BACHELOR OF ARTS

(BAG)

ASSIGNMENT

(For July 2019 and January 2020 Sessions)

Course Code: BPSC-132

Indian Government and Politics

Name: H. VANLALTHAFAMKIMA

Enrolment No.: Assignment

195646891A
Answer the following in about 500 words each.

1. What is the difference between liberal and Marxist approach to study Indian
Politics?
Answer: The Liberal Perspective of The State: - The Liberal perspective of the
State is based on the philosophy of Liberalism, which broadly represents
freedom, modernity and progress. Emerging around the same period as that of
the evolution of the modern States, it came to signify the attempt to define a
private sphere independent of the State. Gradually, Liberalism became
associated with the doctrine that freedom of choice should be applied to
matters as diverse as marriage, community, religion, economic and political
affairs. In fact, to everything that affects daily life (Macpherson, 1973). In this
view, the world consists of free and equal individuals with natural rights. The
concern of politics should be the defence of the rights of these individuals in a
way that must enable them to realise their own capacities. The mechanisms
for regulating individuals, and pursuit of their respective interests were to be
the Constitutional State, along with private property, the competitive market
economy and the family which was distinctly patriarchal. Liberalism is hailed
for upholding the values of reason and toleration in the face of tradition and
absolutism (Dunn, 1979). No doubt, Liberalism celebrated the rights of
individuals to life, liberty and property, but liberal individual was generally
the property owning male and the new freedoms were first and foremost for
the men of the new middle classes. It is notable that the Western world was
liberal first and only later, that too after extensive conflicts, it became
democratic, when universal franchise became the norm all over.
Broadly, a Liberal conception of the individual and the State consists of
at least four basic elements. First, it is individualistic. It asserts the moral
primacy of the person against the claims of any social collectivity. Second, it
is egalitarian. It confers on all individuals the same moral status and denies
relevance to any legal and/or political order of difference in moral worth
among human beings. Third, it is universalistic. Itaffirms the moral unity of
human species and accords a secondary importance to specific historical
associations and cultural forms. Fourth, it is meliorist. It acknowledges the
corrigibility and improvability of all social institutions and political
arrangements (Gray, 1986). Hobbes was among the first to make a more
curious search into the rights of States and duties of subjects (Cf Skinner,
1978). His thoughts mark a point of transition between a commitment to the
Absolutist State and the struggle of Liberalism against tyranny. In so doing, he
produced a political philosophy which became a fascinating point of departure
for reflection on the modern theory of the State. It was Liberal because
Hobbes derived the existence of society and the State by reference to free and
equal individuals as the components of social life and emphasised the
importance of consent in the making of a contract or bargain, not only to
regulate human affairs and secure a measure of independence and choice in
society, but also to legitimise such regulation. Interestingly enough, his
political conclusions emphasised the necessity of a practically all-powerful
State to create the law and secure the conditions of social and political life.
Thus, his thought reflects a constant tension between the claims of
individuality on the one hand, and the power requisite for the State to ensure
peaceful and commodious living on the other (Macpherson, op. cit.). In the
Hobbesian conception, the State is regarded as pre-eminent in political and
social life. While individuals exist prior to the formation of civilised society
and to the State itself, it is the State that provides the conditions of existence
of the former. The State alters a miserable situation for human beings by
changing the conditions under which they pursue their interests. It constitutes
the society through the powers of the sovereign to enforce the law. The self-
seeking nature of individuals’ behaviour and patterns of interaction
necessitates the indivisible power of the State. The State must be able to act
decisively to counter the threat of Anarchy. Hence, it has to be powerful and
capable of acting as a single force. The State and its actions can and must be
considered legitimate.
The duties of the State are the maintenance of law and order at home and
