There the auto sector added

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400,000 jobs in the same period under review. Those who cry for the loss of good-
paying factory jobs for lower-skilled workers in sectors like auto and textile
manufacturing are not generally swayed by statistics that cite NAFTA-induced
growth in the higher-skilled jobs. Critics argue that the US should always have plenty
of middle-class jobs for those without a college degree.

Another criticism levelled against NAFTA was its impact on the trade deal on small
farmers in Mexico. Many of them were unable to compete with the large
agriculturalist when the agreement came into force. Some of the country’s family-
owned farms folded up and the farmers had no option but to end up in factories as
workers. The workers had lower wages, less autonomy and inferior working
conditions.

NAFTA suppressed wages for non-college-educated workers in the United States and
the manufacturing sector of the US economy suffered. It also became one of the
heaviest job losses, wage also decreased in many other sectors, which do not require
workers to have a college degree. Competition from workers in Mexico, who earn
lower wages than the US workers on average exerted word pressure on the labour
market and US wages too.

By this agreement, care could have been taken to increase environment and labour
standards to a much higher scale. As when the US makes a trade deal with middle- or
low-income countries, the negotiations tend to demand higher labour, environmental
and intellectual property standards than those countries previously imposed.

NAFTA critics argue that the US didn’t push hard enough for stringent protections
for workers and the environment when negotiating the deal and thereby missing an
opportunity to promote the pro labour and environment agenda.“The bottom line of
the whole argument is that during its quarter-century NAFTA created both winners
and losers” Amdia Josephon, Smart Asset online). However, NAFTA fundamentally
reshaped North American economic relations during unexpected integration between
the developed economies of Canada US and Mexico-the developing ones. It had been
negotiated from the time of Republican President George H.W. Bush and passed by a
Democrat-controlled Congress and implemented by Democrat President Bill Clinton.
In December 2019 Donald Trump and his administration completed an updated
version known as USMCA, US, Mexico, Canada agreement. It came into force on
July 1st 2020

However, it is seen that NAFTA has been on a controversial platform since its
inception. Transnational corporations have tended to support it on the belief that

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lower tariffs would increase their profits. Labour unions in the US have opposed
NAFTA for fear that their jobs would move out of their country to the lower wage
costs in Mexico. On the other hand, Mexico has opposed it due to the heavy subsidy
in agriculture to US farmers which has put a great deal of downward pressure on
Mexican agricultural prices forcing many out of agro-business. The opposition has
come from environmental, social justice and other advocacy organisations.

From the diplomatic Relations angle, one view that is often cited is in favour of free
trade in general and NAFTA is that it strengthened the diplomatic ties between
countries. In other words, the countries that are economically interconnected are less,
to experience diplomatic or military conflict as is felt in recent times. It caused the
Heads of state of Canada, and Mexico to meet more frequently and put a higher value
on their diplomatic relations through negotiations and conciliation.

Since it came into force it has been difficult to analyse its macro-economic impact on
the global economy due to its number of variables. However, a variety of studies and
assessments have indicated that rather than creating an actual increase in trade it has
caused trade diversification, in which its members are now importing more from each
other at the expense of other countries worldwide. ‘NAFTA was mainly constituted to
meet the challenges of EEC and Japanese economic policies. It is expected to open
new avenues and options for American consumers.

14.8.2 OSCE in International Relations.

The organisation for security and cooperation (OSCE) in Europe has a membership of
57 states from Europe, Central Asia and North America and claims to be the largest
global organisation for regional security. It has also become an important partner for
NATO allies in the post-world war and post-cold war scenarios in global politics. The
allies attach a lot of importance to the role of OSCE. This has become a forum for
fostering dialogue, holding trust and upholding the rules based on international order.
As the world’s largest regional security-oriented inter-governmental institution with
an observer status like the UN, it has certain mandates that it is obliged to fulfil.
1. Arms control
2. Protection of Human Rights
3. Freedom of the press
4. Free and fair election.
Its scope for deliberations and political dialogue on a wide range of issues provides a
platform for joint action to improve the lives of individuals and communities. This
organisation was conceived as, setting a road map, a comprehensive approach to
security that has in its scope the political, economic, military, environmental and
human dimensions. It has emphasized and works for it too, bringing stability, peace

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and democracy for more than a billion people through political dialogue, conciliation,
negotiations on shared values and practical work that aims at bringing about a lasting
difference in the environment not only in Eurasia and Latin America but worldwide.
Another area of specific attention is the sustainable use of natural resources. Since
1975 groundwork is on with important policy initiatives on peaceful settlement of
international disputes, particularly to regional conflicts that have raised its head at
different points in time. Inter-governmental coordination on human rights and
fundamental freedom. Aiming at consensus decisions chaired by foreign secretaries
of different countries. With a permanent council in Vienna and a secretary general in
place. It takes up issues on the Rule of Law, Tolerance, and non- discrimination.
Engaging in crisis management and conflict resolution it endorses key regional
platforms for continuous deliberation and joint action.

With the accelerated pace of development, wanton destruction of the environment,

the disintegration of the Soviet Union into the commonwealth of independent states,
and splits and division in erstwhile European and Asian states, the International
political situation has become murkier. Thus comes the intervention of OSCE‘S area
of focus. It is on broad-spectrum conflict prevention and resolution, arms control,
border management, combating human trafficking, countering terrorism, cyber and
CT security, democratic movements, as witnessed during Arab spring, economic
activities, education, elections, environmental activities, gender equality, good
governance, Human rights, media freedom, development, migration, minority rights,
policing, reform and cooperation in the security sector, rule of law, tolerance and non-
discrimination with a special youth focus.

In a nutshell, we can say the range of activities is manifold ranging from security
issues, conflict prevention, fostering economic development, ensuring the sustainable
use of natural resources and promoting the full respect and dignity of human rights
and fundamental freedom. The OSCE has made its field presence and operations in
southeastern Europe, eastern Europe, the South Caucasus and Central Asia. These
operations have tailor-made mandates which are agreed upon by consensus of the
participatory states. Field operations are however established with the agreement of
the host country. In addition to the headquarters in the field operations field level
officers, regional centres and training centres are present in the host countries. Early
warning and conflict prevention mechanisms are also in place by their respective
mandates. Some field operations are also monitored and the report of the
developments on the ground are shared. These field operations enable them to
manage crises and play a critical part in conflict roles.

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It is the field-level operations that create and maintain many partnerships with local
and national authorities, agencies and institutions, civil society as well as with
international organisations. Such partnerships support the coordination and its efforts,
ensure complementarity and mutually reinforce their impact in areas of shared
engagements.
OSCE’S conflict prevention centre CPC is responsible for planning the
restructuring and closure of field operations. The CPC plays a key role in supporting
and coordinating the OSCE’S activities in the field providing analysis and policy
advice as well as liaison between the field operations, secretariat and the OSCE
chairman. 2022 chairmanship is of Poland. Take a look at the presence of the
organisation in Albania, its mission to Bosnia, and Herzegovina, its mission in
Kosova, and Montenegro, its Mission to Serbia, Mission to Skopje. Minsk conference
is some of its activities in contemporary time.

Another important dimension is to understand the relationship between OSCE &

NATO. Whether it’s complimentary or competitive as security providers for Europe.
What is the long-range perspective? Both these organisations' post second world war
developments were to maintain the status quo and regional security in Europe. Each
of them represents half of a comprehensive European security organisation (NATO
members 19 in 1999 to 30 in 2022 and there is provision for enlargement. Many have
lined up to be members in recent times.) It organises armed forces to deter aggression
and to undertake peacekeeping and peace enforcement missions mostly in Europe. On
the other hand, OSCE with a more comprehensive membership of 55 states has its
specialisation in conflict prevention and reduction and also lends support to post-
conflict peace- building-election-police and civil administration example Kosovo.
Both organisations have their domain area of operation and are busy whatever may be
the outcome and they will continue. NATO is conducting military action against
Serbia and risks much more with its involvement in Kosovo than OSCE which for
now has a subordinate role.

But the situation might change if NATO can cope with the Kosovan refugees, and
bring them back to Kosovo under relatively tolerable mutual conditions. Can play its
role in reaching an understanding with Serbia to allow Kosovo far-reaching autonomy
within Serbia and can provide an effective peacekeeping contingent to assure the
implementation of this agreement. Perhaps this can increase its prestige in the 21st
century to a new high.

OSCE’s reputation will be however carried along with that of NATO. If NATO fails
in significant respects on Kosovo the damage to European and transatlantic unity will
be great and the ensuing debate over NATO’S proper role and that of OSCE is likely

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to continue for years. In this situation, the general feasibility of multilateral military
actions in support of human rights will also be placed in question. However, it is not
likely that these two institutions will come together anytime soon to form a single
comprehensive institution.

The political leaders in the USA were concerned about a new possibility of the US
reverting to an isolationist resurgence in political opinion and therefore there was an
urgent necessity to maintain the preeminent influence in Europe. That has been
exercised through NATO during the phases of the cold war. Yet it became a different
version in a post-cold war situation. The American unilateralism. In 1995 against
much reluctance became involved in Bosnia 1995. NATO had a residual function of
insuring against a possible revival of the Russian threat which had been vigorously
criticised for its failure to play a positive as well as a constructive role in the conflicts
of Croatia and Bosnia. This also had an impact on the energetic campaign of NATO
for its enlarged role in European affairs. The later developments also revealed that the
United States had realised that CSCE was doing useful work and was too weak to be
a serious challenge to NATO.

It is understood that in NATO American pre-eminence is not challenged as there is a

consensus voting. However, in OSCE its pre-eminence is challenged by Russia and
France. On the other hand for Russia another security organisation the
Commonwealth of independent states (CIS) has been more of direct importance than
OSCE. Germany and France have natural proximity to the European Union which is
another effective organisation of the region for regional economic security and
environmental policy integration. The Russian recognition and feeling is that OSCE
gives it a legitimate voice and role in European security issues

The European Union (EU) member states recognise the value of their organisation
that protects the political and economic environment of the EU and it has been always
preparing to assist the new members who want to join its fold.

Moreover, the fact remains that all the major powers, who are involved in the
European security network give priority to other organisations has not prevented them
from making increasing use of the OSCE which because of its strategic initiative is
both indispensable and unequalled in the intensity of its efforts at conflict prevention
and post-conflict peacebuilding function, an organisational framework for any
valuable force reduction and confidence building agreements.

