NATIONAL INSTITUTION MUSEUM OF KUMANOVO

1
 Published by
National Institution Museum of Kumanovo,
In a partnership with
Ministry of Culture and Archaeological Museum of Macedonia

Edited by
Dejan Gjorgjievski

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Jovica Stankovski (Museum of Kumanovo, Kumanovo),
Aleksandra Papazova (Archaeological Museum of Macedonia, Skopje),
Aleksandar Bulatović (Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade),
Bojana Plemić (College of Tourism, Belgrade),
Carolyn Snively (Gettysburg College, Pennsylvania),
Philip Mihaylov (Museum of Pernik, Pernik),
Anastasios Antonaras (Museum of Byzantine Culture, Thessaloniki)

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INTERNATIONAL archaeological conference “Kokino” (1 & 2 ; 2016-2017 ;
Skopje, Kumanovo)
Giving gift to God : evidences of votive offerings in the sanctuaries, temples
and churches : proceedings of the 1 st & 2nd International archaeological conference
“Kokino”, held in Skopje & Kumanovo, 2016-2017 / [edited by Dejan Gjorgjievski].
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2
 GIVING GIFTS
TO GOD:
EVIDENCES OF VOTIVE OFFERINGS IN THE
SANCTUARIES, TEMPLES AND CHURCHES

Proceedings of the 1st & 2nd International Archaeological Conference

“KOKINO”, held in Skopje & Kumanovo, 2016-2017

3
4
 CONTENTS

Göran Henriksson, Mary Blomberg

EVIDENCE FOR MINOAN ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS FROM THE
PEAK SANCTUARIES ON PETSOPHAS AND TRAOSTALOS
[7]

Marina Spirova
LANDSCAPE, PERFORMANCE AND RITUAL ACTIVITIES AT THE
ENEOLITHIC SANCTUARY AT St. ATANASIJ, SPANCHEVO
[17]

Olgica Kuzmanovska, Jovica Stankovski

CULT PRACTISE AND CALENDARS OF KOKINO SANCTUARY
[31]

Nikos Chausidis
THE THRESHING FLOOR AS A SYMBOLIC PARADIGM IN ANCIENT
OBSERVATORIES
[37]

Jovica Stankovski, Duško Temelkoski

TWO ROCKS – CUT RITUAL COMPLEXES IN THE AREAS OF
PRILEP AND KRATOVO
[47]

Aleksandar Bulatović
RITUAL PITS IN THE CENTRAL BALKANS – THE CONTINUITY
OF A SPIRITUAL PRACTICE
[57]

Valeria Fol
THE LIGHT, IMAGINARY AND REAL SACRED SPACE IN THE THRACIAN
ROCK - CUT SANCTUARIES
[67]

Aleksey Gotsev
CURRENT ISSUES OF THE STUDIES OF THRACIAN CULT PLACES IN
SOUTHWESTERN BULGARIA
[75]

Vasil Katsaro
ROCK MEGALITHIC MONUMENT KULATA NEAR STRELCHA -
CENTRAL SREDNA GORA
[85]

Philip Mihailov
ROCK SANCTUARIES IN THE STRUMA VALLEY
[93]

Ljuljeta Abazi, Igor Tolevski

„TUMBA” BRVENICA, NECROPOLIS: A CONTRIBUTION TO THE
BRONZE AGE IN POLOG
[101]

5
 Aleksandra Papazovska
DOUBLE AXE OR LABRYS IN THE GRAVE CONTEXT
– RITUAL OBJECT OR CEREMONIAL SYMBOL?
[117]

Antonio Jakimovski
ANTIQUE CULT BUILDINGS FROM STARO BONČE
[129]

Jovica Iliev
THE THOLOS ROOM IN THE ROYAL PALACE IN BYLAZORAПОСТ-
ВИЗАНТИСКИОТ ПЕРИОД. ЌЕЛИИТЕ НА МОНАСИТЕ
[135]

Lenče Jovanova
SCUPI - AUGUSTALES AND SEVIRI AUGUSTALES
[149]

Zvonimir Nikolovski
THE ROMAN CUSTOMS STATIONS IN KUMANOVO IN THE LIGHT OF
ARCHAEOLOGY AND EPIGRAPHIC MONUMENTS
[167]

Carolyn S. Snively
SPACES FOR DEPOSITION OF OFFERINGS IN EARLY BYZANTINE
CHURCHES: THE POSSIBLE SACRISTIES AT GOLEMO GRADIŠTE,
KONJUH
[173]

Marina Ončevska Todorovska

THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION IN SCUPI REPRESENTED THROUGH THE
ELEMENTS OF THE LARGE BASILICA WITH ATRIUM
[181]

Ljubinka Džidrova
THE EARLY BYZANTINE EMPIRE AND THE PAGAN TRADITION IN THE
CULTURE AND THE CITIES OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA
[199]

Anastassios C. Antonaras
GLASS VESSELS IN LATE BYZANTINE GRAVES IN THESSALONIKI.
OFFERINGS OR FUNERARY RITUAL REMAINS?
[215]

Bojana Plemić
NEW TECHNOLOGIES IN PRESENTATION OF SERBIAN
ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE: IMPACT ON TOURISM
[223]

Dejan Metodijeski, Nako Taskov, Oliver Filiposki, Elizabeta Mitreva

PERSPECTIVES FOR DEVELOPMENT OF CULTURAL
TOURISM IN KOKINO
[235]

Elena Karanfilovska
PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY - NEW AND CREATIVE SOLUTIONS TO
PROMOTE CULTURAL HERITAGE
[243]

Radomir Ivanović
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE MANAGEMENT – ARHEO PARK BRAZDA
[251]

6
EVIDENCE FOR MINOAN ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS FROM THE PEAK SANCTUARIES ON PETSOPHAS AND TRAOSTALOS

EVIDENCE FOR MINOAN ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS FROM

THE PEAK SANCTUARIES ON PETSOPHAS AND TRAOSTALOS

Göran Henriksson
Department of Physics and Astronomy (retired),
goran.henriksson@astro.uu.se

Mary Blomberg
Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Uppsala University (retired),
mary@mikrob.com
Abstract
Our results indicate that the Minoans were conducting systematic observations
of the sun, the moon and the stars - particularly Arcturus - at the sites Petsophas and
Traostalos early in the Middle Minoan Period. We propose that there were practical as
well as religious reasons for the Minoan interest in the motions of the heavenly bodies: for
example the knowledge acquired from the observations contributed to navigation and
made possible the regulation of a ritual lunisolar calendar.

Introduction measured on two separate occasions the orienta-

Minoan peak sanctuaries have been the sub- tions of the walls of one of the small Minoan
ject of many studies since Evans’ first mention structures near the highest peak of the Traostalos
of sacred mountains 1, but they have never been massif (H. 515 m), about three kilometres north of
investigated archaeoastronomically. Our own inter- the palace at Kato Zakros. Both sites are excellent
est in these sites is based on our hypothesis that at for the study of the motions of the heavenly bod-
least some of them were used for systematic astro- ies. Petsophas has a view of the sea to the north and
nomical observations. The hypothesis is one of east whereas the entire eastern horizon is visible
several being tested as part of our project inves- from Traostalos in clear weather. They are near
tigating whether or not the origins of the Greek cal- important Minoan harbour towns whose inhab-
endar and Greek astronomy can be traced in part itants were probably aware of the utility of the stars
to the Minoans via the Mycenaeans. It is based for navigation. Material spanning the periods Mid-
on information preserved in Mycenaean, Greek and dle Minoan I and Late Minoan I (ca. 2100-1500
Roman texts2. BC) has been found at both places. On the dates
Astronomical observations would not have for Petsophas and the finds see Rutkowski 1991,
been at odds with the religious function of the peak 16 and MacGillivray & Driessen 1990, 401 and
sanctuaries, the only one so far ascribed to them, but 412; for Traostalos see Davaras 1978. The absolute
rather complementary. To what extent astronomi- chronology for the Bronze Age is still uncertain.
cal observations may have been regarded as secu- For recent discussions see Manning 1995, Watrous
lar, and thus essentially different from the religious 1994, 697-698.
activities that took place on the peaks, would be The results from Traostalos confirm our findings
difficult to determine. Also such a distinction is from Petsophas and thus add a crucial link to the
not likely for the period in question, as any activity chain of evidence for Minoan astronomical obser-
centered on the sun, moon and stars would proba- vations.
bly have been regarded as religious. All dates are before our era. The authors have
Our first investigation of a peak sanctuary copyright to all figures.
was of Petsophas (H. 255 m), the site just above
the important Minoan town which lay near pres- Petsophas
ent-day Palaikastro. Since then we have repeat- The results from Petsophas that indicate that
ed our measurements on Petsophas and also have systematic observations of the celestial bodies took
place on the site are the following, fig. 1:
1
Evans, 1900-1901, 29-30 The first astronomically significant factor is
2
Ventris & Chadwick, 1973, 284-289, 303-312; that the structure on the site has been placed so
West, 1978, 377-380; Mair, 1989, 209; Blomberg, 1996 that an observer standing near it could have seen

7
 Göran Henriksson / Mary Blomberg

Fig. 1. Petsophas. Orientation of the walls.

Fig. 2. Sunset behind Modi at the spring equinox as observed from Petsophas 20, 21 and 22 March
in the year 1997 BC (refraction for t = + 10° C). The relationship is valid for many centuries.

the sun setting behind the conical peak Modi exact- noan religion 3. It is important to note here that
ly on the day of the vernal and the autumnal equi- Modi is the only prominent landmark to the west of
nox, figs. 2, 3. This indicates that the location for Petsophas. Had there been several peaks near
the site is likely to have been chosen for the sake each other, as there often are in Crete, our results
of these observations, since the dates would have would be less convincing.
been shifted by one day for an observer who stood The second significant astronomical factor is
more than 30 metres to the south of the structure. It that the terrace wall CE was oriented to the rising sun
is not possible to stand more than about 10 metres to at the summer solstice. This means that the long
the north because of the sheer drop in that direction. axis of the room QRST was oriented so that the first
Every 19 years, also from near the building, the rays of the rising sun would completely illuminate the
moon can be observed to set behind Modi once western wall RS only at the summer solstice, had
every month for several months in succession, and in there been no impediment in the east. According
some years the new crescent moon and the full moon to the excavator J. L. Myres the wall DF is later;
will set at the equinoxes behind the same peak, fig. 4. presumably he meant later than the walls BC and
Such lunisolar coincidences are often considered to CE. Furthermore, the thick and extensive layer of
be significant and may become the starting points ashes which he observed on the westward side
for new calendaric cycles. We have suggested in an of the wall DF suggests the custom of building
earlier article that the moon was significant in Mi-

3
Blomberg & Henriksson, 1996

8
EVIDENCE FOR MINOAN ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS FROM THE PEAK SANCTUARIES ON PETSOPHAS AND TRAOSTALOS

Fig. 3. Sunset behind Modi at the autumn equinox as observed from Petsophas 20, 21 and 22 September in the
year 1997 BC (refraction for t = + 10° C). The relationship is valid for many centuries.

Fig. 4. Full moon setting behind Modi as observed from Petsophas at the autumn equinox (21/9), 2121 BC,
5.13 am local mean solar time (refraction for t = + 10° C).

fires in this region, making it unlikely that the area teristics of the structure and its location, these would
QRST had a roof in the Middle Minoan period, when seem to be the most logical explanation.
the terrace wall was constructed 4. This orientation In addition to the orientations reported above, we
must have been important since the terrace wall CE was call attention to a number of unusual features of the
not built on the most convenient place, the large, nearly structure which have no obvious explanation. One is
flat plateau to the east and south. Nor was it built parallel that the walls AA’ and AB meet to form an angle of
to the slope of the hill, but at about 45° to it, fig. 1. This 76°. That is, they deviate considerably from the right
made it necessary to build up the corner at C about one angle which would be normal if they had been part of
metre with a mas­sive retaining wall, fig. 5. As Myres’ an ordinary room; and there are no traces of any oth-
plan shows, the site is impractical er walls which would have completed a room. These
The choice of such an impractical location and walls, in addition, have an irregular relationship to the
the unusual layout of the walls of the structure indicate rest of the structure, a relationship, furthermore, which
that there were important specific reasons for them. As has not been dictated by the terrain.
there are astronomical observations having calendaric The wall AA’ points 37.4° ± 0.6° to the west of
and very likely religious, significance that can be north and AB points 38.4° ± 0.8° to the east of north.
made from the site precisely because of the charac- The letters designating the walls have been chosen
to agree with those on the plan by Myres, fig. 5. We
use the same for the walls of Traostalos, fig. 8. The
4
Myres, 1902-1903 measurements were made with the laser theodolite

9
 Göran Henriksson / Mary Blomberg

Fig. 5. Petsophas. The walls as Myres drew them (based on pl. VII,
Annual of the British School at Athens 9, 1902-1903).