protection against aggression from abroad. The State according to Locke,
should be the regulator and protector of society so that individuals are able to
satisfy their needs and develop their capacities in a process of free exchange
with others. Thus, Locke can easily be called one of the first great champions
of Liberalism as his works clearly stimulated the development of what we
may call liberal democracy by advocating the rights of individuals, popular
sovereignty, majority rule, a division of powers within the State,
Constitutional monarchy and a representative system of government.
The Marxist Perspective: - The Marxist Perspective, also commonly
regarded as the class theory of State, is basically a perspective, which has
evolved from the writings of Karl Marx and Freiderick Engels and some other
classic Marxist theoriticists such as Vladimir Lenin, L. Trotsky and A.
Gramsci. It is worth remembering here that Marx did not offer a theoretical
analysis of the State as such. His work on the State comprises a fragmented
series of philosophical reflections, contemporary history, journalism and
incidental remarks. It is not surprising, therefore, that Marx rarely focused
directly on the complex concept of State. From the beginning, Marx made it
clear that the point is not to contemplate or interpret the world, or the State,
but to change it. Therefore, it is difficult to acquire any clear unitary theory of
the State from the diverse writings of Marx and Engels themselves. More so,
because the emphasis of Marxism has not been to understand the State in
itself, but rather to explain it as a result of a more fundamental reality, which
is usually economic in character. Thus, it is the functional role of the State
within the economy, rather than its Constitutional or institutional form, which
is significant. Basically, Marxism is a ‘praxis’ philosophy mostly responding
to immediate events and issues. The closest Marx ever comes to a systematic
treatment of the State is in his early work, “Introduction to a Critique of
Hegal’s Philosophy of Right”, but there too, he engages in mainly negative
criticism. It is intrinsic to Marxist perspective that the State is seen as a
universal but temporary phenomenon which ultimately has to be done away
with. Most of the Marxist writings have been directed to the fact that the
ultimate end of history and class struggle is Communism, which has to be a
Stateless condition.
Despite such theoretical constraints, there is one central concept in
Marxist theorising about the State – the idea of class (Ostrom, 1974). The
State is seen as the expression or condensation of class relations, which
implies a pattern of domination and oppression that are other general elements
of Marxist perspective. A class interest is seen to manage the State apparatus
in the interests of that class alone. This involves the exercise of power over
other groups or classes. The history of States is therefore, the history of such
class domination and class struggle. This notion of class also links up with
human labour and a particular theory of human nature and history; however, it
is class which remains the key to the State. The emergence of new social
classes was one of the central factors leading first to the revision of Classical
Liberalism in the works of John Stuart Mill and later of Auguste Comte and
Emile Durkheim. This very process in the context of the development of
industrial capitalism, was also a key factor in the social, economic and
political environment that provided the fundamental motifs to the Marxist
perspective on State. As Engels argued, ‘It was… Marx who had first
discovered the great law of motion of history, the law according to which all
historical struggles, whether they proceed in the political, religious,
philosophical or some other ideological domain are, in fact, only the more or
less clear expression of struggles of social classes (See: Selected Writings of
Marx and Engels).
This point of view has been emphasised by almost all political
commentators of Marx and Engels. One such recent commentator has thus put
it: Most of their political writings were produced to describe specific historical
context; and / or to provide a theoretical basis for the identification of political
class interests and an appropriate mode of intervention in the class struggle.
Marx believed that the State belongs to the superstructure and in course of
history, each mode of production gives rise to its own specific political
organisation to further the interests of the economically dominant classes. In
‘The Manifesto’ he declares “The executive of the modern State is but a
committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie”
(Jessop, 1983).