As per the present scenario in the Balkan states and central Asia, the Caucasus could
provide enough turmoil and bloodshed to keep both NATO and OSCE active in the

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conflict zones. To act on conflict prevention, peacekeeping, and post-conflict

peacebuilding. During the same period, NATO members had prepared a revised
strategic concept which was approved at the celebration of NATO’s fiftieth
anniversary in April 1999.

However, today serious disagreements over security roles in Europe comes when a
discussion of the future organisational shape of OSCE comes up. Russia has not given
up its stand on the effort to build OSCE from strength to strength having the status of
a preeminent security organisation in Europe. Its primary project is to have a common
comprehensive security model for Europe for the 21st century. As per speculations on
the ongoing activities Russia would control NATO peacekeeping and security policy
and also try to block its further membership expansion. But the persistent problem in
Russian foreign policy is to mount a consistent enduring coalition-building effort in
favour of the project has made it easy for the united states to draw the substance out
of this effort. Now known as the document charter on European security just has been
reduced to a set of anodyne principles. However, despite the constant reshaping and
pruning by the US and the UK, the vision of a better and bigger OSCE remains alive
by other major powers France, Italy, Spain and some other smaller European
countries in the region.

The ideal vision for a strong regional security organisation for Europe is a league of
nations, treaty-based, universal membership, powerful and better fancied than today’s
OSCE. An organisation anchored in Europe receiving US support yet doesn’t attempt
to dominate. As of today, in the Russian-Ukraine war, the human dimension is taken
as a priority along with the environment and economic fallout. It is taking up a
comprehensive approach encompassing all that is required to maintain stability in the
region. Whether in Ukraine or beyond its border activities will focus on addressing
the immediate threats and risks caused by and the longer-term impacts of conflicts. It
has supported Ukraine for near 30 years now and will continue to do so. Since the
invasion, the OSCE has been an important platform to hold Russia accountable and
the 47 participating states primarily at the foreign ministers level used the reinforced
special permanent council on 24th Feb to support Ukraine and defend OSCE’S
principles.

14.8.3 European Union (EU)

The origin of the European Union lies in the visionary leaders who inspired the
creation of the European Union that we see today. Without their energy and
motivation probably, Europe would not be enjoying the tranquil atmosphere and
countering the challenges with the sphere of peace and stability that always is taken

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for granted. Even after Brexit and the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the
European Union. From resistance fighters to layers and parliamentarians. The EU
pioneers were a diverse group of people who followed the same ideals-peaceful
united for a prosperous Europe.

Thus, its formation can be traced back to the year 1952, when six countries Belgium,
France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands
decided to create the European coal and steel community ( ESSC) by pooling their
coal and steel resources in a market controlled by an independent supranational
authority. The Treatise of Rome (1957) established a European common market with
eventual free movement of goods, persons, services and capital among its member
countries. In 1973 the United Kingdom, Ireland and Denmark joined the European
community. Thus, its membership increased from 9 to 15, later joined by Greece,
Spain, Portugal, Australia, Finland and Sweden.

As early as 1993 European Union was founded which had its trace in the former
European Community, EC, the other name being the European economic community
EEC. It was created to encourage the development of better economic, political and
social cooperation amongst the member countries. EU emerged as the world’s major
trading bloc and an economic giant in the 21st century. Its main focus was to move
towards a more intense European integration. Thus, today it is one of the vibrant and
most successful regional groupings in global politics. Total strength is 25. After May
2004 the population of the EU is 450 million and the official language is 20

The European act of 1986 and the Maastricht Treaty on the European Union in 1992
were milestones in the history of the European Union. Its market was enlarged to a
single one from 1st Jan 1993 and the treaty brought about an ambitious program of a
single currency by 1st January 1999, a European Central Programme, a common
foreign and security policy, internal security and European citizenship. The main task
however is to mould the member states into a single community embracing every
sector of the economy, thereby covering the key areas like the free movement of both
worker’s goods and commodities., bringing about freedom of establishment and
services, free movement of capital and payments, competition policy, economic and
monetary policy, environmental policy, industrial policy and most important being
the research technology.

Euro -the common currency was one of the single most important developments
brought in by the formation of the European Union. But despite its credibility to
manifest itself as a unified economic strength and to do away with the dollar
domination in the international market all the members have not accepted it.

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“To end the internecine feuds, to face collectively the totalitarian challenges to their
security from the Soviet Union and Warsaw pact countries of eastern Europe, to
overcome the deficit in a war-ravaged European economy and regain momentum and
link to the global economy. “Nation states had to be bypassed and to go beyond it for
ensuring a broad-spectrum peace in Europe. Political stability and Economic
industrial reconstruction were the need of the hour. Thus, a necessity for a new
network of institutions. A shift from the nation-state to regional unity had to be
evolutionary and to be attained through incremental deepening and widening of the
integrative process”(Siddartha Dash),

The main objectives of the EU are

1. To establish European citizenship( fundamental rights, freedom of movement,
civil and political rights)
2. Ensuring freedom, security and justice,( cooperation in the field of justice and
home affairs.
3. Promotion of economic and social progress( single market, common currency,
job creation, regional development, environmental protection)
4. Asserting Europe’s role in the world (common foreign and security policy)
Common positions in international transactions.
Some highlights of its achievement have been its customs union. “Completed in 1968,
when each of its six members abolished tariffs and quotas on goods from the other
five countries. They also adopted a common external tariff on goods from the rest of
the world. The evolution from a free trade area to a customs union followed
inevitably. The customs union propelled the growth of intra-community trade from
less than 40 per cent to over 60 per cent of the total trade of the participating
countries.”(Aneek Chatterjee),

Briefly summarising the journey of the EU from 1945 to its projection till 2030.
i. 1945-59- The coming of peace in Europe and the beginning of cooperation in
Europe led to its creation. Coal and steel community, the signing of the
treaties of Rome and the birth of the European parliament.
ii. 1960-69-the swinging sixties--- a period of economic growth and further
integration of Europe and the beginning of international cooperation.
iii. 1970-79- It becomes a growing community. The first band of new members
join the EU. Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom. Following up with
European elections and a regional policy to boost poorer areas.
iv. 1980-89- The changing face of Europe -the collapse of communism, the
disintegration of the Soviet Union and the East European states under the

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socialist model. The development of the European Union in 1980, S to more

countries joining the Erasmus program and the start of the single market.
v. 1990-99- Gradually is seen Europe without frontiers. The development of the
European Union in the era of LPG in the 1990s. Most important is the coming
of the common currency Euro, more expansion of members, the launch of a
single market, border-free travel
vi. 2000- 09-The development pattern changed from 2000 to 2009 with 12 new
countries joining and the Euro becoming legal tender and the signing of the
Lisbon treaty.
vii. 2010-19- this was a challenging decade on all fronts. The financial crisis and
the wriggling out of it was a hard task. Responding to this crisis was the main
focus. Croatia joined the EU and simultaneously the United Kingdom voted to
exit.
viii. 2020- Covid is 19 greatest health challenge in a century after the Spanish flu
and charting out a new roadmap to recovery. EU has responded positively to
the pandemic disaster and again Europe bouncing back in the course of
positive recovery. The new focus area is fighting climate change with
European rivers drying at a fast rate.
As the world is fighting with covid 19 variants which had triggered major public
health emergencies and unprecedented economic slow down The EU and its member
countries have joined hands to work together to support healthcare systems and
contain the spreading virus and secure safe vaccination for the people. The leaders
also approved the largest stimulus package ever financed from the EU budget. The
focus is on a green and digital recovery as the Eu works to achieve climate neutrality
by 2050.

The Nobel prize recognises the EU’s contribution over 6 decades to promoting peace,
reconciliation, democracy and Human Rights. The proud members are Germany,
France Italy, Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg, Denmark, Ireland, Greece, Spain,
Portugal, Austria, Finland, Sweden, Czechia, Cyprus, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
Hungary, Malta, Poland, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia. There are candidate
countries-- Albania, Bosnia, Herzegovina, North Macedonia Montenegro, Turkey,
Serbia.

EU has 24 organs or agencies for its operation, some of the important ones. The
European Council, The European Parliament, The Council of the European union or
council of ministers, The European Commission, The court of justice of the European
Communities, and The European court of auditors. Other institutions also are
considered a part of the EU organisational structure.
i. The European investment bank.

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ii. The European system of central bank ESCB

iii. The statistical office of the European Communities(EUROSTAT)
iv. Europol
v. European environment agency
vi. Customs union and External Trade Relation.
Till recently in December 2019 EU is working towards a neutral Europe. There is
public concern about the climate change crisis increasing season after season. Driven
by a growing and active international youth movement. A new commission has taken
office with its sight firmly set on making Europe climate neutral by 2020 through a
new growth strategy the European green deal. This will transform the EU into a
modern resource efficient and competitive economy ensuring the following. i. no net
emissions of greenhouse gases by 2050. ii economic growth decoupled from resource
use. Iii The most important step taken is that no person or place is left behind.

14.9 SUMMARY

The concept of regionalism in international politics has a historical precedent but its
importance comes up in the 20th century with the formation of regional military
power blocks as a system of balance of power and collective security. Regionalism is
an expression of identity with a common purpose, objective and action. It also aims at
creating institutions and implementing its views with a collective action within the
confine of a geographical area. Regions have always played an important role in
world politics but the parameters of a given region, including its geographical
composition and its policy focus whether Economic, strategic or socio-cultural have
been influenced by politico-strategic and economic forces.

14.10 EXERCISE
1. What is regionalism?
2. What is the theoretical understanding of regionalism?
3. What is functionalism?
4. How does functionalism relate to regionalism?
5. What is constructivism?
6. What are the objectives of NAFTA?
7. What are the objectives of the EU?

14.11 REFERENCES

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Acharya Amitav, constituting security in south-east Asia (ASEAN and the problem of
regional order, London Routledge 2014.

Amiya Mirza, Assistant Prof in pol Sc SPM college Delhi university Consortium for
educational communication. (CEC) online lecture. You tube.

Andia Josephson, Smart asset, Internet.

Andrew Hurrell Vol 21 No.4 Oct 1995 PublishedCambridge university press. Pp331
to 358

Aneek Chatterjee, NAFTA, Pearson, pp165.

Aneek Chatterjee, Sauli Mukherjee, International Relations Pearson Delhi, pp 162

163)

Barnett Michael,( 2018) GheciiAlexamder, Wholfaithwilliam“ construction” The

Oxford handbook of international security pp85-99

Development and cooperation, The official website of the European Union. Access
through the internet.