SOKKIA SET 4C on two occasions, and the orien- era, as his observations were made before modern air
tation of the co-ordinate system was obtained from pollution. The proper motion of Arcturus has been
observations of the sun, which are accurate to taken into account.
better than 0.01°. The results from the two occa- Due to the precession of the equinoxes, stars
sions are for the present purpose identical, being change their position by about 1.38° in a centu-
far more exact than is required. The horizon can ry. We do not know with what exactness Mino-
be seen in both directions from the corner at A. We ans made their observations of stars. The optimal
suggest two hypotheses which could account for the date calculated from the weighted mean for the
orientations of these walls. two walls is 1866 ± 80 years, fig. 7; see below, the
On first reflection one might assume that the section on ‘Significance of the orientations’. The
walls were intended to be symmetrical with respect calendaric importance of the risings and settings
to the meridian, for example to mark the eastern and of Arcturus from at least the time of Hesiod (ca
western limits of the circumpolar stars for the latitude 750 BC) speaks for this alternative5. The orienta-
of Petsophas (35.20°). The excess of ca. 2.2° to the tion of a wall, or other device, to the point where a
west and ca. 3.2° to the east, however, is disturbingly star will be observed to rise or set insures that this
large for this purpose, fig. 6. event will not be missed in the morning or evening
The second hypothesis assumes that the slightly light. This is important in Crete where visibility at the
different orientations of the walls were intentional. In horizon is often low.
this case AA’ can have been aligned to the cosmical Thus the placement of the structure on Petsophas
setting of Arcturus, optimal for 10 May 1865 ± 71 and the orientations of several of its walls would
years, and AB to the heliacal rising of the same have aided observations of a number of celestial
star, optimal for 23 August 1869 ± 93 years, dates phenomena of major calendaric utility as early as
which agree well with those that have been proposed the first half of the nineteenth century: the equi-
for the site, Table 1 and fig. 7. However, due noxes, the summer solstice, the heliacal rising and
to variations in visibility, the apparent positions cosmical setting of Arcturus. We know that the
vary. The hypothetical rising at 0° altitude for Arc- calendaric use of these risings and settings of Arc-
turus in the year 1730 is 3.7° to the north of the turus existed for the Greeks and the Romans from
apparent heliacal rising. The parameters for calculat- as early as the Archaic period.
ing visibility and the optimum relative positions of The errors are the mean errors.
Arcturus and the sun have been based on the results
of H. Siedentopf (1941), A. Ljunghall (1949) and
J. F. Schmidt (1865). We have used Schmidt’s
visibility calibration for Athens of ca. 1850, our
5
West, 1978

10
EVIDENCE FOR MINOAN ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS FROM THE PEAK SANCTUARIES ON PETSOPHAS AND TRAOSTALOS

Fig. 6. Orientation of the walls AA’ and AB on Petsophas and AA’, AB and BY on Traostalos rela-
tive to the circumpolar stars. BY has the same orientation as the western limit of the circumpolar stars
for the latitude of Traostalos.

Fig. 7. The measured azimuths of the walls AA’ and AB on Petsophas and Traostalos and the correspond-
ing optimal years for the observations of the heliacal rising and setting and the acronychal rising and
cosmical setting of Arcturus. For every wall there are two possible optimal years, but only the identi-
fications which give the smallest deviations have been accepted. The weighted mean of the azimuths of
the four walls is 38.3° ± 0.4°. On the assumption that the orientations were specific only for the heliacal
rising and setting, the mean construction date would be 1886 BC ± 49 years. Assuming that they were
specific only for the acronychal rising and cosmical setting, the date would be 1768 BC ± 49 years. On
the assumption that the walls were built at the same time in order to observe all four positions of Arcturus,
the weighted mean construction date would be 1827 BC ± 77 years.

11
 Göran Henriksson / Mary Blomberg

Table 1. Summary of the measured azimuths and mean errors for the walls on Petsophas and Traostalos.

Traostalos In the case of AB some of the stones were moved

in the interval between our visits in 1994 and 1995.
The remains of several ancient structures exist Stone f, for example, was rotated ca. 90° from our
today on the plateau near the central and highest photographic documentation. The solid line shows
peak of the Traostalos massif, fig. 8. The systems the position before the stone was moved; the dotted
of walls described are those of the peak sanctuary line shows its present position, fig. 8. We have in-
investigated by Davaras (1978). cluded in our calculations only the measurements
We measured the orientations of the walls made from stones in the same position in 1994 and
on two occasions, and in the interval the site was 1995, a, h and i. The orientation measured is 38.9°
re-excavated because of planned military con- ± 1.8° to the east of north, Table 1 and fig. 8. As
struction. We chose only stones which seemed to on Petsophas, the horizon is visible in both directions
be in their original position. The fact that the wall from the corner at A.
AA’ is oriented 39.4° ± 0.8° to the west of north, AA’ can have been oriented to the heliacal set-
which orientation, considering the margin of error, ting of Arcturus, optimal for 13 October 1762 ± 87
is that of the direction to Modi, Table 1 and figs. 8, years and AB to the acronychal rising of the same
9, is further indication that the measured direction is bright star, optimal for 4 February 1707 ± 200
the intended one. years, Table 1 and fig. 7. The optimal date calcu-

12
EVIDENCE FOR MINOAN ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS FROM THE PEAK SANCTUARIES ON PETSOPHAS AND TRAOSTALOS

Fig. 8. Traostalos. Orientation of the walls. Fig. 9. Modi from. The prism staff is in front of A.

lated from the weighted mean of the two walls is is that the structure was intended primarily for obser-
1752 ± 138 years. The poor condition of the wall vations of the stars and that one of the other build-
AB and the evidence that some of the stones have ings nearby could have served for any other activities
been moved must be given due consideration in the which may have taken place on the mountain.
evaluation of the accuracy of the orientation of this
wall. Significance of the orientations
The wall BY, which has no counterpart on Pet- Lennart Bondesson, associate professor in math-
sophas, is oriented to the western limit for the circum- ematical statistics at Uppsala University, conduct-
polar stars for the latitude of Traostalos (35.15°). ed „Student’s T-test“ on our measurements of these
The existence of the means for a precise definition walls, with pooled variance. The orientations were
of the circumpolar stars on Traostalos, and the ab- calculated by orthogonal regression. According to the
sence of obvious orientations towards the sun and the results the walls AA’ and AB on Petsophas do not dif-
moon, may indicate that the site was specialized to fer significantly in their north-south orientation. This
the study of the stars for navigation. The location of means that they can have been built symmetrically
the site on the highest peak by the sea and with an with respect to north. Bondesson also determined
unobstructed view of the entire eastern coast of the that the orientations of the walls AN on Petsophas
island makes it especially suitable for such study. and Traostalos are not significantly different, even if
The structure on Traostalos is not as well pre- the result here is not entirely convincing. This means
served as the one on Petsophas. Nevertheless it seems that their azimuth difference of 2.0° can be explained
from the plan and location that it can not have been as a chance variation in our estimations of the ori-
built for any ordinary purpose, fig. 8. The ground entation of eroded walls towards the same object.
slopes downward and eastward from H, giving a In this particular case we can show that the object
difference in altitude of about 1.5 m within the 6 m was Arcturus at its heliacal and cosmical settings. At
from the highest to the lowest part, whereas the large the time in question there was only 0.9° difference
plateau to the east is relatively flat. We think that the between these two settings. An interval of 112 years
orientations to Modi and Arcturus must have been corresponds to a difference in orientation of only
important factors in the choice of the location on Tra- 1°, as the result of precession. Bondesson’s results
ostalos, just as they were in the case of Petsophas, indicate that it is feasible to test the hypothesis that
fig. 9. The high rocks from H to A’, which have been all four walls were built at the same time and were
roughly worked to form walls, would have helped to oriented on each site symmetrically with respect to
screen off the light from the sun in the evening, in- north. The weighted average of the deviation of all
creasing the visibility of Arcturus as it set. Our view

13
 Göran Henriksson / Mary Blomberg

Fig. 10. The heliacal setting of Arcturus above Modi, 13 October 1731 BC at 6:00 pm, observed from
Traostalos. The heliacal setting is the last time a star is visible in the evening sky after sunset.

four walls from the north-south direction is 38.3° ± been especially useful, as it occurred one lunar
0.4°. The weighting has been done with respect to the month before the autumnal equinox. This means
inverse variances. The conclusion from the statistical that the Minoan year may have begun already in
analysis of our measurements is a 90% probability the Middle Bronze Age at the first visibility of the
that the orientations of the walls were intended to be new moon following the autumn equinox. If the
the same. Minoans had used a lunisolar calendar, the helia-
If we assume that the walls AN and AB on both cal rising of Arcturus would not only have signaled
Petsophas and Traostalos were oriented towards the approaching new year, but the appearance of
Arcturus, we can conclude that they were built at the star relative to the phases of the moon would
the same time, 1827 BC ± 77 years, to facilitate ob- have indicated when an intercalary month was
servation of the four risings and settings of that im- needed to compensate for the incommensurate
portant star. Because of the slow rate of precession motions of the moon and the sun, thereby keep-
the walls would have continued to be useful for the ing the months in the correct seasons. This would
same purpose for most of the Middle Bronze Age. have been of great importance for a religious cal-
After that period the effects of precession would endar with seasonal ceremonies. The acronychal
have become more and more appreciable. rising (2/2) occurs midway between the winter
The focus on Modi and Arcturus at both sites solstice and the vernal equinox. This may indi-
suggests an important role for this particular moun- cate that there was also a division of the solar year
tain and star either in the religion of the area or in into eight equal parts. Such a year would have
Minoan religion in general. The lofty conical peak of been practical for farmers, whereas the lunisolar
Simodi (422 m), which lies between Petsophas, Modi calendar would have been necessary for religious
and Traostalos, seems not to have been of interest. observances.
The two sites of Petsophas and Traostalos are close The cosmical setting (11/5) and the heliacal set-
to the same meridian, the azimuth from Pet- ting (13/10) would have been appropriate for indi-
sophas to Traostalos being 179.31°. The sum of cating the limits of the sailing season in the Middle
the evidence indicates a close intentional relation- Bronze Age, and there are traces of the use of stars
ship in function between the sites and is a persua- for the same purpose in the Archaic period. Arc-
sive argument in favour of our interpretation. turus was later associated with storms by seamen,
Assuming that the walls AA’ and AB were but this may have been a superstitious survival
built at the same time and intended to be useful from the Bronze Age when the settings and risings
for observing all four positions of Arcturus, the of this star were signals of the beginning of stormy
significance of these positions is likely to have been weather and, consequently, the limits of the sailing
the following: The heliacal rising (24/8) would have season.

14
EVIDENCE FOR MINOAN ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS FROM THE PEAK SANCTUARIES ON PETSOPHAS AND TRAOSTALOS

The fact that there seem to be no orientations lationship of Petsophas to Modi such that the sun
towards the moon and the sun from Traostalos may sets behind Modi at the equinoxes to an observer no
mean that stellar observations for the sake of nav- more than 30 meters from the structure on Petsophas
igation were the focus of the astronomical interest indicates a Minoan tradition of astronomical ob-
at that site, which has a view of the entire eastern servation and notation going back perhaps several
horizon. Petsophas could have been specialized to- centuries before the relationship was established,
wards maintenance of the calendar. The two plac- unless astronomical knowledge had been acquired
es are within sight of each other and near enough elsewhere. In the Early Minoan period, when hills
to have had a close functional relationship; the and peaks may already have had a religious function,
linear distance between them is about 7 km. favourable conditions would have existed for this tra-
dition of observations to have developed.
Summary The implications for religious and political
The sum of the evidence indicates that a major stability could have been considerable, as the
function of the sites on Petsophas and Traostalos dawning understanding of the laws behind natu-
was to keep track of the motions of the heavenly ral phenomena can either constitute a challenge
bodies and that some of the walls at each place to authority or be exploited to its advantage.
were designed specifically for this function. The ori-
entation to the heliacal rising of Arcturus would have Acknowledgements
been very useful for regulating a lunisolar calen- We would like to thank the Swedish Council for
dar. The existence of such a calendar to determine Research in the Humanities and Social Sciences,
the proper times for religious observances is well the Gunvor & Josef Anér Foundation, the Axel &
attested in Greece for the historical period and there Margaret Ax:son Johnson Foundation, the Magnus
is accumulating evidence that the Mycenaeans may Bergvall Foundation and the Helge Ax:son Johnson
have had a similar calendar. The orientations to Foundation. We thank also Lennart Bondesson,
the three other positions of Arcturus may indicate associate professor in mathematical statistics,
that Minoans also had a secular solar-stellar calendar, Uppsala University, who conducted the statistical
which would have been more convenient for farm- evaluation of our measurements. We were granted
ers and sailors, for example. permission to study the sites in Crete that we chose
The positioning of a structure with respect to a for our investigation by the Greek Archaeological
distant horizon marker so that the sun is observed Service and were given practical assistance in many
to set behind the marker at the equinoxes from ways by the regional ephors. We wish to thank es-
the structure requires considerable knowledge of pecially Robin Hägg and Berit Wells, directors, and
the sun’s motion. The equinoxes would have had Bodil Nordström, secretary, of the Swedish Institute
to be arrived at empirically and this would have re- at Athens.
quired a long tradition of observations. Thus the re-

15
 Göran Henriksson / Mary Blomberg

Bibliography
Blomberg, M. 1992. ‘The meaning of Χελιδώv in Mair, G. R. 1989 (reprint), Aratus. Phaenom-
Hesiod’, Opuscula Atheniensia 19, 49-57. ena, Loeb Classical Library 129, Harvard Univer-
Blomberg, M. and Henriksson, G. 1996. ‘Mi- sity Press, Cambridge, Mass.
nos enneoros. Archaeoastronomical light on the Manning, S. 1995. The absolute chronology
priestly role of the king in Crete’, in Religion and of the Aegean Early Bronze Age, Sheffield Aca-
power in the ancient Greek world. Proceedings of demic Press Sheffield.
the Uppsala Symposium 1993 (Boreas. Uppsala Myres, J.L. 1902-1903. ‘Excavations at
studies in ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Palaikastro, II. The sanctuary-site of Petsofà’,
civilizations, 24), Uppsala 1996, 27-39. Annual of the British School at Athens 9, 1902-
Davaras, C. 1963. ‘Περιφέρεια δυτικής 1903, 356-387.
Κρήτης’, Kretika chronika 17, 399, 405f. Rutskowsi, B.1991. Petsophas. A Cretan peak
----- 1978. Τραόσταλος’, Archaiologikon Del- sanctuary (Studies and monographs in Mediterrane-
tion, 33, B:2, 392-393. an archaeology and civilization, 1), Art and Archae-
Evans, A.J. 1900-1901. ‘The Palace of Knos- ology, Warsaw.
sos’, Annual of the British School at Athens 7, Siedentopf, H. 1941. ’Neue Messungen der
1-120. visuellen Kontrastschwelle’, Astronomische Na-
Ljunghall, A. 1949. ‘The intensity of twi- chrichten 271, 193-203.
light and its connection with the density of the at- Schmidt, J.F. 1865. ‘Ober die Dämmering’,
mosphere’, Meddelanden från Lunds astronomiska Astronomische Nachrichten 63, 1865, article no.
observatorium, ser. 2, vol. 13, no. 125. 1495.
Rutkowski, B. 1991. Petsophas. A Cretan Ventris, M. and Chadwick, J. 1973. Docu-
peak sanctuary (Studies and monographs in Med- ments in Mycenaean Greek, 2 nd ed., Cambridge
iterranean archaeology and civilization, 1), University Press, Cambridge.
Warsaw 1991. Watrous, L.V. 1994. ‘Review of Aegean
MacGillivray, J.A. and Driessen, J. 1990. ‘Mi- prehistory III: Crete from earliest prehistory
noan settlement at Palaikastro’, in L’ habitat égéen through the protopalatial period’, American
préhistorique, eds. P. Darque & R. Treuil, Bulletin Journal of Archaeology 98, 695-753.
de correspondance hellénique, Suppl. 19, 395-412. West, M.L. 1978. Hesiod. Works and days,
377-380. Clarendon Press, Oxford.