2. Explain Gandhian Approach to politics and identify its core elements? 20

Answer: Gandhian approach denotes using Gandhian tenets or Gandhism to
explain the social reality or truth and suggest ways to build new society. These
tenets are truth, non-violence, Satyagrah, Swaraj, Sarvodaya, justification of
means to achieve goals, ethics/morality, Ram Rajya. Non-violence is more
than just avoidance of violence and harming others: it is to harm oneself. To
harm oneself through activities such as fasting is to exercise moral authority
on those who possess power. Without disobedience a political action cannot
be organized; democracy must be structured in as a way that every citizen can
question law and institutions (Ramin Jahanbegloo, 2018, The Disobedient
Indian: Towards a Gandhian Philosophy of Dissent, Speaking Tiger, New
Delhi). To use non-violent and moral or ethical tool to achieve goals means to
follow a method/strategy which is known as Satyagrah according to
Gandhism. The ultimate goal which Gandhian tenets seek to achieve is
establish swaraj or self-control or self-realization. This will lead to formation
of Ram Rajya or a society where people live in peace and harmony, govern
themselves, and enjoy security. In Ram Rajya, an ideal society, people self-
regulate, self-govern, through village panchayats/village republics. It is high
civil society; such societies have compassion and fellow feeling.
In Ram Rajya, the village panchayats performs the functions which can
be performed by the state. Ram Rajya/Swaraj implies minimum role to the
state, which is a coercive institution. When a scholar uses concept of
Satyagrah, non-violence, truth, etc. to anyalyse role of institutions such as
state, sharing of power (decentralization), mobilisation through non-violence
and non-cooperation it denotes usage of Gandhian approach. Gandhian
approach has been used in different disciplines in social sciences.
In Political Science the most common themes which have been studied
by Gandhian approach are social movements and usage of Satyagrah in them;
critique of Indian state as a coercive institution; the notion of Swaraj,
communal and social harmony, and decentralisation (Panchayati Raj
Institutions) or the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment Acts, and the
influence of Gandhism on development debate, and on perspectives, etc.
Gandhian way is used to assess the influence of Gandhism on intellectuals
such as Charan Singh, Lohia and other socialist leaders. Lohia and Charan
Singh attacked industrialization in favour of small-scale/village industries.
Although Charan Singh was influenced by Gandhian Gandhi, he disagreed
with Gandhi on some issues. For instance, he opposed to Gandhi’s notion of
cooperative farming. He opined Gandhi’s views in support of cooperative
farming. However, Charan Singh was not opposed to cooperative in service in
farming. The tenets of Gandhism/Gandhian philosophy which influenced
Lohia included – unsuitability of European model of socialism; he critiqued
Nehruvian model of development from the point of view of Nehruvian model
of development. He was most influenced by Gandhian ideas of civil
disobedience or Satyagrah and economic and political decentralization. As in
Gandhian perspective, the state has generally been viewed as a soulless
machinewhich uses coercive methods, Gandhian perspective seeks to explain
the extent to which state is required to provide security. Indeed, he is not
opposed to state; instead, he supports minimum state. It provides security. The
role of the state can be performed by Panchayati Raj Institutions. State should
perform minimum functions. Gandhism supports a kind of democracy in
which people share power and participate in decision making process through
decentration or Panchayati Raj Institutions.
The question how Gandhism has helped to combat communal
polarisation has been used by historians, especially with reference to Noakhali
riot (Batbayal 2005): in Noakhali, Gandhi could use religion in politics, and
sanctification/ justification of violence by religion, the question which was
addressed in Noakhali was if Gandhi’s doctrine was failing and how idea was
of conversion made to justify violence. In the case of Noakhali riots, the
historians have attempted to see the impact of Gandhian method of Satyagrah
to achieve communal harmony. It was so despite the fact Gandhi was
criticized both by Hindus and Muslism. Bhikhu Parekh viewed Noakhali riot
through the notion of inter-relatedness of personal purity (Personal suffering
through hunger strike, etc.) and political success achieved in communal
harmony. The Gandhian perspective attempts to analyse how different
communities can be brought together in situations of communal strife.
 Studying Gujarat movement in Gujarat 1974 against the price rise,
Ghanshyam Shah shows the role of Satyagrah in anti-levy. The movement
which was launched by the students began against inflated mess bills took up
varieties of issues, i.e., corruption, black-marketing, price rise,
denationalisation, civil liberties. The agitation forced Gujarat chief minister
Chimanbhai Patel to resign. It later got linked with JP movement. It provided
a background to imposition of emergency in 1975. Some scholars underline
the importance of Satyagrah and non-violence in farmers’ movements, and in
movements against corruption. Gandhians like Subba Rao and Rajagopal,
P.V. and Jayprakash Narain used Gandhian ways to convince dacoits in
Chambal to surrender abjuring violenceand follow non-violence, to mobilize
of youths in Bihar in the JP movements against corruption and, against
emergency. Balagopal founded Ekta Parishad to mobilize tribals against
encroachment of their land, and for granting land rights to them. Ekta Parishad
is inspired by Gandhian philosophy of non-violence and non-cooperation. It
sought to bring the state and society.

Assignment B
Answer the following questions in about 250 words each.

3. What are the Fundamental Duties enshrined in the Indian constitution? 10

Answer: Article 51A: Fundamental duties - It shall be the duty of every
citizen of India –
a) to abide by the Constitution and respect its ideals and institutions, the
National Flag and the National Anthem;
b) to cherish and follow the noble ideals which inspired our national struggle
for freedom;
c) to uphold and protect the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India;
d) to defend the country and render national service when called upon to do
so;
e) to promote harmony and the spirit of common brotherhood amongst all the
people of India transcending religious, linguistic and regional or sectional
diversities; to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women;
f) to value and preserve the rich heritage of our composite culture;
g) to protect and improve the natural environment including forests, lakes,
rivers and wild life, and to have compassion for living creatures;
h) to develop the scientific temper, humanism and the spirit of inquiry and
reform;
i) to safeguard public property and to abjure violence;
j) to strive towards excellence in all spheres of individual and collective
activity so that the nation constantly rises to higher levels of endeavour
and achievement.
k) to provide opportunities for education by the parent the guardian, to his
child, or a ward between the age of 6-14 years as the case may be.