Drawn extensively on the mission and vision from IFSH(ed) OSCE yearbook 1999,
Baden-Badan 2000pp 429 434.

Finnamore Martha, SikhinkKathrya, 2001, The constructivist international relations

and comparative politics, Annual Review of Political Science.

Hans Ernst- (1958) The uniting of Europe, Political, social and economic forces
1950-57. Library of world Affairs. Stanford university press.

Hans Ernst (1964) Beyond the nation-state, functionalism and international

organisation, Stanford university press. The United States.

Heartfield James 1996, WaltonSake, Marxism and social construction 28thSep 2021.

Ivp Panda, Free Essays Aug 7th 2020

Joseph Nye, International Regionalism: Readings, Little Brown and Company 1968.

Keohane Robert (!991) Hoffman Stanley, The new European Community, decision
making and institutional change, Colorado west view press.

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Mesilamani Logan Petersan Kimmay, “The ASEAN Way” The structural

underpinning of constructive engagement, Foreign Policy Journal.

Mitrany David (1933) The purpose of international government, London, G Allen and
Urwin press.

Mitrany David (1966), A working peace system, Chicago Quadrangle books. The
United States.

Mitrany David (1976) Functional theory of politics, St. Martins Press, New York.

NAFTA, historical development Internet sources

Peter J. Kartzenstein ed. Volume, “The Culture of National Security” A compiled

work of Constructivist.

S.D. Muni, Regionalism, beyond the regions, south Asia outside SAARC, Sage
publications, New Delhi.

Siddartha Dash, Dynamics of International Politics, Panchasila, Bhubaneswar, 2002

pp284)

Sidhartha Dash, Dynamics of international politics. Pp 301-305

Thailand Myammardata trade intelligence.July 29, 2010, Internet.

Toshio Tanaka, Globalisation and Regionalism, United Nations University Press.

Wendt Alexander, “social theory of international politics,” Cambridge University

Press pp 1-4.

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UNIT-15: GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY

Structure
15.1 Objective
15.2 Introduction
15.3 Civil Society: Meaning and Definition
15.4 Origin and Development of Civil Society
15.5 Contemporary Political Discourse
15.6 Global Civil Society and Gramscian Theory
15.7 Conceptualizing Global Civil Society
15.8 Development of Global Civil Society
15.9 NGOs as agents of Global Civil Society
15.10 Summary
15.11 Exercise
15.12 References

15.1 OBJECTIVES

After the completion of this unit, the learner would be able to:
• Comprehend the “globality” of civil society organisations and know their
networking.
• understand the significance and transformative possibilities of Civil Society
as a social agent
• Examine the linkage of civil society with global governance and democracy
• Evaluate the role of NGOs as agents of Global Civil Society.

15.2 INTRODUCTION

Global Civil Society is a collection of various social actors that offers an alternative
to the political system of today and a path to social change. It offers us a fresh way to
transform the current world order via advancement rather than conflict. Because of
this, current academic and political debate has shown a greater interest in global civil
society, which has caused it to move from the periphery to the centre of modern
International Relations and political discourse.

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Its birth is closely related to the birth of globalisation. Key institutions and behaviours
in the modern world have been altered as a result of the significant configuration of
social, economic, political, and cultural changes that globalisation symbolises. The
neoliberal ideology, which has provided the "guidelines" for the global
transformation processes and prompted states to introduce deregulatory policies,
liberalises domestic markets, and privatise state enterprises as well as a variety of
social services, is the root cause of this rapid globalisation process.

The majority of studies on globalisation emphasise the effectiveness, stability, and

equality of the new world order and share a common vocabulary on the political
economy of globalisation. Critical viewpoints, such as feminism, do not share this
"rose-coloured" outlook on globalisation; rather, they encompass a wider spectrum of
theoretical perspectives and place a greater emphasis on the instabilities and injustices
of the new global disorder. Global social action—one of its forms, one could argue, is
also global civil society was sparked by the interest in social, cultural, environmental,
and other issues that evolved as a result of the processes of globalisation. Although
coexistence, solidarity, and group effort are thought to be approaches to social
transformation, civil society is thought to be a different way. It's a strategy that's
connected to the process of global development. Global civic society is therefore
viewed as a means of enhancing globalisation. An alternative approach has a better
chance of success than trade sanctions, especially for social goals that appeal to our
moral sensibilities. The joining of the two major forces that increasingly define the
twenty-first century expanding globalisation and civil society is a major benefit of the
application of moral consciousness. Collaboration rather than conflict can result in
mutual benefits.

As a result, civil society is made up of a variety of social actors who are presenting "a
new way of doing politics," or what is known as a "no-power, alternative
development approach to social transformation." Something closely related to
"governance," which in this context is defined as the replacement of political control
mechanisms previously linked to nation states and the democratisation of
international organisations. In an attempt to democratise the international state system
and involve stakeholder organisations in a project of "good governance," civil society
here signifies the union of capitalism and democracy. An alternative to social
movements and their extreme anti-systemic approach to social transformation is the
global civil society.

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15.3 CIVIL SOCIETY: MEANING AND DEFINITION

Between the individual and the modern state is a complex web of organisations,
communities, networks, and links known as civil society. The key strands of current
liberal and democratic thought frequently include this contemporary notion of civil
society. The concept of civil society has a long list of ethical and political ambitions
and consequences in addition to its descriptive qualities. Achieving an autonomous
civil society is seen by some of its proponents as a vital prerequisite for a robust
democracy, and its relative absence or decline is frequently highlighted as both a
cause and an effect of various modern sociopolitical ills.

There has been much discussion on the definition and applications of the civil society
idea. The notion that civil society should be understood as, by definition, separate
from and opposed to the operations of the state and official public institutions has
several drawbacks as an analytical framework for interpreting the social world, not
the least of which is that it prevents appreciation of the intricate interrelationships
between the state and society. It's also challenging to argue against the idea that the
incredibly diversified group dynamics of Western capitalist cultures foster social
ideals that are distinct from and possibly at odds with the market. The beliefs,
traditions, and values that also characterise civil societies in the West frequently
influence and shape the forms of combination and affiliation that are characteristic of
those civilizations.

Civil society has a rich political history that dates back to the 17th and 18th centuries.
Only Gramsci is cited in modern discourse among left-wing civil society initiatives to
reconstruct communities among thinkers from the 20th century. However, civil
society has moved from the periphery to the centre of discussions of international
relations, and it has been referred to as "the idea of the late twentieth century."
Political theory has shifted into the mainstream of comparative politics. Additionally,
the idea of fostering civil society is seen as a means of democratisation and the
establishment of an open, just global order.

Based on the foregoing, it is not only highly interesting but also vital for the academic
field to examine a study on global civil society as it is a contemporary subject that
will engage researchers and academics in the coming years as it has already done.
This study hopes to add to the many other studies that have already been done on this
topic by providing a different perspective on civil society and its function in modern
politics.

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To arrive at a definition, it is important to list a few general presumptions about the

idea of civil society. First off, civil society is generally acknowledged to exist outside
of the "public sector" or official governance and without a doubt outside of the
"private sector" of the market economy. Thus, civil society might be referred to as a
"third sector". Additionally, a more positive understanding of the phrase is that it
refers to people who work together through voluntary associations to create rules,
including both formal, official, legal agreements and informal social constructs.

There is a great deal of diversity within civil society. Academic institutions,

community-based organisations, development cooperation groups, environmental
campaigns, ethnic lobbies, foundations, advocates for human rights, relief
organisations, peace activists, professional bodies, women's networks, and more are
among its members and constituencies.

Organizational structures vary between civil society organisations. Both fully

organised and recognised organisations and unofficial alliances exist. Diversity can
also be observed in the ability of many civic organisations. There are organisations in
civil society with abundant resources as well as those that struggle to make ends
meet. While others lack all of the aforementioned, others have a sizable member base,
money, skilled personnel, office space, communications technology, and data banks.
The strategies each group in civil society uses to achieve its goals vary significantly
from one another. There includes direct lobbying of government agencies and market
participants as well as public mobilisation through social actions like boycotts and
petitions.

Overall, based on the aforementioned data, it can be said that civil society
organisations are very diversified. However, a more inclusive definition would be that
civil society exists whenever individuals band together through volunteer
organisations to influence social norms. After defining civil society, this chapter will
continue by outlining the research methods that will be employed.

15.4 ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF CIVIL SOCIETY

This scepticism of liberal conceptions of civil society reflects and upholds a variety of
interpretations of the term's significance and potential; it has also been associated
with a variety of more conservative as well as more radical goals. The term "civil
society" has been associated with a variety of concepts throughout the history of
political philosophy, and its initial meaning in Western thought was quite different
from its current ambiguous state. According to the Roman author Cicero, Societas
Civilis denoted a political community of a given size (often including more than one

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city in its compass), controlled by the rule of law, and defined by a certain degree of
urbanity. It was itself a translation of Aristotle's koinonia politike. It was thought
regarded as being in contrast to non-civilized or barbaric peoples. Various European
intellectuals altered this conceptual application during the 17th and 18th centuries,
and as a result, civil society began to have a rather distinct set of meanings. Three of
the most common ways of understanding this phrase that emerged throughout this
time are listed below, though this is by no means an exhaustive list.

A school of thought that addressed the social and moral foundations of the state's
legitimacy concerning the concept of civil society emerged during the Enlightenment
in the writings of English authors such as Thomas Hobbes and John Locke. Despite
internal differences, this school was opposed to the view that nations could be judged
by the nature of their political constitution and institutions, which was a common
belief in ancient Greek thought. Whatever its conception, society existed before and
shaped the development of political authority.

A third way of thinking about civil society, which found its most cohesive expression
in German thought in the 19th century, distinguished between the state and civil
society from an ethical and analytical standpoint, viewing the two as distinct and
possibly antagonistic.

A distinct, enduring conception emerged in the minds of several of the key theorists
of the Scottish political economy tradition of the 18th century, including Adam Smith
and Francis Hutcheson, standing between and somewhat overlapping with these
perspectives. They contend that civil society should be seen as the result of the
simultaneous development of an independent commercial order, where complex
networks of interdependence between primarily self-seeking individuals proliferated,
and an independent public sphere, where the interests of society as a whole could be
pursued.

Particularly in connection with the emergence of forums and spaces where the free
exchange of opinions was palpable newspapers, coffee shops, and political
assemblies—the idea of a public that has its own "opinion" concerning matters of
common concern became an increasingly prevalent way of thinking about civil
society.