16
LANDSCAPE, PERFORMANCE AND RITUAL ACTIVITIES AT THE ENEOLITHIC SANCTUARY AT ST. ATANASIJ, SPANCHEVO

LANDSCAPE, PERFORMANCE AND RITUAL ACTIVITIES AT THE

ENEOLITHIC SANCTUARY AT ST. ATANASIJ, SPANCHEVO

Marina Spirova
Independent researcher

Figure 1. Map of the Republic of Macedonia with excavated Eneolithic sites, showing the location of Spanchevo

Introduction Eneolithic Shrine from Dolnoslav3. Ritual activities

When we speak about sanctuaries from the Ene- also took place in the home, as evident by the special-
olithic in the Balkans, in most cases they are sanc- ly designated areas related to the oven, found in the
tuaries that were used continuously until antiquity, houses in Gradishte and Carevi Kuli4.
whose early phases belong to the Eneolithic. In This paper considers the Eneolithic site at
Macedonia one example is the site at Cocev Kamen, Spanchevo, near the town of Kochani, in the eastern
where crevices in the volcanic rock and the sur- part of Macedonia (Figure 1). Starting from the first
rounding terraces were used for ritual activities1. In excavation campaign, the site displayed traces of ac-
the Balkans we find the rock sanctuaries in the East- tivities that seemed unconnected to any economic or
ern Rhodope, whose period of establishment dates livelihood needs, thereby suggesting that this was an
from the Late Eneolithic2. open-air site for ritual activities. The sanctuary has
Inside the settlements there were buildings that been the subject of several papers and books5. Bear-
had distinct architectonic elements, like the Late
3
Raduncheva, 2002; Chapman and Gaydarska, 2007
4
Kolishtrkoska-Nasteva 2006; Rujak, 2015
1
Dimitrovska, 2010 5
Atanasova, 2010; 2011; 2012; 2012; 2014; Kolish-
2
Raduncheva, 2008 trkoska-Nasteva, 2011

17
 Marina Spirova

Figure 2. The sanctuary, view from the east (photo by M. Spirova)

Figure 3. View of the settlement at Burilchevo from the southern terrace (photo by M. Spirova)

ing in mind the uniqueness of this site, this paper will

discuss another aspect of the life in the Eneolithic in Choosing the perfect spot
more detail. The sanctuary is located on a small mount in the
Through the analysis of the changes of the ter- foothills of the Osogovo Mountains, at 389m above
rain, contexts of discovery of the movable finds, link sea level (Figure 2). It is easily accessible from all
with nearby settlements and interpretation of the rit- four sides. Spacious, flat agricultural land opens to-
ually-related contexts, the author will address several ward the south.
questions of interest regarding the various dimensions The placement of the sanctuary enables splendid
of the spiritual life of the Eneolithic population. The visibility of the surrounding area. Toward the south-
complex relationship between the role of the sacred west, the Eneolithic settlement at Burilchevo6 can be
landscape, the active participation of the worshippers seen from the southern terrace (Figure 3). In the dis-
and the material culture – consisting of both cult ob- tance the contours of the settlement at Vinichko Kale
jects and everyday items – will allow an assessment
of not only the character of the sanctuary, but also of
the diverse aspects of the rituals performed. 6
Nasteva, 1989

18
LANDSCAPE, PERFORMANCE AND RITUAL ACTIVITIES AT THE ENEOLITHIC SANCTUARY AT ST. ATANASIJ, SPANCHEVO

Figure 4. View of the sanctuary from the western terrace at Burilchevo (photo by M. Spirova)

Figure 5. Layout of the sanctuary, satellite image (Google Earth)

– where the earliest phase dates from the Eneolithic was one of the main communication routes9. Its use
– are visible. Located further to the west is Bogoslov is related to the geographic proximity to the Gradesh-
Kamen7, another Eneolithic settlement. nica-Slatino-Dikili Tash complex of the Early Eneo-
Less than a kilometer away, there is a mine for lithic10.
opal, agate and chalcedony. Deposits from this region The placement of the sanctuary along such an
were probably a rich source for raw materials for tool important communication route enabled easy acces-
production since the Neolithic8. sibility and more visitors that not necessarily came
The river Bregalnica is located less than 2km from the closest settlement, as evident by the pres-
from the sanctuary. Apart from being a rich source ence of material that so far has not been discovered at
of food for the population, during the Eneolithic it other Eneolithic sites in Macedonia.
It seems that the main criteria for choosing the

7
Nacev, 2009 9
Kolishtrkoska-Nasteva, 1995
8
Dimitrovska, 2012 10
Todorova 2003; Chohadziev 2006

19
 Marina Spirova

location for the sanctuary were acces-

sibility, visual communication with the
settlements, and closeness to areas with
exploitable natural resources.

Visibility
The location was not chosen due
to its height to dominate over the area
(there are higher points on the slopes),
but to provide a two-way visual link
with the settlement (Figures 3; 4).
Although Burilchevo is the closest
settlement, that relation should not be
perceived as the only one. Being locat-
ed on one of the major communications
routes, as well as the visibility of at least
Figure 6. Sothern circular feature (Atanasova 2012: Photo 2)
one other Eneolithic settlement, allows
for an association with other Eneolithic
settlements as well.
The visual element was very likely
important to the people while perform-
ing the ritual activities. This concept is
not unknown in the prehistory. During
the Bronze Age visibility was a key ele-
ment while choosing the location for the
Minoan peak sanctuaries11.

Layout
Following the distribution of the
material in order to discern the layout
of the sanctuary, it can be noticed that
all four terraces of the mount were used
(Figure 5). The ritual activity was most-
ly focused on the eastern terrace where
the largest concentration of offerings Figure 7. Northern circular feature (Atanasova 2012: Photo 12)
was found.
On the flat plateau on the top of the mount, altars or standing stones. Several features associated
church with adjacent buildings is located. It is im- with ritual activities were discovered over the 400
possible to say if the sanctuary extended in this area square meters of excavated area12. What is common
too, due to building activities that destroyed possible for all features is that before making any modifica-
archaeological records. Another difficulty that the tion or construction, the bedrock was leveled with
researches of the sanctuary face is the fact that the yellow clay.
western terrace is on private property and thus exca-
vation, apart from one trench already excavated, is Circular features
impossible. This unfortunately inhibits the complete Two circular structures were excavated, one on
reconstruction of the sanctuary layout. the northern and one on the southern terrace. The
northern one is smaller, its diameter measuring 4.1m
Modification of the natural settings (Figure 7). The circular feature on the southern ter-
Identifying the traces of the ritual activities at race is 18m in diameter (Figure 6). Both structures
Spanchevo we can recognize that the modification of are bordered by a crown made of stones, marking the
the natural settings is minimal, and largely follows limit of the sacred area.
the configuration and the characteristics of the ter- In the southwestern quadrant of the southern
rain. The site doesn’t have permanent features like structure, in a layer filled with fragmented figurines,

11
Peatfield, 2009 12
Atanasova, 2014; Kolishtrkoska-Nasteva, 2011

20
LANDSCAPE, PERFORMANCE AND RITUAL ACTIVITIES AT THE ENEOLITHIC SANCTUARY AT ST. ATANASIJ, SPANCHEVO

that was used to level the rocky surface

that was topped with stones (Figure 9).
This mode of deposition of the of-
ferings (pits and circular features) can
be found at other open-air sanctuaries
from Macedonia, the Bronze Age Tatik-
jev Kamen and Pelince13.
Defining characteristic of the sanc-
tuary is the lack of buildings. No traces
from post holes, floors or wall pieces
were discovered in either of the sectors,
suggesting that there were probably no
buildings on site. Some sort of light
structure must have existed, though,
since small chunks of daub are discov-
ered on the eastern terrace14.
Figure 8. Platform-like feature
(Kolishtrkoska-Nasteva 2011: Table II, Photo 2) Pottery
The pottery from the sanctuary
is extremely fragmentary and rarely
enough wall fragments can be found to
enable a reconstruction of the profile.
Where one is possible it shows that the
shapes are similar to those found in the
settlement15. The pottery in the southern
terrace shows more presence of coarse
ware pots.
The sherds show traces of wear, al-
though that can be the result from being
exposed to the natural elements when
they were deposited as offerings. The
exclusive pottery amounts to an excep-
tionally large percent: over 50% of the
discovered pottery in the eastern terrace
Figure 9. Deposition of offerings on the eastern terrace was fine ware16.
(Atanasova 2010) The graphite painted pottery is of
best quality, while the incised decora-
animal bones, ashes and cinder a large concentration tion is the most common decorative technique. Both
of fragmented storage vessels were found. decorations appear as already formed, pointing to an
accomplished technique of production. The graph-
Rectangular platforms ite painted pottery is identical to the one discovered
Rectangular platform-like structures made of in the earlier phase at Burilchevo17.bAnalogies are
different sized stones were discovered above the bed- found within the Gradeshnica-Slatino-Dikili Tash
rock on the eastern terrace (Figure 8). Offerings were complex18. Decoration belonging to the Maritza I
deposited on these surfaces and they are the most phase, which has so far not been found at any other
abundant with finds: pottery, with a very large per- Eneolithic sites in Macedonia, was also discovered
centage of exclusive tableware, figurines, altars, ani- (Figure 10: 1;6;11;12).
mal bones, horns and antlers, grind stones and tools.

Pits and crevices

Often the offerings were placed in or around pits 13
Trajkovska, 1999; Stankovski, 2010
that are dug in the rock itself. Sometimes even the 14
Kolishtrkoska-Nasteva, 2011
natural clefts of the rock were used for deposition. 15
Atanasova, 2012
Another mode of deposition of the offerings was 16
Kolishtrkoska-Nasteva, 2011
also noticed on the eastern terrace, where the finds 17
Kolishtrkoska-Nasteva and Karpuzova, 2005
were discovered placed onto a layer of yellow clay 18
Chohadziev, 2006; Todorova, 1986

21
 Marina Spirova

Figure 10. Incised decoration on pottery (Atanasova 2012: Table 3)

Figurines ration or red crusting (Figures 11; 12; 13). The com-
There is an abundance of figurines in the sanctu- plex patterns of decoration include geometrical mo-
ary; more than 100 fragments have been discovered tifs arranged in horizontal bands that are separated by
so far19. It is hard to estimate what was their approx- incised lines. Organization regarding the position of
imate number, due to erosion, plough damage, loot- the motifs can be noticed. Certain motifs are related
ing etc. The figurines are discovered in context with to certain body parts: meanders, angled lines, paral-
traces of feasts, deposition of pottery sherds and oth- lel lines and dots for the stomach; spirals, concentric
er ritual items - models of houses and altars (Figure circles and ellipses for the buttocks; and angled or
16). They were deposited in all previously mentioned parallel lines, meanders and meanders with dot in the
features. middle for the legs.
All the figurines were made of clay20. Most of Although the basis of the decorative pattern cor-
them were made from separate parts that were then responds to the pattern which is distributed across the
adjoined. The fragments vary from 3 to 10cm, mak- Gradeshnica culture, still certain distinction can be
ing the figurines up to 30cm high21. The figurines are seen regarding the signs, the facial features (Figure
well modeled pieces of workmanship and were prob- 15), the lack of the so-called “apron”, and the ab-
ably done by artists. sence of sitting figurines with bended knees, found in
23 fragments display gender information. They Gradeshnica and Slatino22.
appear to represent women, as evident by the pres- The figurines display a certain level of consist-
ence of female attributes: incised pubis, modeled ency in regards of the pattern of signs that were used,
breasts, wide hips, and emphasized abdomen as in the depiction of the female body - the preferred at-
pregnancy. Some fragments exhibit pregnancy. Frag- tributes, and the association between certain motives
ments displaying male sexual attributes are absent. with specific body parts. In this way it can perhaps
Analyzing the female traits, e.g. shape and size of be regarded as an indication that they transferred dis-
breasts, hip form and belly, the figurines seem to rep- tinct ideas23. The signs can be understood as a projec-
resent young women of reproductive age. tion of beliefs closely related to the message that the
The figurines have rich incised decoration, items sent and how they were understood and used in
sometime in combination with white incrusted deco- the rituals.
Most of the signs depicted on the figurines are
related to the notion of fertility. The rhombus with a
19
Atanasova, 2014; Kolishtrkoska-Nasteva, 2011
20
Atanasova, 2012 22
Nikolov, 1974; Chohadziev, 2006; Vaisov, 1981
21
Atanasova, 2010 23
Hansen, 2001

22
LANDSCAPE, PERFORMANCE AND RITUAL ACTIVITIES AT THE ENEOLITHIC SANCTUARY AT ST. ATANASIJ, SPANCHEVO

Figure 11. Figurines (Atanasova 2010: Cat. no. 4; 2; 9; 7)

dot is considered a symbol of feminine fertility and doesn’t mean that they didn’t carry symbolism that
planted fields24. Another sign found on the figurines evoked transcendent presence. The only fragment
that is also mentioned in connection to fertility is that digresses from the standard postures is the frag-
the meander25. One of the figurines from Spanchevo ment of an upper body with a raised arm that held
displays an engraved vessel in the area of the pubis something in the hand (Figure 14). Only a small part
(Figure 11: 2). The vessel has been associated with of the figurine is preserved, so no further assumptions
representation of feminine features since the Neolith- can be made.
ic, probably because its function resembled the bio- Having in mind the character of the site, the
logical functions of women26. figurines were most likely votives: either votaries
None of the figurines display a considerable level or votive offerings. As votaries they could even be
of iconographic complexity to be identified as a deity representations of individual worshippers. Still, if
image27. Although the figurines do display a certain we try to understand them as simple votive offering,
level of diversity, still they were made from a mate- then the display of diversity in regard to the signs,
rial that is easily accessible, and there are no traces the special attention given to their decoration and the
of pairing of figurines or scenes where different sizes display of individual facial features is quite puzzling.
of figurines were used. The figurine heads that have Due to the context in which they were discov-
pierced ears, where copper bands or some organic ered and the messages that the signs were transmit-
material was placed, are on the border of iconograph- ting to the participants of the rituals, it would seem
ic simplicity, but still not sufficiently complex. This that the most appropriate explanation would be that
the figurines found at the sanctuary were an active
part of the ritual practices, and not just ‘passive sym-
24
Masson and Merpert, 1982; Atanasova, 2014 bols of prayer’28.
25
Nikolova, 2013
26
Naumov, 2008
27
Lesure, 2011 28
Peatfield, 2001