4. How does the state play a role in communalism?

Answer: Communalism often leads to communal violence between different
religious communities. There are several examples of communal violence in
India. Communal violence is also result of intermingling of religion and
politics. In the post-Independent India, communalism has become part of the
competitive electoral politics. According to K.N. Pannikar (1990), politics and
communalism have become complementary, reinforcing each other in the
post-Independence period. It can devise policies which can either stop or
encourage communalism. It can also play partisan role in communal politics.
The nature of state’s role on communalism depends on the nature of pressure
of social groups on it, and composition of the personnel in the state
institutions, and political context. Thus, the state functions under the pressure
of different social groups and classes. These also include religious
communities. As you have read above, the colonial rule promoted religious
divisions: the policy was based on preferential treatment and discrimination.
According to C.P. Bhambhri, the post-Independence period inherited the
legacy of religious backwardness and religious conflict. The context of pre-
Independence period – the state attitude of preference and discrimination,
mediation by the British in the 1940s between the separatists and nationalists
became the context of the post-Independence state in India. The state in India
is placed in paradoxical situation: on the one hand it has to act through rules
and regulations, new technology; on the other hand, it has to deal with the
society where symbols, rituals and inherited social regulatory mechanisms
exist. Indian state loses loyalty of the masses if it is perceived to be acting
against traditional practices.
 Muslim personal law (1985), Operation Blue Star (1984), Sabrimala
(2019). In a democratic society such as India, the state functions under
pressure of different social forces. It becomes a site of multiple ideologies and
tendencies – including secularists and communalists. Like the space in the
society, the state also becomes site of contests between different ideologies
such as communalism and secularism. In the post-Independence period, the
Indian state has followed the strategy for managing conflicts – of oppression
and cooptation: it makes compromises with communalism and casteism. And
the exploiting classes have exploited religious sentiments to legitimize
exploitation in the society. Zoya Hasan (1990) argues that the state has
surrendered to the pressure of religious fundamentalist in Muslim Women’s
Bill and Ram Janma Bhumi case.

5. Describe the main issues of gender discrimination.

Answer: Since the 1980s, the scope of women’s movements at the local levels
– villages and towns and at higher levels and range of issues raised by them
have widened. However, these movements have not occurred with similar
effectiveness everywhere. On the basis of what you have read above, we can
say that gender-related issues are not the problems only of women, men or
transgender. They concern all. Their solution also lies in collaborative efforts
of all. However, as the genders’ position is determined by unequal location of
men, women and transgender in social, political and economic relations, it is
women who are apparently placed in the most vulnerable position. Several
problems continue to pose a challenge to their emancipation or empowerment.
Many practices abetting gender-based discrimination have been legally
banned, and do not get approval from every section of the society. Despite
this, however, they continue to exist. They exist in families, public places and
in workplaces. Some examples of gender-based discrimination are as follows:
rape, domestic violence, discrimination of daughters, dowry, bride burning,
sex determination tests; in the public places, cases of harassment; in society,
child marriage, discrimination by some traditional caste panchayats such as
khaps; and in the work. Besides, women are discriminated in getting wages
for the work which is equal to the men’s work.
Gender-based inequality is largely rooted in social and economic
disparities, lack of representation of women and transgender in decision
making institutions. It can be argued that if women become economically
independent, get educated, and get political representation, their equality can
be achieved. Although economic independence help in reduction of gender-
based discrimination, it is not a sufficient condition. Such conditions can be
supplemented by change in the patriarchal values. It means that men, women
and transgenders are entitled for equal treatment as human beings. Gender-
based discrimination is, thus, embedded in the level of human development.
Human development means development of human beings in terms of
economic independence or having viable means of livelihood, getting proper
education and keeping good health and getting respect as a human being.
Even as job, education and health are important factors to remove gender-
based inequality. They are inadequate without being accompanied by
provisions for self-respect and dignity. That is possible by change in
patriarchal values that support gender-based discrimination. Amartya Sen in
Development as Freedom (2000) argues that development in terms of
developing capabilities in human being – health and education, result in
providing freedom to human beings.

Assignment C
Answer the following questions in about 100 words each.

6. What is collective responsibility?

Answer: Collective responsibility refers to responsibilities of organizations,
groups and societies.
Part of it is the concept known as collective guilt by which individuals
who are part of such collectives to be responsible for other people's actions
and occurrences by tolerating, ignoring, or harboring them, without actively
engaging.
In some countries with parliamentary systems, there is a convention that
all members of a cabinet must publicly support all government decisions, even
if they do not agree with them. Members of the cabinet that wish to dissent or
object publicly must resign from their position or be sacked. As a result of
collective responsibility, the entire government cabinet must resign if a vote of
no confidence is passed in parliament.