15.5 CONTEMPORARY POLITICAL DISCOURSE

Since the late 20th century, the second and third of these threads have had the largest
impact on how Western thinkers think. After a time of comparatively intellectual

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apathy about the concept in the middle of the 20th century, the term "civil society"
dominated political discourse in the 1980s. Many of the concepts from this period of
its intellectual history can be linked to the three previously mentioned traditions.

Various neoliberal theories and ideologues have effectively exploited the English
strand in the modern era. For them, civil society is a metaphor for the goal of the free
market supported by a legally restrained yet potent government. Following the fall of
the Berlin Wall in 1989, this last concept played a significant role in the idealisation
of civil society that predominated in eastern European intellectual circles. In these
contexts, the term "civil society" denoted either the continuation of a network of
autonomous associations that were independent of the state and united citizens in
matters of common concern (as in countries like Czechoslovakia and Poland) or a
necessary step toward achieving the economic prosperity and civil liberties of
Western democracy.

When a group of American political scientists and theorists came to view civil society
organisations as sources of the social capital and reciprocity that a successful
democracy is supposed to require, the German strand's concerns about the origins and
significance of the ethical ends learned through participation in the corporations of
civil society reemerged.

Third, left-leaning intellectuals who wished to offer a more pluralistic and less statist
reformulation of a socialist ideology that was suffering from a severe decline in
popularity among the Western public vigorously revived the Scottish model.

These and other influential theories about civil society, according to the Canadian
philosopher Charles Taylor, were based on the twin premise that, according to
empirical evidence, independent civil societies did emerge at various points from the
18th to the 20th century and that, in part, their existence is dependent on the division
of the concepts of state and society in the Western political imagination. These two
presumptions are both debatable. The distinction between the state and civil society is
not always as distinct or firm as the first assumption suggests, even though there are
undoubtedly many groups, communities, and organisations that exist in relative
isolation from the state.

The state and other public authorities have been successful in integrating institutions
and organisations from civil society—such as trade unions, environmental
organisations, and business associations—into significant networks of influence and
decision-making in several democracies. Equally, many individuals, groups, and even
oppositional social movements frequently invest a lot of time, money, and effort into

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attempting to communicate with elected officials, state bureaucracy, and government

officials. Therefore, there needs to be a great deal of clarity and empirical
qualification for the claim that the separation between the state and civil society exists
in all Western cultures.

The notion that the concept of liberal democracy is based on a fundamental logical
separation between the state and society raises some similarly significant issues.
Some of the most influential ideologies of the 19th and 20th centuries were
influenced by very different descriptions of how society and the state differ and
interact, which led to conflicting theories about politics, sovereignty, and social order.
Above all, it is increasingly problematic in the early 21st century to imagine that a
component of any societal complex should be divided, given an ethical, even
emancipatory, importance, and seen as the primary foe of political power and
institutional life.

Its increasing use in non-Western nations is one of the languages of civil society's
more intriguing and divisive forms. Are those who use the term "civil society" in the
West and newly democratic regimes around the world referring to the same concepts?
Can a phrase that originated in the West be used to analyse countries with state-
society connections and forms of sociability that differ significantly from those of the
West? In addition, when viewed from other parts of the world (think, for example, of
East Asian countries that have many of these associations, cultural practises, and
organisations), the assumption made by some Anglo-American theories that a
network of independent associations, cultural practises, and organisations is a
necessary component of a stable democracy is open to considerable doubt.

Many writers, legislators, and public officials looking for answers to the various
issues that developing countries face throughout the 1990s, in particular, saw civil
society as a form of panacea. In the same vein, this phrase developed to become a
conceptual cornerstone of academic debate on democratic transitions and a well-
known term in the jargon of international organisations, top nonprofit groups, and
Western governments. Such concepts' ideological nature and political ramifications
have progressively come into focus throughout time. For instance, such thinking
supported numerous initiatives to "jump-start" civil societies from "above" in various
African nations while also serving to validate Western conceptions about the types of
political and economic systems that are suitable for developing countries. Applying
civil society in this manner raises the profound philosophical question of whether it
can be disassociated from its status in the political imagination of the West and used
in ways that are suitable for the native developmental trajectories and political
cultures of some of the world's poorest nations.

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The idea of civil society cannot be freed from its association with norms. The
concept's (often unstated) contrastive nature helps explain why it still has a lot of
impacts. A civic society is often viewed as being superior to an "other" civilization
that is considered to be barbarian, natural, dictatorial, traditional, or premodern. The
attractiveness of the phrase in the political imagination of the West is inextricably
linked to this kind of thinking. Many political theorists continue to believe that a
significant aspect of what makes Western modernity exceptional and desirable is the
creation of a dense forest of groups, networks, and organisations that appear to exist
outside the realm of the state and the control of the family and clan. When closely
investigated, this general concept leads to a variety of diverse initiatives, fantasies,
and anxieties about politics, society, and the economy.

Since the 1990s, civil society has taken centre stage in Western political discourse,
serving as both a diagnostic and a remedy for the myriad ills plaguing that society,
including unbridled individualism, rising crime, consumerism, and the dissolution of
community. In more philosophical terms, it has offered intellectuals, political figures,
and occasionally social movements two different sorts of promises. On the one hand,
it presents the hope of resolving some of the greatest conceptual conflicts in Western
philosophy, such as those between self-interest and the common good, the individual
and the community, freedom and social cohesion, and the private and public spheres
of life. Additionally, the second promise—that civil society is a distinct third sector of
Western countries, separate from both the state and the private sphere—has started to
spark some radical imagination in today's ideological debate. It makes the flimsy
promise of achieving common emancipation from the restrictions, compromises, and
disappointments of politics in this setting. A desire to reassess the boundaries of civil
society and reconsider which political and moral principles it promotes has emerged
as a result of greater knowledge of the shortcomings and risks associated with both of
these concepts.

15.6 GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY AND GRAMSCIAN THEORY

The only intellectual legacy left by Gramsci is his collection of notes and longer
writings known as the Prison Notebooks, which he wrote while he was imprisoned.
Gramsci made an effort to balance the emphasis on material and economic factors. He
emphasised the significance of the political and intellectual battle using the theory of
hegemony. Even though he was a Leninist his entire life, his emphasis on
revolutionary commitment and "optimism of the will" won him over to the new left.

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He spoke mostly on the state, how civil society and the state interact, and how
politics, ethics, and ideology relate to production. Gramsci's theoretical work was
primarily motivated by the question of why it had proven to be so difficult to spark a
revolution in Western Europe. His use of the idea of hegemony is central to his
response to this query. Hegemony is a phrase that is frequently used in the theory of
international relations to refer to the most powerful state in the global system or the
dominating state in a given area.

For Gramsci, hegemony can also indicate leadership or dominance, but in the context
of ideology, it refers to the power of bourgeois ideas to supplant opposing viewpoints
and, in effect, become the common sense of the time. Gramsci emphasised how
deeply ideology is ingrained in society on all fronts, including in its art and literature,
educational system, mass media, common speech, and popular culture.

Politics in this area is a key element. In other words, if the ruling class's hegemony is
a crucial component in ensuring its supremacy, then society can only change if that
hegemonic stance is successfully contested. This involves a counter-hegemonic battle
in civil society, in which the existing hegemony is overthrown to allow the
development of an alternative historical bloc.

The idea of hegemony has two essential components in Gramsci's view. The ideas for
the first came from discussions inside the Third International over the Bolshevik
Revolution's strategy and the establishment of a Soviet socialist state, and the ideas
for the second came from Machiavellian works.

Gramsci replaced Machiavelli in portraying power as a necessary fusion of coercion

and agreement. Hegemony reigns to the extent that the consensual side of power takes
centre stage. Although it is constantly present, coercion is only used in extreme,
abnormal situations. Hegemony is sufficient to guarantee most people's behaviour
conformity most of the time.

Gramsci acknowledged that less developed cultures were defined by force, but that
this was not the case in the more developed Western nations, where the system was
upheld by consent. The hegemony of the socially dominant class shapes and reshapes
consent. Hegemony is what enables the dominating group's moral, political, and
cultural ideals to spread extensively throughout society and to be accepted by inferior
groups and classes.

Gramsci claimed that prevailing ideas become so entrenched in society that people no
longer challenge their "common sense." The civic society institutions facilitate all of

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this. The network of institutions and social norms known as "civil society" exists in
societies where there is some degree of state autonomy and where people can
organise, represent, and express themselves both to other people and the government.
Since the structure of society may ultimately reflect the social relations of production
in the economic base, superstructural phenomena like civil society should be taken
into account. This is because the nature of relationships in the superstructure is crucial
in determining how adaptable a society is to change and transformation.

Another key aspect of Gramscian theory is the usage of the term "historic bloc" to
define the reciprocal and mutually reinforcing links between the political and cultural
practices (superstructure) and socio-economic ties (base) that collectively support a
given regime. This term emphasises the significance of the interaction between
politics and ideas while evaluating economic relations, something that Marxism
neglects to do, according to Gramsci and other Gramscians.

Georges Sorel was cited by Gramsci as the author of his idea of the historic bloc,
even though Sorel never actually used the phrase in the way that Gramsci used.
Gramsci held the same beliefs that the state and society together made up a sound
structure and that revolution entailed the emergence within it of a different structure
that was sufficiently resilient to take the place of the first. Such a structure is what
Gramsci called a historic bloc, whether it is dominating or emerging.

15.7 CONCEPTUALIZING GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY

Activities in "pure" civil society don't aim for governmental office or financial gain.
Specifically, "civil society exists whenever and whenever voluntary organisations of
any kind endeavour purposefully to change some governing laws of society." Civic
associations frequently function in local, national, regional, and international
contexts. Civil society concepts must be revised to account for these new conditions.
In the section that follows, we'll make an effort to analyse global civil society, look at
how it emerged, and see how it's changed as a result of the altered environment. We'll
also examine its current position in the political arena to see what kind of
improvements its actions might be able to bring about.

The idea of civil society has been adopted by IR experts to describe the growth of
linkages between non-state actors across national boundaries. Unsurprisingly, the
discussion about it has been linked to a broader worry about globalisation and
globalisation. Therefore, the idea of these two other concepts is now inextricably
linked to the idea of global civil society. Therefore, it is necessary to explore these
two ideas to provide a specific explanation of the idea of a global civil society. Two

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recent terms in social connections are globality and globalisation. Analysts vary not
only on the type and extent of the changes that these two notions represent but also on
their periodization, as well as on their direction. Globalization generally refers to an
increase in links between people around the world, but globality may also be thought
of in a more specialised way that offers unique insights into modern society.