23
 Marina Spirova

Figure 12. Figurines (Kolishtrkoska-Nasteva 2011: Table IX)

Fragmentation
As previously mentioned, both pottery and fig-
urines are extremely fragmentary. Of all the figurine
fragments, according to a preliminary analysis, no re-
fits were made.
The figurines are usually broken at identical po-
sitions, into the separately modeled parts; e.g. the
legs were broken vertically. Of the 45 fragments
that display legs, only 6 fragments have the legs at-
tached to each other. Although the condition in which
we find them is mostly due to natural elements and
post-depositional plough damage, still the recurring
breakage patterns of the figurines could be close-
ly tied to the method of manufacture. The way the
figurines are broken corresponds to the experiments
by D. Gheorghiu in modeling Cucuteni-Tripolye fig-
urines29. The legs were modeled from two cones that
are twisted or rubbed between the palms by the artist.
Both construction methods are present on the figu-
rines from Spanchevo. This method of manufacture
results in detaching the legs during breakage, and this
could be the reason for the large number of broken or
detached legs. Figure 13. Figurine (Atanasova 2010: Cat. no.13)
But if the reason for their breakage was indeed
the technological process, then it seems strange that if it showed to be flawed and led to accidental break-
the technology of figurine production did not change, age of the figurines. This, plus the fact there is a
large number of broken specific body parts (the area
around the buttocks and legs), leads us to believe that
29
Gheorghiu, 2010 this was the case of intentional fragmentation.

24
LANDSCAPE, PERFORMANCE AND RITUAL ACTIVITIES AT THE ENEOLITHIC SANCTUARY AT ST. ATANASIJ, SPANCHEVO

Figure 14. Upper part of a figurine with raised arm Figure 15. Head of ‘the ancestor”
(Kolishtrkoska-Nasteva 2011: Table IX) (Kolishtrkoska-Nasteva 2011: Photo 1)

From the 81 published figurine fragments, the

legs and the area around the hips consist more than
half of the fragments. This feature is also visible in
the assemblage from Burilchevo30. Even if certain
fragments (e.g. figurine heads) were lost due to their
small size, then what happened to the parts from al-
tars that are missing? Some of them are very charac-
teristic with distinct decoration that would enable an
easier notice of re-fits. But apart from one re-fit of an
altar, no other re-fits were made.
Several possible explanations can lie behind this
act that was very likely connected to the rituals prac-
ticed at the sanctuary, and perhaps even in the settle-
ment. Figure 16. Fragments from altars
In context with the character of the site it is most (Kolishtrkoska-Nasteva 2011: Photo 5)
likely that the figurines and pottery were broken as
part of the rituals, after which they were deposited. The sanctuary so far is the only Early Eneolithic
The missing parts could have been removed from the site where models of houses and ovens were discov-
sanctuary ‘for deposition elsewhere’31 after the com- ered. Like all other finds, the models are also very
pletion of the ritual. Perhaps they were returned to fragmented, except one oven model that is almost to-
the settlement from which the worshipers came from. tally preserved.
Were the fragments dispersed even further than The house model is of closed type decorated
Burilchevo? The pottery sherds from the Maritza I with incised decoration of the so-called ladder-type
phase could belong to other settlements where fig- that forms meanders, with red crusting (Figure 18).
urine fragments were transported to. Or perhaps the The models of houses are found on the Balkan
opposite: whoever brought the pottery sherds with since the Neolithic. Their production points to the
the distinct decoration style to the sanctuary may both social and ritual importance of the house. The
have brought figurine fragments too, and the missing house is often found to be closely related to the pro-
part of the figurine was left in the initial place. cess of domestication and establishment of the first
In connection to the nearby settlement, another settlements, playing a crucial role in the construction
possibility arises: the figurines from the settlement of social life in the Neolithic32. Thus the house has
were brought to the sanctuary to be discarded in order been described as a symbol of stability and continui-
to destroy their ritual power. Then why bring incom- ty, although some recent researchers see the house as
plete figurines? quite the opposite, as producer of change33.
In ritual contexts house models may have been
The House used for rituals of construction, repair or re-occupa-

30
Kolishtrkoska-Nasteva, 1999 32
Hodder, 2012; Borić, 2008
31
Chapman and Gaydarska, 2007 33
Souvatzi, 2012

25
 Marina Spirova

Figure 17. 1. Spondylus bracelet; 2. Horn; 3. Grind stone; 4. Animal bones

(Kolishtrkoska-Nasteva 2011: Table X)

tion34. Their production and display is also associated terials representing the economy in the community
with confirming house continuity and maintaining (tools and spindle whorls as evidence of wool pro-
stability, as in the example from Ovcharovo35. ducing), feasts and objects regarded as special that
Bearing in mind that the model from Spanche- were hard to come by and had to be brought via in-
vo is decorated with a technique typical of the early tercommunity trade, such as the Spondylus bracelets
phases of the Early Eneolithic, the time when most (Figure 17: 1). Thus they are related to the communi-
likely the settlement at Burilchevo was established, it ty as a whole and its prosperity.
could point to the assumption that it may have been If we take them in correlation with the (female)
used for rituals of construction and as a confirmation anthropomorphic figurines they could have been part
of the right of a certain group of people to a certain of rituals of confirming membership (of a household
territory. In that way the model could have served as or even in the community), or perhaps even confirma-
a representation of not only one house, but perhaps tion of continuity, by right of the ancestors - in relation
even as an image of the entire community that occu- to the so-called ‘head of the ancestor’ (Figure 15).
pied the settlement. The preserved oven model has a flat roof, ellipse
Just like the figurines, the house models also de- opening and a small platform in the front (Figure 19).
rive their meaning from the contexts in which they Spaces related to fire are often closely connect-
were used. It is quite possible that they – like the ed to ritual activities, since figurines and other cult
figurines – had multiple meanings, depending on the equipment are found near hearths and ovens in do-
context. mestic contexts36. The closest example would be the
Here in the sanctuary we find them as part of the Eneolithic houses at Carevi Kuli37. The models of
rituals that involved human and animal figurines, ma- parts of the house interior shift attention to a particu-

34
Bailey, 2000 36
Marangou, 2001
35
Bailey, 1990 37
Rujak, 2015

26
LANDSCAPE, PERFORMANCE AND RITUAL ACTIVITIES AT THE ENEOLITHIC SANCTUARY AT ST. ATANASIJ, SPANCHEVO

of the offerings, it points to the fact that these do not

result from a single event.
So far, body parts that are considered of low
meat quality (heads) have not been discovered, ex-
cept for several teeth. Their absence most likely
suggests that the sequence of carcass processing did
not take place in the vicinity of the sanctuary41. The
meat could have been prepared ahead of time some-
place elsewhere (in the settlement, perhaps), and then
transported to the sanctuary in storage vessels whose
fragments are found.

Defining a sanctuary
Figure 18. House model (Atanasova 2010: 5) Renfrew mentioned four features of the ritual
that can help define an area where ritual activity took
lar part of the house that was accented for a specific place42.
reason38. It could suggest that people were attaching One of the 4 main criteria was attention focusing.
special meanings to the particular parts of their hous- This involves stimulation of the senses. At Spanche-
es, not just as elements of the house used for domes- vo vessels were found, one in form of a fish, that may
tic activities, but also other symbolic meanings. The have been used for burning of fragrant substances.
place around the fire in the house was very likely The second criteria are the special aspects of the
important to the people. Fire meant warmth and life: liminal zone. The location of the sanctuary was espe-
the fire place was the place where the family would cially chosen so it could provide visual link with the
gather. In that way it could be a symbol of the unity settlement(s). A crown of stones was used to mark
and togetherness of the household. the sacred area of the circular enclosures where ritual
activity took place.
Feasts The third criteria is the presence of the transcend-
Traces of ritual fires, ash deposits, fragments of ent and its symbolic focus. Objects that carry the
charcoal and burned material, a large amount of an- attributes of the different dimensions of the belief
imal bone, horns and antlers (Figure 17: 2; 4), and system are the figurines, altars and models of hous-
riverine shells were also discovered at the sanctuary es. Redundancy in the used symbols is encountered,
in context with the features and closely related to the especially the meander that is found on the figurines,
other finds. Feasts are considered as communal food pottery and altars. The rich iconography that charac-
consumption events39. As such they match the public terizes the decoration, as well as the symbolism that
character of the sanctuary. was employed, can be understood to point toward a
The feasts that accompanied the rituals were transcendent presence.
special communal events. Apart from the large num- The fourth criteria is participation and offer-
ber of animal bones, the numerous fragments of ing. At the sanctuary a lot of evidence for expres-
cooking pots and sherds from luxury tableware used sive actions can be seen. Offerings were deliberately
for consumption of the prepared food and drinks; the brought from the settlement and deposited. Traces of
presence of figurines and other items used in the ritu- feasts and preparation of food-grind stones (Figure
als, also attest to that. The range of animals includes 17: 3), fires for preparation of the food, libation-altars
sheep, goats, cattle, deer and wild boar40. Large per- with holes, jugs and a libation channel in the bedrock
centage of the bones belongs to big animals that are inside the circular feature on the southern terrace,
easy to spoil and would require a significant number gifts of non-consumable material objects (figurines,
of people to participate in the feast, so that the meat models of houses and ovens, altars) are found in
would be consumed. abundance.
Since the material attesting to the presence of
feasts at the sanctuary is found in several different Discussion
contexts, and is closely associated to the modifica- The different contexts in which we discover the
tions in the natural settings in the southern and east- finds and the diversity of the material suggests that
ern terrace on several layers, as well as the deposition several rituals could have been practiced.
38
Marangou, 1994
39
Dietler, 1996 41
Pappa et al. 2004
40
Atanasova, 2012 42
Renfrew, 1985

27
 Marina Spirova

Trying to understand the figurines in the context

of fertility, incised signs, deliberate breakage that
puts emphasis on certain body parts (hips, abdomen,
buttocks), then breaking these particular parts could
be connected to the completion of the act of giving
birth or perhaps even stimulation of this function43. If
we look at the attributes represented on the figurines
(e.g. small breasts that don’t correspond to the de-
picted pregnancy, in relation to the incised signs that
are usually connected to fertility), then we may per-
haps view them as representations of the worshiper’s
wishes (healthy offspring). Caution should, however,
be exercised to this explanation since in almost all
documented cases of rites where figurines are used to
promote human fertility, they represent infants, not
pregnant women44. Besides, not all fertility rituals
need representation of the female body45.
In context with the models of houses, the fig-
urines that display pregnancy could be part of ritu-
als of confirmation of household membership of the
mother46.
Other types of rituals that could have taken place
at the sanctuary are coming-of-age ceremonies for Figure 19. Oven model (Atanasova 2010: 7)
girls47. After the completion of the ritual the figurine
was deposited. The figurines are discovered in rela-
tion to traces of feasts. And feasts are often important Conclusion
part of the rites of passage48. In this way, the breakage The open-air sanctuary at Spanchevo was estab-
of the figurines could be part of the rites of passage49. lished and used during the Early Eneolithic. Its es-
Some of the rituals may be connected to the ex- tablishment could be seen in light of the beginnings
change networks between the Eneolithic communi- of the Early Eneolithic in the valley of Bregalnica.
ties. The proximity of the source for raw material, The closeness of the settlement at Burilchevo and the
pottery type not found in the neighboring settlements, similarity of the assemblages from both sites indicate
and Spondilys bracelets, could point to contacts be- that it was the inhabitants of the settlement that used
tween communities. So the figurines, especially the the sanctuary and that it was frequently visited. The
split-leg figurines could have been used as contractu- rituals that took place at the sanctuary were used to
al device, and in addition to other public actions, like promote collectivity, membership in the community
feasts, serve in rituals related to sealing of contracts50. and reinforce kinship.
Another type of ritual activity that could have So far, material belonging to the Late Eneolithic,
been practiced at the sanctuary are calendrical rites. from which the second phase in Burilchevo belongs,
The evidence of communal feasting, the presence of has not been found at Spanchevo. The changes that
grind stones and zoomorphic figurines, evidence for the Late Eneolithic brought certainly had an impact
the importance of secondary animal products (strain- on the spiritual life of the population too, so the sanc-
ers, spindle whorls), could point toward seasonal tuary lost its importance to the communities of the
celebrations, where the sowing/harvesting crops and neighboring settlements.
raising/slaughtering herds were celebrated51.

Acknowledgements
43
Naumov, 2014
I would like to thank Irena Kolishtrkoska-Naste-
44
Talalay, 1993
va for her support.
45
Naumov, 2013
46
Bailey, 2000
47
Bolger, 1996
48
Dietler, 1996
49
Naumov, 2013
50
Talalay, 1993
51
Bell, 2009

28
LANDSCAPE, PERFORMANCE AND RITUAL ACTIVITIES AT THE ENEOLITHIC SANCTUARY AT ST. ATANASIJ, SPANCHEVO

Resume

Traces of ritual activities in the Eneolithic are itself is abundant with symbolic objects, everyday
usually closely related to other, secular in nature, ac- items and evidence of a large scale communal ritual
tivities and found in buildings within the settlements. practice. Through these finds this paper will focus on
The sanctuary at Spanchevo is a unique occurrence the character of the Eneolithic ritual activities, trying
in the Early Eneolithic, as it is the case of an open- to assess the diverse aspects of the rituals performed
air sanctuary, located outside the settlement. The site at the sanctuary.