7. What are the qualifications required for appointment as a judge of the

Supreme Court? Answer:
Qualifications of Judges
A person to be appointed as a judge of the Supreme Court should have
the following qualifications:
i) He should be a citizen of India.
ii) He should have been a judge of a High Court (or high courts in succession)
for five years; or
iii) He should have been an advocate of a High Court (or High Courts in
succession) for ten years; or
iv) He should be a distinguished jurist in the opinion of the president.
The Constitution has not prescribed a minimum age for appointment as a
judge of the Supreme Court.
Oath or Affirmation
i) A person appointed as a judge of the Supreme Court, before entering upon
his office, has to make and subscribe to an oath or affirmation before the
President, or some other person appointed by him for this purpose. In his
oath, a judge of the Supreme Court swears:
ii) to bear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of India;
iii) to uphold the sovereignty and integrity of India;
iv) to duly and faithfully and to the best of his ability, knowledge and
judgement to perform the duties of the Office without fear or favour,
affection or ill-will; and
v) to uphold the Constitution and the laws.

8. Discuss the role of caste in politics.

Answer: Caste is a social phenomenon of Indian society. By participating in
the modern political system, caste is now exposed to divisive influences and a
new form of integration resulting from a new scheme of universalist-
particularist relationships. Caste has gained an influential position in India
politics.
On the one hand, a structure of divisions and accommodations, caste
provides to politics. And on the other hand a cohesive element which absorbs
tensions and frustrations. It becomes divisive when question arises of national
unity. But regarding a locality or group matter, it gives a cohesive force by
uniting people of a caste.
The formation role of caste association are also playing as important role
in influencing voting pattern. Even political parties are considering caste as a
vote bank. This enabled the lower castes to be politically influential on the
basis of numerical preponderance. In selecting candidates for elections,
political parties often giving consideration to the caste composition of
constituencies. Sometimes several castes are using politics in their attempt to
better their conditions or to achieve their goal. Reservation policy is another
aspect where we can see that caste system also influences Indian politics.

9. What are the qualifications and disqualifications for a member of Indian

Parliament?
Answer: Qualifications to Become an MP - As per article 84 of the
constitution, a person is qualified to be a member of parliament provided he:
i) is a citizen of India
ii) has completed 30 years of age in case of Rajya Sabha and 25 years in case
of Lok Sabha.
iii) possesses such other qualifications as may be prescribed in that behalf by
or under any law made by Parliament.
The third condition above led the parliament to include other
qualifications for MPs in the Representation of People Act (1951).These
qualifications are as follows:
Only an elector can be elected. Thus, the candidate must be registered as a
voter in a parliamentary constituency and must be eligible to vote. If due to
any reason the person loses eligibility to vote, he would lose eligibility to
contest also. For example if a person is jailed or in lawful detention at the time
of elections, he shall not be eligible for voting. However, if a person is in
preventive custody, he can vote. These define if a person is able to contest for
election of MP or not.
It is not necessary that a person should be registered as a voter in the
same constituency. This is applicable for both Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. A
person from reserved category only can contest election if the Lok Sabha seat
is reserved for these categories. However, an SC/ST person can contest
election on an unreserved seat also.
Disqualification grounds
 The constitution of India has provided (in article 102) that a member of
parliament will be disqualified for membership if:
i) He holds any office of profit under the Union or state government (except
that of a minister or any other office exempted by Parliament)
ii) He is of unsound mind and stands so declared by a court.
iii) He is an undischarged insolvent.
iv) He has ceased to be a citizen of India.
v) He is disqualified under any other law by parliament.

10. Explain the developments towards the multiparty system in India in India.
Answer: Party system in a democracy normally refers to the pattern of
interaction and competition between political parties. In India, the pattern of
interaction and competition among political parties has given way to the
multi-party system. This kind of characterisation of the party system is,
however, more accurate as of now than that existed a few decades ago. What
existed then was the impeccable hegemony of the Congress Party and this was
well characterised by Kothari and Jones as a ‘dominant party system. Such
system was a multiparty system, in which free competition among political
parties occurred but it was the Indian National Congress which enjoyed a
dominant position both in terms of the number of seats it held in the
parliament and the state legislative assemblies, and in terms of its immense
organisational strength. Kothari coined the term the ‘Congress System’ and
Jones called it a ‘Congress Dominated System’. Enormous changes have
taken place in the party system in recent years. These changes started taking
place from 1967 onwards but these have become much more pronounced
since the late eighties and early 1990s. The party system has moved away
from a one party dominated system to a multi-party system. It is also referred
to as a federalised party system or a coalitional party system. Since 2014 the
Bharatiya Janata Party has emerged as the single most dominant party in
India.