According to this viewpoint, globalisation results in a growth in "supra-territoriality"

or deterritorialization. On the other hand, globality has a "transworld" or
"transborder" quality in this sense. A super territorial phenomenon may manifest
concurrently in every location on Earth that is capable of hosting it, as well as migrate
more or less instantly between any two locations on Earth. It is suggested that
"global" relations are social ties in which geographic location, geographic distance,
and geographic boundaries have no bearing. Although social relations have become
somewhat deterritorialized rather than completely, we can still argue that our world is
globalising rather than being fully globalised.

Following this discussion, the relationship between these ideas and the global civil
society raises the question of what constitutes the global civil society. In essence,
supra-territorial solidarity serves as the foundation for every civic engagement that
tackles global issues, involves cross-border contact, has a global organisation, and is
engaged in.

More specifically, civic organisations that are concerned with concerns that go
beyond territorial geography constitute a global civil society. For instance, several
civic organisations have raised awareness of ecological issues, global diseases, human
rights, and other issues. They have brought up issues with the modern, globalising
economy and armament.

Civic associations can be thought of as agents of information since they engage in

supra-territorial ways of communication. The continued growth of their
communication policies has been greatly aided, particularly, by the revolution in
Internet usage. Similar to how campaigns assume a transnational structure, civil
society is global when its groupings are inspired by feelings of global solidarity.
However, civic engagement nowadays cannot be comprehended with a territorialist
notion of state-society relations due to the current expansion of global issues,
worldwide communications, global organisations, and global solidarities.

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15.8 DEVELOPMENT OF GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY

As was previously indicated, civil society has only lately begun to attach supra-
territorial (global) qualities; this "transformation" did not take place until the 1960s.
Global civil society has played a role in a broader, concurrent process of
globalisation. Some of the factors driving increased cross-border civic engagement
are also those driving globalisation more broadly.

The emergence of supraterritoriality (globalisation) has largely been a result of the

mutually reinforcing impulses of global thought, specific turns in capitalist
development, technological advancements, and supporting legislation. The rise of
capitalism is essential because the drive of businesspeople to maximise profits and cut
costs has been a major driver of globalisation. Additionally, through industries like
electronic finance and the Internet, global spaces have provided fresh chances for the
amassing of surplus. Technology is essential because advances in information
processing and communications have created the framework for cross-border
relationships. Last but not least, rules are required since policies like standardisation
and liberalisation have created a legal environment that supports globalisation.

Additionally, some of the factors contributing to the growth of the global civil society
are also responsible for the broad spread of globalisation. Therefore, it appears highly
improbable that the global civil society would contract shortly and much more likely
that it will continue to grow.

After describing the factors that led to the development of a global civil society, the
issue of what changes this development brought arises. The rise of multilayered
governance, the privatisation of governance, the encouragement of activity and the
reconstruction of collective identities, citizenship, and democracy are a few of the key
broad changes that may be highlighted. There are many other effects as well. In the
sections that follow, we'll look more thoroughly at some of these modifications that
global civil society made to contemporary politics.

15.9 NGOS AS AN AGENT OF GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY

The consensus is that non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are voluntary groups

of people or organisations that are typically independent of any particular government
and carry out a range of service and humanitarian functions, advocate for and monitor
policies, and promote political participation by disseminating information. NGOs
wield a substantial amount of global influence. Despite being largely newly founded,
they are growing in a vast transnational network in the global environment.

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It is debatable if NGOs should be considered an organisation that aids guardians of

the New World Order in securing the political conditions necessary to forward the
modern political agenda. Therefore, it should come as no surprise that foreign
development and financial organisations have made such a decisive turn toward
democratisation and civil society, hiring NGOs and turning them into their agents as
"strategic partners."

The potential role of civic organisations in the provision of public goods and social
services was also made more apparent as a result of the state's authority being
reconsidered. NGOs are given a key role as the frontline representatives of a
democratic, participatory type of development and politics to persuade the general
public of the benefits of community-based development, whether it be local or global.
The global phenomenon and rapid expansion of NGOs reflect a new political and
policy consensus that they are de facto and intentionally effective agents for
democratic change and a crucial tool for implementing an alternative form of
development that is socially inclusive, equitable, participatory, and sustainable.

It is arbitrary for the remainder of this chapter to steer our conversation toward a
well-known north-south divide in INGOs. Unfortunately, these agents are also
impacted by unequal wealth distribution. The understanding of NGO networks and
civil society itself depends greatly on this distinction. However, this topic is also very
helpful for our case study's continued description and analysis, which also deals with
other facets of the nature of the global civil society. Intergovernmental Institutions
like the United Nations Organizations, World Bank, IMF, WTO, Non-Governmental
organizations like Trans National Institute (TNI), Oxfam, DFID, Amnesty
International and other institutions are functioning in the like manner to ensure
transparency among the states and autonomy in the individual sphere of actions to
promote development, Human Rights and Democracy in the third world countries.

15.10 SUMMARY

Civil society initiatives have made several significant contributions in recent decades.
Even while this is still a long way from being a decisive step toward the thorough
democratisation of world politics, the small steps should not be ignored. There are at
least two distinct impact types. First, by providing the voiceless a voice and
articulating new issues, civil society organisations have been able to sway
governmental decision-makers. At the same time, they were able to exert pressure on
institutions of global governance, resulting in a significantly higher overall level of
efficiency, consultation, and transparency than in the past. Although these outcomes

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cannot be entirely credited to civil society, they have been made possible in part by
civil mobilizations.

However, we must admit that the impact has been unequal and minor in absolute
terms. With notable exceptions in Latin America and Southeast Asia, the majority of
international activity has originated from Western organisations. There are still
unconnected social systems in other regions of the world. Russia, China, the majority
of Africa, and the Arab world are islands that are still largely untouched by the
expansion of global civil society. In the Global North, civil society organisations are
unevenly distributed, and the political outcomes they have produced reflect this
geopolitical imbalance. Political activism has largely benefited northern populations
and advanced agendas that were developed in northern states. However, given the
agendas emerging from the developing world and the inevitable waning of Western
power and influence globally, this is unlikely to continue. In such an environment,
civil society organisations from the West will need to share the spotlight with those
from the developing world. Although it won't always be simple, doing so should help
the future global civil society become more genuinely "global."

15.11 EXERCISES

1. What do you mean by Civil Society? Elaborate on the agencies of Global

Civil Society.
2. Establish the linkages between Globalization and Civil Society and evaluate
the role of NGOs as agents of the North against the South.
3. Global Civil Society is for democracy, development and Human Rights.
Comment.

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15. 12 REFERENCES

Gramsci, Antonion (1972) Prison Notebooks, Columbia University Press.

Bhagwati, Jagdish, (2002), “Coping with Anti-globalization, A Trilogy of

Discontents”, Journal of Foreign Affairs,
Volume 8, No. 1, January/February.

Grugel, Jean, (2000) “Romancing Civil Society: European NGOs in Latin America,
Journal of Interamerican Studies
and World Affairs, Summer. vol. 42, issue 2.
Scholte, Jan Aart (1999), “Global Civil Society: Changing the World?”, CSGR
Working Paper, No. 31/99, May,
The University of Warwick.

Heywood, Andrew, (1998), “Political Ideologies; An Introduction”, Second Edition,

Macmillan Press.

Cox, W Robert, Sinclair J.Timothy (1996), “ Approach to the world order”

Cambridge Studies in International Relations, Cambridge University Press.

Cox, W. Robert, Sinclair J. Timothy (1996), “Approaches to the world order”,

Cox, Robert W. (1999), ‘Civil Society at the turn of the millennium: prospects for
alternative world order, Review
of International Studies.

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UNIT-16: GLOBAL ISSUES AND CHALLENGES

Structure
16.1 Objective
16.2 Introduction
16.3 Global Issues
16.3.1 Global Hunger and Poverty
16.3.2 Ethnic Issues
16.3.3 Climate Change and Global Warming
16.3.4 Nuclear Proliferation
16.3.5 Terrorism
16.3.6 Human Rights
16.4 Global Challenges
16.4.1 Global Warming
16.4.2 Drugs Trafficking
16.4.3 Global Terrorism
16.4.4 Human Trafficking and Refugee Crisis
16.4.5 Globalised Diseases
16.4.6 War and Weapons of Mass Destruction
16.5 Summary
16.6 Exercise
16.7 References

16 1 OBJECTIVES

After the completion of this unit, the learner would be able to:
• Examine the important issues concerning world politics in the 21st century.
• Understand the causes which led these issues to be so fatal.
• Know the challenges before the world community.
• Understand the policies and actions taken so far and the cautions to be
observed to save humanity from the coming dangers of global pandemics and
epidemics.

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• To evaluate the reasons behind global warming, nuclear proliferation, war,

hunger and poverty and adopt a humanitarian measure to resolve them without
pitfalls.

16.2 INTRODUCTION

Global politics is in the midst of dramatic changes accompanied by remarkable events

and issues. While certain old orders and issues have become obsolete few old and
emerging issues have gripped the globe today more than ever as global politics
impinges our lives far deeper than previously. Everything from the air we breathe to
the clothes we wear and even the taxes we pay has a global dimension. Since the
globe has become borderless and anything that happens anywhere has implications
everywhere, we must understand the key changes taking place in the global order that
has been shaping the contours of world politics. However, some transformations
portend new dangers even as others promise a brighter, more peaceful and more
prosperous future. All these changes both dangerous and promising are related to one
another thereby producing a world quite different from the past. For instance, in the
new world order we live in territory and borders matter less and corporations compete
with the states to achieve objectives. Countries can fight a war not just with their
neighbours but with enemies located far away at a distance of thousand miles. No
doubt territorial integrity and sovereignty of the state still hold paramount yet the old
state-centric global politics has given to globalization. With the rapid transformation
in information and communication technology, and rapid economic growth state
authority has lost its control over the actors that shape global politics leading to
complex changes both in regional and international conflicts. Challenges and threats
like terrorism, climate change, nuclear proliferation, population explosion, religious
and ethnic extremism, diseases like AIDS and Polio and viruses like COVID-19,
Monkeypox and others have threatened not just our well beings even our survival
amidst these threats that we can ignore at our peril only. Important issues and
challenges that shaped global politics today and direct our life cycle in a destined
pattern need to be debated and discussed at length. This chapter in this direction is an
endeavour to unearth the issues and examine their challenges with the intent to
prepare the world for future threats and to cope with these dramatic events in the
journey towards better and smoother world order.