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 CULT PRACTISE AND CALENDARS OF KOKINO SANCTUARY

CULT PRACTISE AND CALENDARS OF KOKINO SANCTUARY

Olgica Kuzmanovska
Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Natural Sciences and Mathematics,
E-mail: olgicak@pmf.ukim.mk

Jovica Stankovski
National Museum, Kumanovo, Macedonia
E-mail: stankovskijovica@yahoo.com

Abstract:
The astronomical alignments of the peak sanctuary Kokino are undoubtedly connected with the cult prac-
tise of the Bronze Age people in the region. The simple calendars were based on the periodical motion of the
sun and stars for the purpose of following the vegetation cycles and arranging agricultural activities. These
cosmological beliefs of the renewal of the nature are still part of the contemporary folklore tradition of the
local population.

Archaeoastronomical site Tatićev Kamen (or the excavations – ritual pits and circular stone struc-
archaeoastronomical site Kokino), is situated on tures.
a neo-volcanic hill on the northeast of Republic of The ritual pits were created by enclosing the
Macedonia, about 30 km from Kumanovo. Within area around the natural gaps of the rocks, using small
elevation of 1013m, the hill dominates with the sur- stones, earth and occasionally clay. Entire or frag-
rounding region and the village of Kokino, placed at mented vessels, stone tools, ritual figurines – repre-
the bottom of the hill (Fig. 1) senting parts of human body, domestic animals, min-
The first archaeological excavations, conducted iature vessels, small stone axes etc. were deposited in
by the Museum of Kumanovo started in 2001. In the the pit. Later, the pit was filled with earth and small
next years, the first astronomical measurements be- stones (Fig. 3)
gun. The same offerings can be found in the second
The position of the site (the archaeological ma- type of excavated structures – the ones made of cir-
terial can be found on the top, on the northern terrace cular stones with larger dimensions. Above those
and the southeastern slope), his topographic charac- structures, when the ritual was accomplished, a small
teristics - his domination with the area, accessibility mound of earth and pebbles was built, thus creating a
only from the side that is lightened by the sun (i.e. “tumulus” look of the structure.
the southeastern side) and the absence of any kind of One of the pits contained small funnel type ves-
building structures, indicated the possibility that the sel, appointing that the ritual of libation was per-
site was in use as a peak sanctuary. The latter archae- formed in the pit.
ological excavations confirmed this theory. Speaking on chronology, the archaeological ma-
On Figure 2, we can notice the plan of the site, terial discovered on Kokino so far, can be dated in the
with two artificially cut platforms (A and B), within Bronze Age, that is in the Early Bronze Age (EBA;
the distance of 80m, while the east one is 15m higher last quarter of 3rd Millennium to XVII c. B.C.), Mid-
than the west one. On the western platform are the dle Bronze Age (MBA; XVII – XIV c. B.C.) and the
stone seats, cut in the rock in a position for the seated Late Bronze Age (LBA; XIV – XI c. B.C.). The us-
person to look at the eastern horizon. age of the site ends up in the Iron Age (VIII c. B.C.),
Excavations confirmed that the highest parts of as it can be seen by the archaeological material.
the site and the larger part of the northern terrace Analogies for the material from the EBA (typo-
were in use as a place for rituals. They were enclosed logically and chronologically) can be found with the
with a wall (1,2 m wide and 82m in length), thus cre- so-called Bubanj-Hum III cultural group, as a part
ating a sacral area (temenos/sacred enclosure). of the wider Balkan-Danubian complex of the EBA.
Two types of ritual structures were found during Similarities can also be found with the group “Ezero”

31
 Olgica Kuzmanovska / Jovica Stankovski

Fig. 1. The peak sanctuary of Kokino, panoramic view.

at Thrace, and with the Pelagonian (Armenochori) tural group is formed. In the very beginning of the
group from the south. Still, most of the analogies period, the similarities with the northern cultures are
can be found with the material from the nearby sites: obvious. Thus, the oldest characteristics of Brnjica
Gradište at Pelince, Kale II (the second settlement on group can be noticed on the pottery from Kokino
Skopsko Kale) and the sites in the lower Southern also: bowls and goblets with “S” profile, handles with
Morava. fan – like broadening on the top, larger vessels with
MBA is the least studied period from the prehis- slanting profile rims with ring-shaped inner edge, etc.
tory of Republic of Macedonia. However, the find- This layer can be dated in the BrC-D (1400-1200 BC,
ings from MBA on Kokino, as well as the other sites according to Reinecke’s Central European chrono-
on Pčinja valley, speaks on influences of Pelagonian logical table).
(Armenochori) group and northern Aegean, as a re- The second phase of Brnjica group is also found
sult of the initial process of disjunction of the region at Kokino, when this cultural group reaches its peak,
(Vardar region and Eastern R. of Macedonia) from even know that typical features of Northern Aegean
the wider area of Balkan – Danubian groups of EBA. pottery can be noticed here (for example - globular
The findings from Kokino are not stratified due to beakers decorated with incised hatched triangles)
long period of use and the later devastation of the The third phase of Brnjica group exist for a while
soil. But still we can find pottery that testify on sig- in the mountain regions of southeastern Serbia and
nificant changes from EBA, in the way of new forms Northeastern Macedonia, despite the raids of the bear-
and decorations. Nearest analogies can be found at ers of the Gava – Belegiš II group. Thus, there aren’t
Pribovce near Lopate, Municipality of Kumanovo – any findings of the channeled pottery on Kokino, but
pots with handles above the rim, decorated with in- the previous pottery forms exists even in the transi-
cised triangles; type of vessels so called lamp. tional period -HaA2-B1 (XI – X c. BC), when the Brn-
As a result of strong traditions, but still influ- jica cultural group will finally be disintegrated.1
enced from the north and south, in the LBA, in the
valleys of South Morava, Pčinja, Eastern Kosovo 1
For an overview of the excavations and the findings,
and Southeastern Serbia, the so-called Brnjica cul- see: Булатовиќ, Станковски, 2012

32
 CULT PRACTISE AND CALENDARS OF KOKINO SANCTUARY

Fig. 2. Map of the locality “Taticev kamen”. A – lower western platform with the stone seats. B – upper
eastern platform. C – astronomical platform . E - astronomical platform. D – northern terrace. F – sanctuary
wall. G – main access path. H - access from the northern terrace. I - side path used by the prehistoric observer.
K - mutual marker (dashed lines). S1, S2, S3 – Sun markers. M1, M2, M3, M4 – Moon markers

The cult practice of the Kokino mountain sanctu- Scotland and some of the Minoan palaces, sanctuar-
ary was related with people’s daily life and their need ies and even graves are oriented toward the extreme
to produce more food and gain more wealth. The or- positions of the sun and moon3. Similarly, the role of
ganization of the agricultural activities on which the the celestial alignments in the cult practice of Kokino
community depended was influenced by the weath- sanctuary is indicated by the existence of few prom-
er conditions and the change of seasons. Therefore inent markers with a form of apertures carved in the
the interest of the Bronze Age people on the sky and volcanic rocks. The natural predisposition of these
the celestial movements of its brightest objects were rocks to crack vertically and horizontally enables the
deeply connected with their religious beliefs, social additional intervention on them not just possible but
structure and the need for survival. Never-ending relatively easy. Discovered in the archaeoastronomi-
cycles of the celestial bodies promised the renewal cal study of the locality that have lasted for more than
of the birth and death cycles in nature2. The periodic a decade, the astronomical markers have supported
motion of sun, moon and some prominent stars made the already existing archeological interpretations of
possible the creation of simple calendars based on the the usage of the site4. Several characteristics of the
solstice and equinox points, changes in the phases of stone markers strongly specify that they are artifi-
the moon and continuous reappearance of the stars in cially made; the horse-shoe form of some (see fig.
the same positions in the sky. In this context differ- 4a), signs of using simple tools on the others and the
ent parts of the Kokino sanctuary are related via the incredible compatibility of their apparent size on the
astronomical events and the corresponding markers sky with the apparent magnitude of the sun disk (see
that note the astronomical alignments. fig. 4). Their apertures are a part of the apparent celes-
A lot of research was conducted on the astro- tial horizon (skyline) for the observational positions.
nomical importance of the megalithic structures in The most prominent marker (noted as ‘K’ on fig.2) is
the Bronze Age Europe. The stone blocks of Stone-
henge and other similar monuments in England and
3
Hawkins, 1964, 1965; Thom et al. 1974, 1975, 1978;
Henriksson, Blomberg, 2011
2
Ruggles, Hoskin, 1999 4
Kuzmanovska-Barandovska, Stankovski, 2011

33
 Olgica Kuzmanovska / Jovica Stankovski

Fig. 3. Ceramic votive figurines: a female torso, a small figurine a bovine, and four representations of a human leg.

constructed of two apertures positioned one behind archeological material was found on it. The platform
the other, forming a tranche for the sun rays that il- was constructed of artificially flattened stone block6.
luminate one of the stone seats on platform ‘A’, as is It is located near the platform with the thrones, but
noted on fig. 2, in the morning of particular dates5. Fi- was accessed from additional side path (noted with
nally, the dates are not accidental, as the astronomical ‘C’ on fig. 2) because of the sacred role of the space
coordinates of most of the markers coincide almost around the thrones. The astronomical alignments are
exactly with the important extreme positions of the marked with several prominent notches on the nearby
sun and moon. The very fact that Kokino people were vertical rocks that represent the eastern horizon for
familiar with these extreme positions of the celestial the observer standing on the platform. Thus, it sat-
bodies provides enough evidence that they were able isfies one of the basic criteria that Hawkins laid out
to construct simple calendar, based on the seasonal for a site to be considered as a megalithic observa-
change of the brightest objects on the sky. Its main tory if the postulated alignments for a homogeneous
purpose was planning the agricultural activities and group of markers can be observed from a single cen-
the accompanying religious practice. tral point7. The positions of these markers coincide
The primitive techniques of the Bronze Age very well with the extreme rising positions of the sun:
people, their short lifetime and the absence of any equinoxes and solstices and moon: Major and Minor
astronomical tools probably made the monitoring of Lunar Standstills)8.
the change of the celestial positions quite difficult, The annual apparent motion of the Sun on the
requiring daily observations in the course of many ecliptic is defined by its declination - astronomical
years and decades. On the other hand the usage of the coordinate that indicates the altitude of the object on
locality as a sanctuary throughout the whole second the celestial sphere above the celestial equator. The
millennium BC goes in support of the fact that Koki- Sun’s declination changes in one year in the interval
no people were able to identify the periodic cycles from -23.5° to +23.5°. The Sun reaches its positive
of the most prominent sky objects. A strong proof is
the discovery of a small platform that had strictly as- 6
Kuzmanovska-Barandovska, Stankovski, 2011, fig. 6
tronomical purpose (noted with ‘C’ on fig. 2), as no 7
Hawkins, 1966
8
Kuzmanovska-Barandovska, Stankovski, 2011, fig.
5
Kuzmanovska, Stankovski, 2014 7, table 1; Kuzmanovska et al, 2016, fig. 2, table 1

34
 CULT PRACTISE AND CALENDARS OF KOKINO SANCTUARY

The Moon in the course of a month mimics

the annual apparent motion of the Sun. However,
that motion is more complicated than the Sun’s as
the plane of Moon’s orbit is inclined to the plane of
ecliptic at maximum angle 5.14°. Because of the pre-
cession, the nodes of the lunar orbit regress around
the ecliptic with the period of 18.6 years. Therefore
the declination limits for the Moon are roughly ±
(23.5°±5°). Among the astronomers who perform an
archaeoastronomical research of the megalithic sites
the extreme positions of the Moon are named ‘Lu-
nar Standstills’. At Major Lunar Standstill the Moon
has its greatest positive declination 23.5°+5°=28.5°.
It oscillates during the course of a month from 28.5°
to -28.5°. About 9.3 years later, during the Minor Lu-
nar Standstill, Moon’s declination oscillates during
the nodal period from 18.5° to -18.5° (from 23.5°-
5°=18.5°). We will discuss in the further text that
it may well be that the annual motions of the moon
northward and southward were important to Kokino
people.
The connection of the astronomical alignments
marked in the platform ‘C’ with the time calculation
and organizing ritual activities is evident from the ex-
istence of the most prominent marker, located on the
highest part of the locality (noted as ‘K’ on fig. 2). It
is the so called “mutual” marker that astronomically
relates the platforms ‘A’ and ‘E’9. The declination of
this marker, measured from the platform ‘A’ as the
observational point is 18.26° and coincides well with
the sunrise positions in the middle of May and in the
end of July. According to the archaeological findings
the second date in summer is undoubtedly related
with the cult that celebrated the end of the harvest
and gratitude towards the gods enabling it10. On the
other hand, the sunrise in May probably noted the be-
ginning of the new warm season of nature awakening
and ripening the crops, with ritual celebrations per-
formed on both platforms ‘A’ and ‘E’11. In support of
Fig. 4. The rising sun on particular dates seen this is the declination of the “mutual” marker meas-
from different platforms as observational points: a. ured from the platform ‘E’ as observational point.
on summer solstice (from platform ‘C’). b. in mid Having the value 0.14° it coincides with the equinox
May (from platform ‘A’). c. In autumn equinox (from point as well as the declination of the bright star Al-
platform ‘E’). debaran at 2000 BC, approximately when the sanctu-
ary was built. We identified additional four notches
maximum declination of approximately +23.5° at the of Aldebaran as the star slowly changed its position
instant of summer solstice. Thereafter its declination in the following centuries, due to precession and its
decreases to zero at the autumn equinox and reaches proper motion12. In this way, the construction of one
its maximum negative value -23.5° at winter solstice. stone marker for two ritual platforms, enabled the
Then the declination increases to zero at the spring dating of the New Year in May by two simultaneous
equinox and returns to the value +23.5° at the sub- astronomical events: the heliacal rise of Aldebaran
sequent summer solstice. By marking the extreme
rising points of summer and winter solstice Kokino
9
Kuzmanovska, Stankovski, 2014
people were able to define the period of approximate- 10
Stankovski, 2007
ly one year with the central equinox point dividing 11
Kuzmanovska, Stankovski, 2014, 2015
the year in two halves: warm and cold. 12
Kuzmanovska, Stankovski, 2011, table 2, fig.11