16.3 GLOBAL ISSUES

Global politics is an ever-changing field of inquiry. Over time, this pace of change is
even accelerated. The recent decades and years have witnessed momentous events
and issues of remarkable global significance. Events such as the end of the cold war,

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the collapse of the Soviet Union, the unprecedented rise of Globalization, the
September 11 terrorist attack on the U.S, the global financial crisis, climate change,
and massive migration of the population in the form of refugees, radical Islam and
religious extremism, poverty, hunger and starvation, a rapid rise in transnational
crimes and the rise of non-state actors have changed the contours of the world
politics. United Nations organization being the tallest among the global institutions
through the multilateral framework and quite often through larger consensus has
attempted to address these pressing issues and strived hard for an amicable solution
for a better, smoother and sustainable world order.

The United Nations while expressing its concerns over the developments taking place
in world politics has added new challenges, such as AIDS, big data, and climate
change, to its original goals of preserving peace, defending human rights, establishing
the foundation for international justice, and fostering economic and social progress in
the seven decades since its founding.

The UN, along with its specialised agencies, is engaged in a wide range of activities
to improve people's lives around the world, from disaster relief to education and the
advancement of women to peaceful coexistence. Conflict resolution and
peacekeeping continue to be among their most visible efforts. The issues of global
concern and global common as enlisted by the UNO are elaborated in detail as given
below.

16.3.1 Global Hunger and Poverty

People frequently express their desire to end world hunger, feed everyone, and lessen
the pain that comes with it. However, as poverty causes hunger, genuine long-term
hunger relief is founded on the reduction of poverty. A tragic sign of global poverty is
world hunger. The systemic fundamental reasons that lead to hunger, poverty, and
dependency would still exist if efforts were just focused on supplying food or on
enhancing food production or distribution. Therefore, even when ongoing resources,
efforts, and energy are used to alleviate hunger through these technical measures,
political issues also call for political answers.

Hunger is caused by a variety of interconnected problems, many of which are

connected to economics and other causes of poverty. Land ownership and rights are
among them, as is the conversion of land to non-productive uses, the growing
emphasis on agriculture focused on exports, ineffective agricultural methods, war,
famine, drought, overfishing, low crop yields, etc.

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Providing more food, growing more of it, and other traditional solutions to the
problem won't address the underlying causes of poverty, which are what cause hunger
in the first place. Additionally, because the act of trying to supply extra food or other
necessities can seem so humanitarian in intent, there is a risk of extending poverty
and dependency without understanding it. Poverty reduction is needed to permanently
end world hunger.

16.3.2 Ethnic Issues

The international community is currently striving toward a new global order based on
communication and collaboration as the Cold War is coming to an end. Ethnic
conflicts have emerged amid this circumstance in many parts of the world. Some of
the other Soviet Republics requested their national independence after the three Baltic
states gained their independence from the Soviet Union. The Central Asian Republics
have had ethnic confrontations. After the Gulf Crisis, Iraq's Kurdish and Shiite issues
became apparent. Military confrontations have broken out in Yugoslavia as a result of
Slovenia and Croatia's demands for independence. There is a possible risk that
military engagement in these ethnic conflicts will result in fighting and other bloody
incidents. As a result, ethnic issues are once again receiving attention from the
international community as one of the key causes of instability in the post-Cold War
era.

Certain disputes and battles between various ethnic groups are not a recent issue.
They have existed for a long time. A group of individuals that feel like they belong
together because they share a common language, religion, or cultural tradition set
themselves apart from other groups and frequently attempt to oppress other groups
out of a sense of superiority. They get together to rebel when they are either
oppressed or assaulted by others. The world has historically seen such conflicts
between various ethnic groups. This lengthy history of ethnic conflict has shaped
many of the current ethnic issues present throughout the globe.

16.3.3 Climate Change and Global Warming

The most important issue of our day is climate change, and this is a pivotal period.
The effects of climate change are unparalleled in magnitude, ranging from changing
weather patterns that endanger food production to increasing sea levels that increase
the likelihood of catastrophic flooding. Without immediate action now, future
adaptation to these effects will be more difficult and expensive.

Because they prevent some of the heat from the sun from bouncing back into space
and make the Earth habitable, greenhouse gases are a natural occurrence and are vital

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to the life of people and millions of other living creatures. But as a result of
industrialization, deforestation, and large-scale agriculture that has lasted for more
than a century and a half, the amount of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere has
reached record heights that haven't been seen in three million years. Growth in
populations, economies and living standards is accompanied by an increase in the
total amount of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions.

There are some basic well-established scientific links:

• The concentration of GHGs in the earth’s atmosphere is directly linked to the

average global temperature on Earth;
• The concentration has been rising steadily, and mean global temperatures
along with it, since the time of the Industrial Revolution;
• The most abundant GHG, accounting for about two-thirds of GHGs, carbon
dioxide (CO2), is largely the product of burning fossil fuels.

The UN family is leading the charge to protect our planet. As a first step in
tackling the climate change issue, its "Earth Summit" in 1992 resulted in the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC).
Nowadays, almost everyone can join. Parties to the Convention are the 197
nations that have ratified it. Preventing "dangerous" human intervention in the
climate system is the Convention's ultimate goal.

Kyoto Protocol
Countries began negotiating in 1995 to improve the global response to climate
change, and the Kyoto Protocol was adopted two years later. The Kyoto Protocol
imposes strict legal obligations on developed country Parties to reduce their
emissions. The Protocol's initial commitment period was from 2008 to 2012. From
2013 until 2020, the second commitment period was in effect. There are currently 192
Parties to the Kyoto Protocol and 197 Parties to the Convention.

Paris Agreement

Parties to the UNFCCC reached a historic agreement at the 21st Conference of the
Parties in Paris in 2015 to battle climate change and to quicken and intensify the
actions and investments required for a sustainable low-carbon future. The Paris
Agreement builds on the Kyoto Protocol and, for the first time, unites all countries in
the fight against climate change and adaptation to its effects, with increased support
for helping developing nations do so. As a result, it plots a new course for the
campaign to combat global warming.

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The main objective of the Paris Agreement is to enhance the international response to
the threat posed by climate change by limiting the rise in global temperature this
century to well below 2 degrees Celsius and pursuing measures to further restrict the
temperature increase to 1.5 degrees Celsius.

175 international leaders signed the Paris Agreement on April 22, 2016, Earth Day, at
the UN headquarters in New York. This was by far the greatest number of nations to
ever sign a treaty on a single day. The Paris Agreement has been ratified by 191
nations as of today.

2019 Climate Action Summit

To support the multilateral process and raise and accelerate climate action and
ambition, Secretary-General António Guterres called a Climate Summit on September
23, 2019, in New York City. The summit brought together leaders of governments,
the private sector, and civil society from around the world. He designated former
Mexican diplomat Luis Alfonso de Alba as his Special Envoy to oversee the
preparations. Heavy industry, nature-based solutions, cities, energy, resilience, and
climate finance were among the major areas where the Summit put the most emphasis
on which sectors may benefit most from the action. Global leaders discussed their
current initiatives and plans for action when they meet in 2020 for the UN climate
conference, where commitments will be renewed and possibly increased. "You have
delivered a lift," the Secretary-General stated in concluding the Climate Action
Summit. But "we require more detailed strategies, greater ambition from more nations
and corporations. All public and private financial organisations must definitively
select the green economy.

16.3.4 Nuclear Proliferation

The nuclear era in world politics started with the U.S bombardment of Japan on 6th
August 1945 in the wake of world war – II. This has led to the rise of nuclear
weapons in world politics given their massive destructive capability. Therefore
countries have desired to join the nuclear club and produce nuclear weapons as the
only Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) to secure their security. This sort of
security guarantee by the atomic bomb further accelerated nuclear proliferation
causing serious tension and risks in global politics attributing to its uses and misuses.
To arrest the proliferation of nuclear weapons and technology in 1965 Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty (NPT) was initiated. But the discriminatory provisions of this
treaty allowing vertical proliferation while disbanding horizontal one has caused
simmering tensions and several countries have refused to sign this treaty. However,
during the cold war period as part of disarmament and arms control understanding
between the U.S and USSR, several milestone agreements like SALT-I, SALT-II, and

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SART-I were signed to put a break on proliferation. Nevertheless, nuclear

proliferation in recent years has been a serious cause of concern for global peace. The
United States and Russia have collaborated on several projects over the past ten years
to lessen the threat presented by the massive amount of material that can still be used
to make weapons that have been removed from nuclear arsenals. This work has
received assistance from many private organizations and other nations. However,
numerous obstacles have hindered successful results, and the majority of the risks still
exist. What's worse is that this menace is just one of many dangers that nuclear
weapons pose to humanity.

These dangers can be divided into three categories: the possibility that some number
of nuclear weapons—large or small—in the arsenals of eight countries will be
accidentally or purposefully detonated; the possibility that nuclear weaponry will
spread to other countries; and the possibility that terrorist individuals or organisations
will obtain nuclear weapons.

16.3.5 Terrorism

Terrorism continues to be a top concern on the U.N. policy agenda among the
challenges that directly affect people globally. The modern world is still perilous. The
"End of History" or a new era of peace and harmony on Earth did not usher in the fall
of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War. Instead, this modification brought
important global issues and challenges into clearer relief. Among the global
problems, terrorism has a direct impact on our security and well-being. As a result,
they are given top priority to the policy agenda of every country in recent years.

Terrorism, which we define as politically motivated violence against non-combatants,

is a historically rooted evil, and terrorists have used both domestic and international
resources to target the interests of governments. The World Trade Center and
Oklahoma City explosions were two significant terrorist attacks in recent years that
targeted the United States.

Although terrorism kills comparatively few people compared to other forms of

violence and even though there is very little chance that any of us would be killed by
terrorists, we are worried about it and governments devote a lot of time to fighting it.
Why?

Firstly, more than other types of violence, terrorism causes intense anxiety and
insecurity. Terrorists frequently strike without notice and at random innocent victims.
When it comes to other sorts of violence, we believe we can defend ourselves, but
when it comes to terrorism, we feel helpless. Knowing this, terrorists try to impose

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their political or other goals through intimidation. Killing is merely a tool to achieve
that goal. Terrorists use fear and panic to compel concessions from governments or
undermine and discredit them by demonstrating their inability to defend their citizens.
Secondly, to overturn governments and alter the course of history, rogue states and
groups motivated by ideology, religion, or ethnicity occasionally use terrorism as a
low-cost form of strategic warfare. Terrorists also employ less targeted violence to
vent wrath and protest, to further messianic and fanatical religious agendas, as well as
for even more enigmatic pathological motives.

It might be argued that terrorism has historically been ineffective as a military tactic.
But that offers no solace. Without a doubt, it has significantly harmed the interests of
independent nation-states as well as those of their allies and friends throughout the
world.

16.3.6 Human Rights

Human rights are viewed as those fundamental, unalienable freedoms required for a
person to live a normal existence. Everyone has a claim to human rights because they
are considered to be universal, fundamental rights. Though there have been many
various theories about human rights over the centuries, the Holocaust and the Second
World War helped it gain support on a global scale. As a result, in 1948, the United
Nations adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which aims to safeguard
human rights in various nations, raise public knowledge of them, act as a standard,
inform people of their rights, and be used as a political tool. The Human Rights
Committee and the Human Rights Commission, which was superseded by the Human
Rights Council, are two organisations within the United Nations that oversee matters
relating to human rights. These organisations work in part to uphold and enforce
human rights laws in various nations. Thereafter several treaties, international
covenants, international laws, and domestic laws were signed to protect and promote
Human Rights. Despite all these legal provisions and mechanisms in place, human
rights today are in the midst of darkness.

Because conflicts are destroying people's futures and tearing apart nations and
communities, especially in my native Middle East. Leaders there and elsewhere are
disobeying or undermining fundamental, enduring, and arduously fought-for
international treaties and laws. Law!

International law enshrines universal ideals - fundamental commitments to preserve

the equality of all people, recognise the universality of human rights, use multilateral
mechanisms, and collaborate to find answers to global challenges - which are
inconvenient to sovereign power, as it is intended to be. International human rights

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law, refugee law, humanitarian law, and criminal law are the pillars upon which
nations around the world have vowed to uphold the basic minimum of humanity, even
in times of war.

But in the modern era, States that drafted and approved these laws are increasingly
questioning their core, or "attempt to undermine, if not completely topple, these
fundamental human rights standards." I don't bring up these topics to inflame or
belittle anyone. Neither your pity nor your fury is what I'm after. However, I do want
to share with you some of the symptoms of what I believe to be a current global
ailment brought on by the effects and repercussions of when and when power is at its
most cruel and destructive.

Over more than six years of escalating hostilities in Syria, the warring parties have
sunk to such levels of depravity as to assault legally protected persons and civilian
objects. Medical professionals and ambulance workers have vanished, been
kidnapped, tortured, and died. Similarly, the refugee crisis due to the civil war in
Syria, Afghanistan or the Russian invasion of Ukraine in recent years has been a
serious cause of concern for world countries.

16.4 GLOBAL CHALLENGES

16.4.1 Global Warming

Given that some areas have still to be scientifically clarified, it is crucial to put all
practicable measures in place as soon as possible to stop global warming. At the same
time, efforts should be made to increase scientific understanding and information. In
addition, a worldwide legal framework based on an all-encompassing global strategy
with a long-term vision is required for an overall solution to the problem.

In August 1990, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climatic Changes (IPCC) convened i

ts fourth meeting and published its first report on the appraisal of scientific data, the i
mplications of global warming, and a plan of action to address them. October through
November 1990 saw the 2nd World Meteorological Conference. It adopted a
Ministerial Declaration on Managing Emissions in Response to the IPCC Report.

Protection of the Ozone layer

It is well known that the stratospheric ozone layer absorbs damaging infrared
wavelengths. Since it has become clear that chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) are
destroying this function, several international regulations have been put in place to
regulate the production and consumption of substances that deplete the ozone layer.
These regulations fall under the purview of the Montreal Protocol for Controlling
Substances that Destroy the Ozone Layer and the Vienna Protocol for the Protection
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of the Ozone Layer. Although countries worldwide have made decisions to establish a
fund to aid developing nations engaged in ozone layer protection during the second
conference of the countries parties to the Protocols, held in June 1990. Initiated in
January 1991, the fund. Even a long list of goods that contain ingredients known to
reduce the ozone layer was adopted at the third conference in June 1991 to limit
commerce and ban banned compounds like CFCs by the deadline year of 2000 yet the
depletion of the Ozone layer is moving at an unexpected rate is a serious global
challenge for the humanity to face in future.

Preservation of Biological Diversity

There has been concern that the variety of species on earth is dwindling, and
conferences to discuss a convention on biological diversity were convened in
November 1990, February 1991, and June to July of that year. The convention is
currently being negotiated to be signed at the upcoming United Nations Conference
on the Environment and Development. While there is currently universal agreement
that each nation should establish a preservation plan, there is disagreement over
whether or not it is necessary to transfer technology in biological engineering further
derails the process of putting the environment before the economy.

16.4.2 Drugs Trafficking

One of the most important issues facing humanity is the drug epidemic. Individual
initiatives are taken by producing, consuming, or transit nations that are insufficient
to solve the issue. Instead, the international community as a whole and all the
participating nations must work together. Major production hubs are dispersed across
the globe. Two significant heroin production hubs are the "Golden Triangle" over
Thailand, Myanmar, and Laos and the "Golden Crescent" over Afghanistan, Pakistan,
and Iran. Heroin is mostly transported into the United States and Europe from these
two regions. The Andean nations of Peru, Bolivia, and Colombia as well as other
countries in Central and South America generate copious amounts of cocaine, which
is also produced in enormous quantities and primarily smuggled into the United
States and Europe.

The producing countries have shown disinterest in reducing the production of opium
and drugs are given their economic leverages for them. On the other hand, they failed
to control drug misuse taking a more serious and complicated dimension within the
borders while trafficking causes health issues for the transit and targeted countries.
Importantly, the fund generated from these illegal drug trafficking is being diverted
towards terrorist activities is a serious cause of concern for the global community and
therefore a challenge before the august bodies of world politics to tackle this menace

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well in advance. But as of now, the results of arresting illegal drug trafficking are not
up to the expectation nor are the efforts of the producing countries encouraging.

16.4.3 Global Terrorism

International terrorism poses a severe threat to both international peace and

democracy in addition to immoral conduct that would risk or take lives. As a result, it
is a worldwide issue that needs to be resolved on a transnational level. In recent years,
it has gained more prominence on a global scale. First, after it invaded Kuwait in
August 1990, Iraq constantly urged Middle Eastern extreme radical terrorist
organisations to act. This was one of the most important terrorism-related actions
during 1990 and the first half of 1991. Iraq kidnapped numerous foreign nationals and
regularly called for terrorist acts against the interests and rights of Western nations,
including those that took part in the multinational forces. Although no large-scale,
internationally coordinated terrorist attacks took place in answer to this demand,
many local terrorists exploited the Gulf Crisis and there were numerous terrorist
outbreaks. Along with Cuba, Iran, Syria, and Libya, the United States also recognised
Iraq as a state-sponsored terrorist organisation. Aircraft bombing which had been
repeatedly happening between 1990 and 1991. The International Civil Aviation
Organization (ICAO) and other organisations have worked closely to avoid terrorism,
and this is clearly showing the results of that cooperation. On the other hand,
terrorism, except for airborne bombings, was observed in numerous regions of the
world. Examples include the murder by a bomb of former Indian Prime Minister
Rajiv Gandhi in May 1991 and the assassination of Chairman Mafgoob of the
Egyptian People's Council in October 1990.

The second characteristic is that transnational terrorist organisations were influenced

by political events in the Soviet Union and Central and Eastern Europe. These
modifications have made it simpler to win those nations' support in the fight against
terrorism. As a result, the RAF members hiding in East Germany were apprehended,
and it was discovered that various nations in Central and Eastern Europe had
provided safe refuge to terrorists who were wanted globally.

In recent years terrorists attempted to establish regimes. The rise of Al-Qaeda, ISIS
and the establishment of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan and their similar efforts in
other Islamic countries is a serious challenge for global peace, order and security.
Although, the UN and international agencies have entered into several treaties and
tries to tackle the global menace yet the double standard of several powerful countries
and their hand-in-glove attitudes have failed the international institutions to take any
unprecedented steps against these terrorist organizations. Importantly, mushrooming
of Non-State Actors across the borders and their activities against other countries

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generally go unchecked for their parochial interests like Pakistan giving free space
and passage to militant Islamic organizations to perpetrate violence against India
thinking that it serves Pakistan’s purpose is further bolstering the spirit of terrorists
and allows them to use such countries as safe heavens.

16.4.4 Human Trafficking and Refugee Crisis

Due to globalisation, there is a demand for low-wage workers to fill low-status

positions that can only be filled by illegal immigrants, particularly women who are
commonly disguised in the shadow economy. The labour market in question is
uncontrolled and offers few protections to people who work there.

Globalization has facilitated human trafficking, in which unauthorised immigrants are

sometimes forcibly trafficked from LDCs to rich nations. Many people who work as
gardeners, maids, or carers in the homes of wealthy professional couples find
themselves in certain cases treated like slaves and treated like commodities that
should be purchased for the cheapest price. Poorly paid illegal immigrants who work
as domestic help deprive their children of the home of their parents. Sex tourism has
increased due to globalisation and the import of brides, especially from Asia to the
west. Sex tourism entails abuse by public officials and even the captivity of women
by foreigners.

The 2010 Trafficking in Person (TIP) Report, which documents contemporary slavery
and human trafficking, ranked the United States for the first time, despite the
country's high ranking in efforts to combat the practice. According to the research,
forced prostitution, debt bondage, and forced labour are all practises that are practised
on men, women, and children in America. The Dominican Republic, Saudi Arabia,
Mauritania, Kuwait, Laos, and Thailand were among the nations mentioned as taking
the least action to stop human trafficking. Women and even children that are brought
to these nations are routinely abducted and used as prostitutes and essentially sex
slaves. If this continues unabated, human trafficking would emerge as the biggest
challenge of climate change before the world community.

There are reportedly more than 17 million refugees in the world today, spread over
countries including Afghanistan, Palestine, Indochina, Africa, and Central America.
Despite efforts to promote peace sponsored by the UN, the number of refugees, who
are a result of hostilities and civil wars that have erupted globally, is rising. The
refugee issue is primarily a humanitarian one. The international community must
provide aid to those who have fled conflict or oppression but lack the necessities of
food, shelter, and clothes.