35
 Olgica Kuzmanovska / Jovica Stankovski

just before sunrise after a period of time when it was of one of the thrones at the beginning of May is an
not visible (observed from the platform ‘E’), and the explicit example for this. The person sitting at the il-
sunrise through the same marker some minutes later luminated throne, most likely the tribal chief in the
(observed from the platform ‘A’). role of a supreme priest, directed the ritual which sig-
As we discuss in13, the question of the exact nified the repetition of the cosmic act of the creation
event, astronomical or natural, that marked the begin- of the world and the restoration of life and nature17.
ning of the New Year in the Bronze Age is still open.
In the local folklore tradition there are several closed Another important alignment that is noted by the
cycles that contain mythical, religious and social “mutual” marker also deserves attention. The mark-
characteristics which can be useful for the determi- er’s declination of around 18°, measured from the
nation14. In western part of Macedonia the dominant throne’s platform, coincides with the Minor Lunar
activity was stockbreeding. In this region, as well as Standstill in winter, between the autumn equinox and
in the mountainous part of Kumanovo region, the be- winter solstice. The full moon, as the most prominent
ginning of the New Year was related with the holiday phase at which the moon lights up the entire night,
called Letnik in mid March, near the time of spring was very important for many human cultures in the
equinox (21 March). The activities arranged around past18. From around 2300 BC, the ancient Chinese
this holiday had magic meaning and were performed people celebrated the full moon passing the Pleia-
for a purpose of providing the fertility and prosper- des around the autumn equinox19. In the megalithic
ity of the community. The holiday was related with site of Central Alentejo the full moon near the spring
other spring holidays (Gjurgjovden, Eremija, etc.). equinox was emphasized20.
The most important in the spring cycle was a Chris- Having in mind that Lunar Standstill markers
tian holiday with archaic, pagan origin, called Gjurg- are identified from the astronomical platform as an
jovden (May 6th). It had a basic meaning of celebra- observational point, the importance of the moon for
tion of life and the awakening and renewal of nature. the Kokino people cannot be neglected. After the au-
It can be argued that the prehistoric stockbreed- tumn equinox, the full moon culminates higher and
ing tribes in the mountainous part of Kumanovo re- higher in the sky until it reaches its maximum height
gion (near Kokino) celebrated the beginning of the throughout the year at the full moon nearest the win-
New Year in the middle of May, when the herds were ter solstice. We already discussed that in the Bronze
taken for grazing at the pastures in the mountains. Age in Kokino the sunrise at autumn equinox could
This ritual has been preserved in the popular calendar also be observed through the “mutual” marker, from
of the contemporary stockbreeders in this region who the platform ‘E’ as an observational point (fig 4c).
still consider the religious holiday of Gjurgjovden as Some days or weeks later, the full moon on its mi-
a true beginning of the New Year15. nor standstill rose in the ‘mutual’ marker, observed
One of the main rituals related with the celebra- from platform ‘A’, illuminating one of the thrones.
tion of the New Year in the Near East is the ritual of This astronomical event could also be an occasion
cosmic “hierogamy.” The myth associated with this for arranging celebrations on the main ritual site of
ritual is about a divine couple among every gener- the sanctuary, near the thrones. The main dilemma
ation of gods: Gaea and Uranus, Rea and Chronos, remains if just one phase of the Moon (full or maybe
Hera and Zeus, i.e. about the wholly matrimony crescent) was being observed with its extreme posi-
among them (sacred union), the annual death of the tions marked in the rocks. If that is the case, the event
male spouse at the end of the Spring and early Sum- could be seen in the notches of the “mutual” marker
mer, and its rebirth in the Autumn during the repeated just once in 18.6 years. If the Kokino people could
reconnection with the goddess16. This motif is well identify the basic rules in the change of Moon’s po-
known in the traditions of many nations. In the Mac- sition on the sky and follow its phases in many dec-
edonian popular tradition there are numerous exam- ades and centuries the sanctuary was used, were they
ples in which the conceiving of the wholly matrimo- able to predict the eclipse cycle? In lack or written or
ny between the Earth and the Sky can be detected. It more concrete evidence, the question remains open.
can be argued that, most likely, this ritual of cosmic
“hierogamy” between the Great Goddess-Mother and
her son – the divine Sun has been performed at Koki-
no during New Year celebrations. The illumination 17
Eliade, 1992
18
Thom, 1969; Ruggles, 2005; McKim Malville et al.
13
Kuzmanovska, Stankovski, 2015. 1991; Silva, Pimenta, 2012; Clausen, 2014; de Lorenzis,
14
Ristevski, 2005. Orofino, 2014; Aboulfotouh, 2014.
15
Kitevski, 2013. 19
Kistemaker, Xiaochun, 1997.
16
Koehl, 2001. 20
Oliveira, Marciano da Silva, 2010.

36
 CULT PRACTISE AND CALENDARS OF KOKINO SANCTUARY

REFERENCES

Aboulfotouh, H. M. H., 2014; The architectonic sanctuary Kokino, AIP Conference Proceedings,
encoding of the Minor Lunar standstills in the hori- 1722, 040003.
zon of the Gyza pyramids, Mediterranean Archeolo- Lorenzis de A., Orofino, V., 2015; New Possi-
gy and Archeometry, 14 (1), 343-352. ble Astronomic Alignments at the Megalithic Site of
Булатовиќ A., Станковски J., 2012; Бронзено Göbekli Tepe, Turkey, Archeological Discovery 3,
време во басенот на Јужна Морава и долината на 40-50.
Пчиња, Белград – Куманово. McKim Malville, J., Eddy, F. W., & Ambruster,
Clausen C., 2014; West Iberian megalithic tombs C., 1991; Lunar standstills at Chimney rock, Journal
and the “Lunar season pointer”, Mediterranean Ar- for the History of Astronomy, Archaeoastronomy
cheology and Archeometry, 14 (3), 143-153. Supplement, 16, 43-50.
Eliade, M., 1992; Аспекти на митот, Култура, Risteski, Lj. S., 2005; Категориите простор
Скопје, 60. и време во народната култура на Македонците,
Hawkins, G.S., 1963; Stonehenge decoded. Na- Матица македонска Скопје, 364-369.
ture, 200, 306-308. Ruggles, C., 2005; Ancient Astronomy: An En-
Hawkins, G.S., 1964. Stonehenge: a Neolithic cyclopedia of Cosmologies and Myth. Oxford, ABC-
computer. Nature, 202, 1258-1261. CLIO, pages 81,167,363,448.
Hawkins, G.S. ,1966; Astro – archaeology, SAO Ruggles, C., Hoskin, M., 1999; Astronomy be-
Special Report, 26. fore history. In Hoskin, M. (ed.) The Cambridge
Henriksson, G., Blomberg, M., 2011; The evi- Concise History of Astronomy. Cambridge, Cam-
dence from Knossos on the Minoan calendar. Medi- bridge University Press
terranean Archaeology and Archaeometry, 11, 59-68. Oliveira C., Marciano da Silva C., 2010; Moon,
Kistemaker, J., Xiaochun, S., 1997; The Chinese spring and the large stones – landscape and ritual cal-
sky during the Han: constellating stars and society. endar perception and symbolization, Proceedings of
Sinica Leidensia, 88, 17. XV IUPPS Congress, 83-90.
Kitevski, M., 2013; Македонски празници и Silva F., Pimenta F., 2012; The crossover of the
празнични обичаи, Камелеон Скопје, 112-161. Sun and the Moon, Journal for the History of Astron-
Koehl, R. B., 2001; The “Secret Marriage” in omy 43(2), 191-208.
Minoan Religion and Ritual, Aegaeum 22, 237-243. Stankovski, J., 2007; The peak sanctuary Taticev
Kuzmanovska-Barandovska O., Stankovski J., Kamen at the village of Kokino and two of its cults,
2011; The role of astronomical alignments in the Thracia, 17, 259-268.
rituals of the peak sanctuary at Kokino, Macedo- Thom, A., 1969; The lunar observatories of meg-
nia, Journal of Astronomical History and Heritage, alithic man. Vistas in Astronomy, 11, 1-29.
14(3), 221-229. Thom, A., Thom, A.S., 1978; A reconsideration
Kuzmanovska O., Stankovski J., 2014; The as- of the lunar sites in Britain. Journal for the History of
tronomical relation of the ritual platforms of the peak Astronomy, 9, 170-179.
sanctuary Kokino, Mediterranean Archaeology and Thom, A., Thom, A. Stevenson, and Thom, A.
Archaeometry 14(3), 259-269. Strang, 1974. Stonehenge. Journal for the History of
Kuzmanovska O., Stankovski J., 2015; Astronom- Astronomy, 5, 71-90.
ical aspects of the cult practise of the peak sanctuary Thom, A., Thom, A. Stevenson, Thom, A. Strang,
Kokino, in Book of Proceedings of ICENS, 182-190. 1975; Stonehenge as a possible lunar observatory.
Kuzmanovska O., Stankovski J., Apostolovska Journal for the History of Astronomy, 6, 19-30.
G., 2016; Solar and lunar calendars of the mountain

37
Olgica Kuzmanovska / Jovica Stankovski

38
 THE THRESHING FLOOR AS A SYMBOLIC PARADIGM IN ANCIENT OBSERVATORIES

THE THRESHING FLOOR AS A SYMBOLIC PARADIGM

IN ANCIENT OBSERVATORIES
Nikos Chausidis

Every human observation of the sky is in some (the previous verse is repeated after every verse)
way his descent to the ground. Today and in our re- Vita jela čak do neba
cent past people have done it with the help of vari- Na vrh jele bjela vila
ous tools we call telescopes (from the ancient Greek U krilu joj ogledalo
τῆλε - far and σκοπέω – see) whose function consists Okreće ga prevrće ga
in approaching the image of the sky above us to our Prevrnu se vedro nebo
sight, our hands, our mind or our modern analysis I udari rosna kiša.
machines. The same was done in the past as well, but Oj dodo oj dodole!
in a different way – more symbolic than practical. ...
Still, in the core of these ancient procedures, simi- These verses recapture a typical cosmolog-
larly to the modern telescopes, the same concept ap- ic space ambient (T.I: 1). The tall fir tree is defined
plied – reflecting the image of the sky through a form horizontally (“nasred sela”) and vertically (“čak do
of mirror. Hence, the mirror appears as an attribute neba”). It is a symbol for the center of the world –
of many ancient deities, especially goddesses, whose Cosmic Axis which in this case connects the two
seemingly “shallow” or “cosmetic” function (they zones of the universe – the earth and the sky. The
used it to admire and confirm their beauty) actually initiator of the rain is the fairy (“bjela vila”) – a myth-
held a more serious meaning. The ancient “goddesses ical character, whose trait, among others, is a patron-
with mirror” are actually the rulers of life and death, age to water. She is located on top of the fir tree,
of fate, and even the creators of the universe, who which means in the celestial zone. It can be assumed
used the mirror to view and control the cosmic order that, aside from the mentioned axial meaning, the fir
and especially the most unknown areas which were tree presents a passage through which the sky waters
“on the other side” of reality. Hence, the modern descend to the earth. We can clearly see a basic myth-
terms speculation and speculative are based on the ical-cosmological system in the poem, which can be
Latin term speculum which means mirror, reflection treated as a paradigmatic model for other phenom-
and seeing.1 ena.3 We can find the same structure in a version of
the fight between Krali Marko and the fairy. In it she
Descent of the sky waters traps the world waters by “locking” the springs in a
The abovementioned forms of archaic observa- dry tree, green only at the top. In the end, the mythi-
tion and control over the universe are reflected in one cal hero defeats her and “unlocks” the springs.4
folk poem from Serbia, sung until some 100 years
ago during the Dodola rainmaking rites:2 But why does the fairy need a mirror
... to make rain?
Nasredsela vita jela Discovering the mechanism, used in the poem
Oj dodo ojdodole above to invoke rain brings us five millennia back

1
Chevalier and Gheerbrant, 1987, 809-811 3
Чаусидис 2000, 194-196
2
Kovačević 1985, 84, 85 4
Петровски 1975, 157

39
 Nikos Chausidis

in time. In a couple of Neolithic and Eneolithic ar- What is the semiotic basis of this ritual?
cheological sites from the Mid-Danube (Novi Bečej, The mythical conscience does not differentiate
Vojvodina), Ukraine (Nezvisko, Horodenka raion) between a real thing and the image that represents
and Germany (Gankönigshofen, Würzburg) a certain that thing. The image of something is treated as that
type of ceramic figurines were found which represent real thing.7 The archaic man was unable to have an
a woman (completely or half-naked) sitting in a chair effect on the real sky or reach it, but he could how-
and adheres a large bowl, placed on the thighs (T.II: ever reach its reflection in the water which made
6-8). According to the B. A. Ribakov’s thesis these him believe that through this ‘image of the sky’ he
figurines represent witches in a moment of perform- could affect the sky itself and, in this case, the sky
ing a weather divination rite and attempting to invoke waters in it. Hence, we can conclude that the essence
rain. The author supports his thesis with the follow- of these and other similar ritual-magical actions was
ing arguments.5 witchcraft i.e. prophesying (a storm approaching, a
In the archeological sites from the same period draught ending), or a change in these conditions (the
real plates were found (in real dimensions) analogous storm ending, causing rain), all based on approach-
to the ones in the figurines’ laps. On the inner side ing the sky to the reach of the man performing these
of the plates are depicted pictorial representations rituals. It is logical to assume that in the communities
whose symbolic is connected to the sky and the rain. where the mirror was available it would appear in the
Besides naturalistic and geometric representations of lap of the spell casters, as a modern substitute to the
rain and sky these plates also contain images of their water plate. It’s this exact updated stage of the ritual
zoomorphic symbols in the form of celestial hinds that is reflected in the Dodola rite song.
(T.II: 1-5). The meaning of its last verses where rain falls
Rituals with a similar character are known in only after the sky ‘turns over’ remains baffling (Pre-
Russian and Ukrainian folklore. vrnu se vedro nebo, I udari rosna kiša) probably
In the Eastern Slavic dialects, plates like these caused by the fairy turning over the mirror (Okreće
were called чара, while in Ancient Russian written ga prevrće ga). We can assume that these verses hide
sources the terms чародейство and чарование are the concept of imitative magic: by turning over the
linked to water spells. mirror which reflects the real situation in the sky
In support of these arguments, we can add facts (clear sky = draught) the fairy creates a reverse or
from the Southern Slavic languages which the author ‘turned over’ situation (cloudy sky = rain). This ac-
probably wasn’t familiar with: the lexemes чарати, tion makes even more sense if in her lap, the fairy,
зачарати, опчарати (Serbian, Croatian) in the con- holds a plate with water instead of a mirror which
text of magic, connected to the Ancient Slavic чара; when flipped over creates another action similar to
the term used to define this type of plate: чинија imitative magic: “as the water pours down from the
(Macedonian, Bulgarian) connected to бацати чини, flipped plate (which is an equivalent to the sky) may
опчинити, зачинити, чинодејство (Serbian, Croa- the flipped sky pour rain as well”.
tian) also used for magic. We can add the lexeme
чини (Macedonian) as a word that describes to func- Descent of the Moon
tion, work, act, (in the axiological sense). Although
An analog symbolic concept is behind the ritual
suspicious, we should point out the term for dish
known as ‘descent’ of the moon, seen in the ethno-
блюдо (Russian) related to наблюдать (Russian)
graphic traditions of the Southern Slavic people. It’s
as a word that means to follow, observe and bludjeti
usually performed to take milk from the cow or the
(ancient Slavic) meaning “to be delirious”.6
breastfeeding mother from another family.
The connection between these objects and the
In the dead of night, women, mostly elderly
song about the fairy with a mirror in her lap can be
women, strip naked, ride the elongated part of the
seen if we take into consideration the fact that the
loom (the elongated part = phallus, riding = coitus)
mirror (metal and later glass) was a relatively new
and go to the threshing floor where they sing or recite
and expensive item which wasn’t known -nor avail-
certain magical songs. Then they sit on the threshing
able to the archaic communities. They used dark
floor, take a plate with water in their lap and look into
colored plates filled with water as a mirror. Based on
the reflection of the Moon in the water and strain that
these facts and arguments we can conclude that the
water through a sieve. It was believed that through
core of the aforementioned figurines (and the ritual
this ritual the “Moon descents from the sky” and
they represent) was based on the usage of the plates
“moos like a cow”.8
with water as a mirror (T.II: 6-8).