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The political nature of the refugee issue has the potential to undermine regional peace
and stability. In addition to facing economic hardships, the surrounding nations that
absorb refugee influxes frequently experience social unrest. Additionally, there may
be instances where the refugees cause political unrest in the nations next to them. The
problems that the receiving developing countries face as a result of the refugee inflow
are particularly severe when conflicts that are related to the refugee crisis occur in
developing regions. Assistance for refugees significantly reduces these issues and
helps keep peace and stability in areas that have recently experienced a conflict.

The world should work together to make stronger efforts to address the refugee crisis
and must take a proactive stance given its growing role in the international arena.
Since conflicts are the primary source of refugees, it is crucial to prevent conflicts
from starting, and we have to support efforts led by the United Nations in this
direction. Assistance to refugees who have already arrived is equally crucial to
refugee prevention. Such initiatives to address the refugee crisis will be crucial in
promoting world peace over the medium and long term.

16.4.5 Globalised Disease

Global diseases are not new. Europe was repeatedly devastated by the bubonic and
pneumonic plagues, which are spread by fleas that live on rodents, especially rats that
take rides on foreign ships. A plague pandemic that presumably started in China and
Mongolia spread via trade routes to Europe in the 14th century AD. The epidemic did
spread to the lower Volga river by 1345, and from there it spread to Crimea, the
Caucasus, and Constantinople. Genoese traders brought the illness from the Black
Sea town of Kaffa to Sicily in 1347. Half of Messina's inhabitants died within two
months. The so-called "Black Death" spread from Italy to France the next year,
followed by Germany and England. Europe's population dropped by one-third in less
than three years, and about 25 million people perished. Western Europe's population
didn't again reach its pre-1348 level until the 16th century. Whole areas were
depopulated and abandoned and agriculture declined.

Contemporary epidemics and pandemics

Globalization-related mass migration of people has created the circumstances for
pandemics and epidemics of a similar nature to occur anywhere. The World Health
Organization (WHO) had to deal with several potential epidemics in 2004 and the
beginning of 2005, most notably Avian Influenza, Cholera in Africa, yellow fever in
Africa and Latin America, and Ebola hemorrhagic fever in Africa, which resulted in
death in 50 to 90% of cases. According to WHO, there are almost 247 million serious
cases of malaria each year, and more than 8 lakh people, mostly children in Sub-
Saharan Africa, may be away from the illness. Additionally, 1.7 million people in

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Sub-Saharan Africa who are already frail from HIV/AIDS die from tuberculosis, with
the number rising quickly. Africa spends more than $12 billion a year on malaria
alone, according to estimates. Other killing diseases that could be prevented if
vaccines were readily available include diphtheria, measles and polio. But the death
among all the diseases in recent years has been AIDS and one of the major global
killers and causes disabilities in survivors. By destroying the lymphocytes necessary
for the immune system to function, HIV (Human Immune Virus) causes AIDS,
leaving victims vulnerable to a variety of deadly infections. The virus is transmitted
through exposure to body fluids in the course of sexual relations, sharing hypodermic
needles and breastfeeding infants. Today AIDS has more victims than all other
diseases totalled.

SARS (Sever Acute Respiratory Syndrome) another global disease occurred between
2002 and 2003 killing at least 774 people out of 8000 contracted victims. The disease
involves a high fever, sometimes accompanied by chills, headache, coughing and
body ache as well as difficulties in breathing. I pose serious challenges before WHO
and alarmed the global population. Another disease that has survived owing to
globalization is Polio. the disease endemic to 125 countries in 1988 had been virtually
wiped out by 2003 as a result of widespread immunization. Yet another global disease
that was unprecedentedly frightening was Avian Influenza. Although the number of
death somehow is controlled, however the risk of the endemic remains.

COVID-19
Novel Corona Virus declared by World Health Organization (WHO) as COVID-19 as
a pandemic affecting more than 215 countries worldwide is an infectious disease
caused by a new virus that appeared in Wuhan in China …first. The disease is
claimed to have originated from the largest wet market of seafood in Chinese Wuhan
province locates only a few kilometres away from
the world-famous Wuhan Lab. As per the advisory of WHO, the disease spreads
primarily from person to person through small droplets from the nose or mouth,
which are expelled on the surface when a person with COVID-19 coughs, sneezes or
speaks.

In the absence of any vaccine the only preventive medication announced by WHO is
social distancing and self-quarantine. While all countries have adopted tough
measures to handle the pandemic, the causality it has indicted worldwide is
unprecedented as millions and millions of people are infected with the virus while
several lakhs have succumbed to death. In the past two weeks, more than 46 per cent
of the new cases were reported Europe and 39 per cent in the United States. While the
U.S and Europe have been the epic centres of the virus, countries such as Russia and

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India have also experienced a resurgence of several cases and therefore have evolved
different response strategies to handle the crisis including the extension of the
lockdowns. Besides, the loss of human life, the virus has serious economic and
political ramifications for the countries and the world order as we know it at large. To
be honest, the world economy is on the verge of complete collapse except for China.
With countries under lockdown and factories in shutdown as quarantine measures are
in place across the globe, the business is coping with lost revenue and disrupted
supply chains have restricted the movement of trade and commerce.

The demand side has suddenly collapsed due to the lockdown of the markets leading
to a serious economic downturn since the Great Depression. The high rise of
unemployment and skyrocketing of non-productive assets led to the financial burden
on the states while locked inside the house without jobs, food and services of the
citizenry. In no time this pandemic spread all over the world killing several thousand
people and gripping the world even today. Despite vaccines and other mechanisms in
place, the disease is yet not fully controlled. It is a mounting challenge for the global
population to arrest such a crisis and prepare themselves for future pandemics.

16.4.6 War and Weapons of Mass Destruction

The vast majority of people on Earth are peaceful. Even though there haven't been
any major power wars for more than 70 years, eight wars were recorded in 2020, and
the nature of security and warfare has changed to include transnational and local
terrorism, international intervention in civil wars, as well as openly denied cyber and
information warfare. Half of the world has unstable conditions, and by the end of
2020, 82.4 million people will have been ejected out of their homes as a result of
forced relocation (including 26.4 million refugees up from 22.5 million the previous
year). This is anticipated to rise mostly as a result of government corruption and the
effects of global warming. Conflicts reduced significantly between 1990 and 2010,
but they have since grown despite a decline in causalities. In 2020, causalities
decreased globally to under 50,000. According to the 2021 Global Peace Index, only
0.07 per cent of the world's peace declined in 2020 compared to 0.27 per cent the year
before; 87 countries saw improvements in 2020, up from 71 the year before, while 73
saw declines, down from 92 the year before. Even though 76 countries improved
while 53 deteriorated, the 2020 Global Terrorism Index worsened by 6%, and there
was a marginal decline in the number of terrorist deaths.

In the first ten years since the Unstable States Index was created in 2007, 75 countries
were more fragile while 99 saw improvements. Only 7 countries experienced declines
between 2015 and 2020. However, the 2021 Fragile States Index assigns 33 nations a
fragility rating of "alert" to "extremely high alert."

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From approximately 70,000 warheads in the middle of the 1980s to 13,080 now, nine
countries have nuclear arsenals. The disarmament of 9,600 of these warheads is
planned. North Korea's recent ICBM and thermonuclear weapon tests, which the UN
Security Council has denounced, are the cause for alarm.

From 1998 to 2011, global military spending remained essentially steady, with slight
declines from 2011 to 2014, but since then, it has been rising steadily, and in 2020, it
will reach $1.98 trillion. Even before the COVID-19 epidemic, 23% of the world's
population, according to the OECD, resided in vulnerable environments.

In the meantime, information warfare manipulates information trusted by targets

without their knowledge so that they will make decisions against their interests but in
the interest of the one conducting information warfare (as opposed to cyber warfare
which attacks computers, software, and command control systems). While the public
is unaware of how to defend itself, fake news is progressively altering views of reality
through bots, videos, and other types of information warfare.

It is anticipated that there would be an increase in cyber attacks by governments and

organised crime against other governments and businesses. The traditional study of
the balance of power is altered by asymmetric cyber warfare. Is it possible to hold
software vendors responsible for hacking?

16.5 SUMMARY

Global politics are undergoing significant changes, which are followed by notable
topics and events. The world is currently captivated by a few old and new issues more
than ever because of how deeply global politics has impacted our lives. Some old
orders and issues have become obsolete. In actuality, everything has a global
component, including the air we breathe, the clothing we wear, and even the taxes we
pay. Since the world has no longer recognised borders and what happens anyplace
affects everyone else, we must comprehend the major shifts in the global order that
have been influencing how world politics has developed. However, while some
changes promise a brighter, more peaceful future, others portend new perils.

Countries can fight a war not just with their neighbours but with enemies located far
away at a distance of thousand miles. regional and international conflicts. Challenges
and threats like terrorism, climate change, nuclear proliferation, population explosion,
religious and ethnic extremism, diseases like AIDS and Polio and viruses like
COVID-19, Monkeypox and others have threatened not just our well beings even our

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survival amidst these threats that we can ignore at our peril only. The importance of
these issues and challenges that shaped global politics today and directing our life
cycle in a destined pattern has been debated in this chapter and cautioned the world
community with a message to fight together or perish separately from these perils.

16.6 EXERCISE

1. What are the emerging issues in global politics today? Elaborate them.
2. What is your opinion constitutes stupendous challenges before the world
population?
3. How do you see Nuclear Proliferation as a serious global problem?
4. Define Global Warming and discuss its severity for humanity if go
uncontrolled.
5. How do you see Human Rights as an issue of global concern and highlight the
world refugee crisis to justify the logic of Human Rights protection?

16.7 REFERENCES

• Heywood, Andrew (2013), Global Politics, Palgrave Foundation.

• Mansbach, Richard and Taylor, Kirsten (2014), Introduction to Global

Politics, Routledge.

• John Baylis, Steve Smith, and Patricia Owens (2019), The Globalization of
World Politics - An Introduction to International Relations, Eighth Edition,
Oxford University Press.

• UNF (2022), Emerging Issues, United Nations Foundation, available at:

https://unfoundation.org/what-we-do/issues/emerging-
issues/?gclid=Cj0KCQjw0JiXBhCFARIsAOSAKqC8wqJy1Jk_St5hQsrFV9B
64gZXe1KkcnRj3aOMSLJBw7toSbIOsWoaAvRaEALw_wcB

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