5
Рыбаков 1981, 73, 74, 168, 184-186 7
Kasirer 1985, 36, 37, 47-52, 77
6
Чаусидис 2000, 190, 196 8
Risteski, 2002

40
 THE THRESHING FLOOR AS A SYMBOLIC PARADIGM IN ANCIENT OBSERVATORIES

The same concept is in the basis of this ritual as tle axes, their number coincides with the two crucial
in the one previously discussed, reflecting the image cyclic appearances on the sky. In the first case, we
of the sky in the plate with water, with the difference get the number 28 that marks the number of days in
that in this case they don’t reflect the whole sky or one Moon and menstrual cycle (4x7=28), while in the
the clouds but the moon. Although the ritual focuses other we get the number 52 which marks the num-
on taking milk from the neighbors, its logic points ber of weeks (Moon phases) in one calendar (solar)
towards taking the milk from the moon, embodied in year (52x7=364). The presence of these items on the
the form of a cow, probably as a zoomorphic epipha- woman’s belt, in the aforementioned numerical struc-
ny of a mythical character or a deity which represents tures, can be justified with the intention, the right
this celestial body. The motives behind the presence order of these cosmic processes to be descended or
of this particular animal can be found in three com- transferred to the woman that is to influence the sup-
ponents: the cow’s horns related to the “horns” of port and proper development of her menstrual cycles
the new Moon; the cow’s milk related to the white and consequently on her fertility.10
(milky) moon light; the emphasized female, motherly
aspects of the cow (giving milk) and the related as- The descent of the sun
pects of the Moon (interference of the Moon cycles The modern man views the cyclic processes in
with the female’s menstrual cycle). Another com- the sky as evident and clear on their own. He can-
ponent gets the credit for introducing this ritual on not grasp the idea that the oldest cultures on Earth
the moon – the influence of the Moon on the earthly could not imagine their roundness. According to sci-
waters manifested through tides. The meaning of the ence, the archaic consciousness perceived the world
final act of straining the water is related to separating through paradigms, by recognizing and equating a
the Moon (her image and the milk it contains) from certain occurrence in nature with another phenome-
the water in which she reflects. non from its close surroundings which was already
In these components, we should search to answer abolished in consciousness or subconsciousness i.e.
why this ritual is performed by women and why is integrated in culture. Several artifacts, elements and
the sexual dimension so accentuated. We can find the processes related to existential and instinctive spheres
answer in the primordial connection between women of life acquired this function.
and the Moon, the interference of the Moon cycles Due to this, the cyclic motion of the Sun wasn’t
with the female menstrual cycle. It is believed that evident at all for the archaic man. There are numer-
the Moon changes are the earliest observed celestial ous mythical representations according to which the
phenomena not just because of their obviousness but solar trajectory was actually imagined semi circular-
because they align with the female menstrual cycle. ly, and that after the setting of the sun in the west
There are indicators that this interaction was noticed beneath the surface of the Earth or the sea, it went in
in the Paleolithic period, supported by the discovery the opposite direction horizontally, so that the Sun
of various objects, mostly circular, engraved with can again rise in the east (T. II: 10 compare to 11).
lines of dots, dashes or “c” forms (moons?) grouped There are also other non-cyclical representations ac-
in structures of 7, 14, 21 and 28 elements.9 It seems cording to which the sun actually moves through the
that since that period the alignment of these two cy- sky in a swaying motion. This representation, which
cles was interpreted as an indicator of a certain pri- may at first sound completely illogical, is based on
mordial mythical relation between the woman and such motion of the sun in the areas north of the arctic
the moon, both as entities linked to the water, which circle, where in the “day period” of the year it doesn’t
in this case, gets the title carrier of fertility and req- set behind the horizon at all– instead it rises and de-
uisite of birth (the Moon related to the tide, and the scends to it in a wavy trajectory. When people say
woman with the fluid in her womb in which the fetus that the “wheel is the biggest invention of mankind”,
floats). they often forget that it is not just about its practical
One such prehistoric manifestation of this re- use – it is also about the function of the wheel as a
lation is noted on the territory of Republic of Mac- model for perceiving and understanding the cyclic
edonia in two female tombs from the late Bronze space processes. Without the “idea for the wheel”
age necropolis “Dimov Grob” in Ulanci, Gradsko man couldn’t grasp the cyclic process in space.11
(XIII century BC). In one of the tombs the deceased Does this mean that the idea of a cyclic space or
wears a belt with 14 bronze models of double axes, cyclic time should be dated after the invention of the
while it the other there’s a belt with 26 such axes. wheel?
If we take into account the obvious female symbolic
of the double axe and count the blades of these lit-
10
Чаусидис 2017, 669-671, 764-766
9
Фролов 1974, 125-129 11
Чаусидис 2017, 596-601

41
 Nikos Chausidis

Of course not, and there are two reasons why. parting of the celestial bodies and the seasons as well,
First, because we now have knowledge only about but also of another cyclical phenomenon in space –
the appearance of the first chariots and their older cult the rotation of the starry sky around the Polar star.
prototypes but not about the origin of the wheel itself. As a result of these identifications, the zoomorphi-
Some pictorial representations point to the wheel’s zation of the sky and all its phenomena will occur,
existence in the Neolithic period as an image (an im- one of the most significant being the identification of
age of the sky?), idea or as a magical or cult object (T. different animals in constellations: zodiac from the
II: 9). The wheel and chariot did not actually appear Latin zodiacus, the ancient Greek ζῳδιακὸς κύκλος
as utilitarian but as symbolic, i.e. cult objects. The (literally meaning “animal circle”), and the Old Slav-
best indications for this are early miniature models of ic зверокругъ (T.III: 8 – a depiction of the sky, illus-
chariots (T. I: 2 - Dupljaja, Vojvodina, 3-Trundholm, tration of Ptolemy’s “Astronomy”, 9th century AD).
Denmark).They show that the earliest such objects On account of the reasons above, the sky and the
(miniature or in real dimensions) actually appeared threshing floor will become equalized, which will lead
as cult requisites which in the key points of the an- to treating the threshing floor as an “Earthly image”
nual solar cycle (summer and winter solstice, spring i.e. earthly equivalent of the sky, and a representative
and autumn equinox) were supposed to mark with his of its sacrality, but on the other hand, treating the sky
movement the transition of the sun from one at an- as a “celestial threshing floor”. This identification is
other stage, and to encourage the proper course of the clearly manifested in some South Slavic fairy tales.
cycle. The wheels of the oldest archaeologically as- They tell about a man who climbed the sky on a cer-
certained chariots found in the rich graves of Eurasia tain day of the year and saw God (or fairies) thresh-
were so thin and weak that they couldn’t have been ing an immortelle, with birds yoked in their threshing
used as utilitarian objects. They were left as symbol- floor. The second indicator of this identification is the
ic objects in the graves to induce the resurrection of mytheme of the “copper threshing floor”, which is
the deceased, following the example of the sun that, a combination of the representations of the sky as a
moving in such a chariot through the universe, each threshing floor and a dome made of copper, or some
evening and every autumn dies, and every morning other kind of metal, (based on the sky’s shininess and
and every spring again raises again.12 the metal meteors falling down from it). The topo-
nym “Bakarno Gumno” (Copper Thrashing floor) is a
The sky as a threshing floor product of this phenomenon present in the regions of
The threshing floor is a circular platform from a the Balkans and Macedonia and, like in the Cepigovo
compacted ground or paved with stone, fenced with village near Prilep, followed by appropriate mythical
a fence or a ditch, in whose center a wooden pillar legends.13
(pivot) is clipped. Bulls and horses were tied to this The name Milky Way contains the word straw
pivot and were made to circle around the threshing in a huge area from the Goby desert to the Atlantic
floor, stomping on the grains on the floor and effec- coast of Africa, all the way to North Caucasus and
tively separating the grain from the straw (T. III: 3-5). the Danube to Ethiopia. This term can be described
However, besides its agrarian i.e. utilitarian use, the with variations of legends in which somebody (for
threshing floor had a significant sacral and magical example, the godfather from his godson) steals straw,
dimension that is older than it and agriculture itself. that fell behind him and marked the road he travelled.
In fact, this sacral meaning also stands behind the The Armenian version of the legend for this title (lit-
threshing of the grain, which is considered an act of erally translated into “the road of the straw thief”)
sanctification of the collected grains and its transfor- mentions the name of the ancient deity Vahagn,
mation from the sphere of the natural i.e. wild (unfit which points that these traditions are very old.14 Re-
to be used for food) to the sphere of the cultural (fit gardless of the details of the action, we believe that
to be used for food). The threshing floor is actually the basis of these traditions is the identification of the
the second paradigm through which men recognized heaven with the threshing floor, the essential part of
the cyclical nature of space, even before the wheel which is the straw (threshing floor-straw; sky- straw,
was invented. The circularity as the essence of the sky=threshing floor). And one legend from Marvinci
threshing floor could have been recognized way be- (Republic of Macedonia) suggests this - , according
fore agriculture developed. If a man tied an animal to the legend, with the local name “Plucked Straw”
to a tree with a longer rope, it would eventually start (Kubana Slama) the ‘white strip’ (The Milky Way)
circling around it. By observing the animal’s precise is named, being visible at the middle of the sky at
rhythmic arriving and departing, the archaic man certain time of the year during the summer when the
may have recognized the periodical arriving and de-
13
Чаусидис 2007; Чаусидис 2008
12
Чаусидис 2017, 621-626 14
Harutyunyan, 2003

42
 THE THRESHING FLOOR AS A SYMBOLIC PARADIGM IN ANCIENT OBSERVATORIES

grain is winnowed.15 On the other hand, the Finnish Mind stands. Being present at the crucial moment,
version of the term “Linnunrata” (literally translated when the cycle begins, ends or passes in one of its
“way of the birds”) can be correlated with the above- key stages, it means to absorb the power of the sacred
mentioned tales about the mythical characters who time that will ensure a grace during the entire dura-
used birds in their threshing floor in the sky. tion of the cycle.
Besides the cyclicity of the sky, the threshing Even the ancient object in Stonehenge can be
floor also actualizes its axiality i.e. structurization seen as an “extra-threshing floor” – a circular plat-
which functions as an axis of its cyclic processes, but form surrounded with trenches and stones which will
as well as the point to which all the axiology of the be adapted over time for monitoring the celestial cy-
universe gravitates. As far as something is closer to cles, i.e. “the descent of the sky to the earth” (T. III: 6
it, the more fulfilled it is with sacredness, divinity, compare to 3-5). The pagan sanctuaries of the Slavs
and all forms of grace. In the night sky, this central “капишта” (kapišta) look similar, which are also
point is present in reality through the immobile Polar typical for other European people.18 It is quite proba-
Star around which all other stars rotate. This star in- ble that these objects, among other things, were also
terferes with the pivot in the center of the threshing used as “observatories” (T. III: 1,2 compare to 3-6).
floor, which is surrounded with a high sacral status. In the ancient sanctuary of Kokino, the thresh-
The pivot is involved in a various of rituals, most ing floor paradigm cannot be recognized explicitly in
notably its ornamentation with “God’s Beard”, a the form of itself but rather implicitly - in the form
plant bunch made of the last wheat gathered from the and structure of the phenomena that were observed
fields. These traditions indicates to its functioning as in him. The circularity of the lunar and solar cycles
a Cosmic pillar i.e. Cosmic axis and as a sacral center and the rotation of the constellations evoked the cir-
which demonstrates the presence of God, and even cular edges of the “celestial threshing floor”, while its
its functioning as his equivalent or idol.16 The best central point, in which concrete markers were used to
confirmation for the identification of the Polar Star observe the key phases of these phenomena, the pivot
with the Cosmic Axis and the threshing floor pivot was recognized as the center of the threshing floor
are some of the names given to it in some Macedo- and the Cosmic Axis. The location of the sanctuary
nian dialects: „Средоземна Ѕвезда“ (“Middle Earth of Kokino on the top of a remarkable hill consisted
Star”), „Осовина“ (Axle), „Стожер“ (Pivot).17 of vertical pillar-like rocks aspiring to the sky intro-
The perception of all the mentioned aspects duces it into his semiotics and the Holy Mountain as
reveals the exceptional significance of the thresh- another multifaceted symbol that contains the two
ing floor which was completely marginalized in the meanings that are the focus of this article. The first is
previous researches of the ancient cultures. The sa- the mountain recognized as a symbol of the Cosmic
cral circularity and axiality of this ancient object i.e. Axis which is the center of the world and from which
primordial object can be recognized as a paradigm all phenomena that happen in the world can be seen.
in many of more remarkable buildings made by the The second is the meaning of the Cosmic pillar which
great civilizations which had a sacral status in the be- supports the sky and which will elevate the observers
ginning as well. Such is the orchestra of the ancient of the cosmic phenomena and the participants in the
Greek theatres (T. III: 7 compare to 4, 5), the ring of rituals performed there to the sky’s level. Due to the
the Roman amphitheaters, the current hippodromes elevation above the earth plate and its pile-form, the
and stadiums as well as the ring of the modern circus mountain is also a symbol of the heavenly calotte,
arenas and the podium of the concert halls. which means that being on the top of the Holy Moun-
Even some ancient observatories can be seen as tain is equivalent to your presence in the sacred ce-
a threshing floor or a “heavenly threshing floor” de- lestial regions.19
scended on earth, which reflects the sacral status of
the celestial zones which are beyond man’s reach (T.
III: 8 compare to 3-5). These areas, with the holy forc-
es and the deities that reside in them, could only be
reached by one earthly man only indirectly - through
the insight, perception and foresight of their perfect
regularity. Their geometrical and mathematical laws
were treated by the archaic man as an indicator of
the cosmic order behind which some kind of Divine
LITERATURE
15
Ценев 2004,72
16
Чаусидис 2007, 86, 87 18
Чаусидис 2008, 75-78
17
Ценев 2004, 61 19
Чаусидис 2008

43
 Nikos Chausidis

Ценев, Ѓ. (2005). Небото над Македонија. Скопје: Idoli (1986). Idoli – zgodnje podobe bogov in žertveni
Младински културен центар. darovi. Ljubljana: Narodni muzej.
Chevalier, J., and Gheerbrant, A. (1987). Rječnik sim- Kasirer, E. (1985). Filozofija simboličkih oblika –
bola. Zagreb: Nakladni zavod Matice Hrvatske. drugi deo: Mitsko mišljenje (E. Cassirer, Philosophie der
Чаусидис, Н. (2000). Театролошки импликации symbolischen Formen, Teil II, Das mythische Denken).
во Јужнословенските обреди за контролирање Novi Sad: Dnevnik – Književna zajednica Novog Sada.
на атмосферските појави. In: Ј. Лужина, ed., Косановић, Ђ. (2017). Приче са гумна. [on-
Прилози за историјата на македонскиот театар. line] Визионарски. Available at:https: //vizio-
Прилеп: Македонски театарски фестивал „Војдан narski.wordpress.com/2013/02/26/%D0%B-
Чернордински“, pp. 187-214. F%D1%80%D0%B8%D1%87%D0%B5-
Чаусидис, Н. (2007). Митологизираното гумно во % D 1 % 8 1 % D 0 % B 0 - % D 0 % B 3 % D 1 % 8 3 % D 0 % B-
словенската традиционална култура – I (Summary: N. C % D 0 % B D % D 0 % B 0 -
Chausidis, The Mythologized Threshing Floor in the Slav- %D1%92%D1%83%D1%80%D0%BE-
ic Traditional Culture – I). Studia mythologica Slavica, 10. %D0%BA%D0%BE%D1%81%D0%B0%D0%B-
Ljubljana. pp. 83-101. D%D0%BE%D0%B2%D0%B8%D1%9B/[Accessed
Чаусидис, Н. (2008). Митологизираното гумно во 23.11.2017].
словенската традиционална култура – II (Summary: N. Kovačević, I. (1985). Semiologija rituala. Beograd:
Chausidis, The Mythologized Threshing Floor in the Slav- Prosveta.
ic Traditional Culture – II). Studia, mythologica Slavica, Müller-Karpe H. (1980) Handbuch der Vorgeschichte
11. Ljubljana. pp. 65-103. T.IV. München.
Čausidis, N. (2008). Mythologization of the Moun- Oates, D., and Pinder-Wilson, R. H. (1976). Rani
tain (A Diachronic Survey of Examples from Macedonia srednji vek. Beograd: Jugoslavija.
and the wider Balkan region). In: K. Kulavkova,ed., Inter- Петровски, Б. (1974). Самовилите и Марко
pretation: European project for poetics and hermeneutics, Крале, во македонските народни творби. Македонски
Vol. 2. Skopje: MANU, pp. 261-303. фолклор, 14. Скопје, 151-158.
Чаусидис, Н. (2017). Македонските бронзи Risteski, Lj. (2002). The Orgiastic Elements in the
ирелигијата и митологијата на железнодобните Rituals Connected With the Cult of the Moon Among the
заедници од Средниот Балкан. (Summary: Macedoni- Balkan Slavs, Studia mythologica slavica, 5, Ljubljana,
an bronzes and the religion and mythology of Iron Age pp. 113-129.
communities in the Central Balkans). [ebook. pdf] Скопје: Рыбаков, Б. А.(1965). Космогония и мифология
Центар за истражување на предисторијата. Available земледельцев энеолита.Советская археология, 1965/1.
at: http://www.cip-cpr.org/en-publishing/_nikos-chausid- Москва, pp. 24-47.
is-macedonian-bronzes.html Рыбаков, Б. А. (1981). Язычество древних Славян.
Delphi (2017). Delphi amphitheater from above Москва: Наука.
dsc06297.jpg. [online] Wikimedia Commons, the free me- Sadnja 2017. Sadnja i obrada pšenice u Dalmaciji.
dia repository. Available at: [online] Narodni.net. Available at:http://narodni.net/sadn-
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Delphi_ ja-obrada-psenice-udalmaciji/ [Accessed 23.11.2017].
amphitheater_from_above_dsc06297.jpg Седов, В. В. (1982).Восточныеславянев VI – XIII
[Accessed 23.11.2017]. вв..Москва: Институт археологии, Академия наук
Фролов, Б. А. (1974). Числа в графике палеолита. СССР.
Новосибирск: Наука - Сибирское отделение. Stonehenge (2017). Stonehenge render.jpg. [online]
Garašanin, M. (1983). Dubrovačko – Žutobrdska gru- Wikimedia Commons, the free media repository. Available
pa. In: A. Benac, ed., Praistorija Jugoslovenskih zemalja, at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Stonehenge_
Tom IV (Bronzano doba). Sarajevo: Akademija nauka i render.jpg [Accessed 23.11.2017].
umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine – Centar za balkanološka Threshingfloor (2017). Threshing floor (aloni),
ispitivanja, pp. 520-535. Ethnographic Museum in AnoMeria on Folegandros,
Harutyunyan, H. (2003). The Armenian Name of 15M6645.jpg. [online] Wikimedia Commons, the free me-
Milky Way.NewsletterOf The Armenian Astronomical So- dia repository. Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.
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at: https://www.aras.am//ArasNews/arasnews06.html [Ac- Museum_in_Ano_Meria_on_Folegandros,_15M6645.jpg
cessed 23.11.2017]. [Accessed 23.11.2017].
Höckmann, O. (1966). Idolplastik der Theiss- und Титов, В. С. (1980). Поздний неолит. In: В. С.
Bükk-Kultur. Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zen- Титов, И. Ердели (Eds.), Каменный век. Археология
tralmuseums, 13. Berlin, pp. 1-29. Венгрии. Москва: Наука, pp. 327-417.

44
 THE THRESHING FLOOR AS A SYMBOLIC PARADIGM IN ANCIENT OBSERVATORIES

THE THRESHING FLOOR AS A SYMBOLIC PARADIGM

IN ANCIENT OBSERVATORIES

Nikos Chausidis

Summary

Every human observation of the sky is in some cause of the absence of a wheel as a paradigm. Still,
way its descent on Earth. In the past, it was done the cyclic dynamics of the sun, the moon and the
more symbolic than practical, through reflection of starry sky were observed even before the invention
the image of the sky in an object that functioned like of the wheel and the carriage which later appeared
a mirror. In that context, we analyze a Dodola folk in the era of metals and not as utilitarian but sym-
song from Serbia in which a fairy invokes rain with bolic objects. It is assumed that the threshing hold
a mirror she holds in her lap. During the ritual she prepositioned this, being a circular platform with a
is on top of a fir tree which has all the elements of central pillar around which the horses or livestock
a cosmic axis – it is located in the middle of the vil- moved in circles, stomping the wheat, separating the
lage and stretches high in the sky. The genesis of this grain from the straw. This object also appeared as a
structure can be traced back to the neolith through symbolic phenomenon, a mythical image of the sky
figurines of women-witches with a bowl of water in which depicts the cyclic movement of the celestial
their lap in which they reflect the sky. These inter- bodies. Its agricultural use comes secondarily. This
pretations are further supported by lexemes from the is supported by the fact that most constellations have
Slavic languages which reflect the connection of the animal names, as well as the entire zodiac (‘animal
words for magic, sorcery (чарати, бацати чини) and circle’) – The Milky Way whose names contain straw
those for shallow bowls, plates (чара, чинија). Then – the essential part of the threshing hold; the immo-
we analyze similar South Slavic rituals designed for bile Polar star in the center of the sky or Pole star. It
taking the milk of a cow or a breastfeeding mother is believed that the threshing floor is not just a par-
from another family. In these rituals women go to the adigm of the sky and its cyclic phenomena (‘celes-
threshing floor, take off their clothes and put a plate tial’/’copper threshing floor’) but of numerous other
with water in their lap to reflect the moon. Then they constructions as well, which used to have a strong
strain the water through a sieve and believed that this sacral status (the antic theaters orchestra, the are-
makes the moon descend down to earth and moo like nas of the amphitheaters and stadiums..). It is also
a cow. This is a magical ritual in which the straining the basis of many temples-observatories like Stone-
of the water actually represents extracting the milk henge, as well as to similar Slavic bath-houses and
of the Moon which is depicted as a deity in the form the temples of other European tribes which were
of a cow. Supporting the relation woman-moon-wa- most likely used to observe the cyclic phenomena in
ter-fertility we mention numerous ethnographic and the sky. The components we pointed out in this pa-
archeological facts which are based on the interfer- per can be recognized in the temple in Kokino but
ence between the moon cycles and the female men- not in the form of the object but in the form of the
strual cycles. The movement of the sun in the ancient cyclic phenomena they observed in the temple (the
cultures was not always imagined as a cycle, but threshing floor circle) and the central point through
more as a semi-circular or wavy pattern, mostly be- which they were observed (the threshing floor pillar).

45
 Nikos Chausidis

T.I: 1. Чаусидис 2000, T.I; 2. Garašanin 1983, T.LXXXIII: 1; 3. Müller-Karpe, Taf. 509.

46
 THE THRESHING FLOOR AS A SYMBOLIC PARADIGM IN ANCIENT OBSERVATORIES

T.II:1-5. Рыбаков 1981,73; 6. Höckmann 1966, Abb. 4: 4; 7. Рыбаков1981, Рис. 3: 2-3.

8. Idoli 1986, 67 - No.70; 9. Титов 1980, 325 – Рис. 227-2; Чаусидис 2017, Д67: 1, 2.

47
 Nikos Chausidis

T.III: 1. 2. Седов 1982, T.LXXIV: 5, 7; 3. Косановић 2017; 4. Threshingfloor 2017. 5. Sadnja 2017;
6. Stonehenge 2017; 7. Delphi 2017; 8. Oates and Pinder-Wilson 1976, 89.

48
 TWO ROCKS – CUT SACRAL MONUMENTS IN THE AREAS OF PRILEP AND KRATOVO

TWO ROCKS – CUT RITUAL COMPLEXES IN THE AREAS

OF PRILEP AND KRATOVO

Jovica Stankovski
Archaeologist, senior custodian
Kumanovo
email: stankovskijovica@yahoo.com

Dushko Temelkoski
Archaeologist, senior custodian
NI Institute and Museum of Prilep
email: duletem@yahoo.com

Abstract: The hill “Mal Surun” (or “Orlov Kamen”) is a rocky hill in the area of the
village of Dupjachani, located on about 12 km on the northwest of Prilep. Many rocks can
be seen on its top as well as the southwestern slope which have hews and pits that served
as founding for buildings or objects or performing rituals. Apart from the several hollowed
shallow pits, stairs, formations similar to thrones for sitting, there is an impressive rock on
the western edge of the hill with two cavities – one with a phallic shape and another one that
probably represents the female symbol of reproduction. Between them, a rectangular recipient
pit was cut. This composition makes us assume that this was the area where certain ceremo-
nies connected to the cult of fertility were performed. According to the material data, we can
determine the chronological frame of the rituals performed on the rocks - from the end of the
Eneolith, through the Bronze age and later, in the Late Hellenistic period.
The second ritual complex is from the area of Kratovo, located on the site known as
Pešter, near the village of Šopsko Rudare. It is a complexed sanctuary area containing a large
rock that dominates, with several objects cut in it. They resemble platforms, vaulted areas,
stairs which lead to them, sacrificial pits and sacrificial recipients, large rectangular water
basin etc. The archaeological material is missing, because the thin cultural layers in the rock-
cuts were devastated during their long use, but also as a result of the illegal excavations and
non-professional interventions when the whole area was prepared to become a part of a tour-
istic site. Nevertheless, based on the several small archaeological trenches in the bottom of
the rock where the archaeologists discovered an archaeological material from the Eneolithic,
Bronze and Iron Ages as well as from the Roman period, but also according to the objects near
the large rocks (sacrificial stones / altars), a great round carved stone block (a representation
of the Sun) etc., we can conclude that the rocky complex has been used as a sanctuary for a
longer period of time.
In this paper, we have given retrospection to a small segment of the sanctuary area which
encloses a conic altar on the edge of a small platform carved in stone which points towards
East, above a small flattened area of about 25 m2 intended for the participants of the ritual
ceremony.

The site “Mal Surun”

About 12 km on the northwest of Prilep, around seats, smaller or largerrecipients carved in the rocks,
the village of Dupjachani, there is a rocky hill known shallow circular pits, stairs, cut channels etc. Most of
as Mal Surun or Orlov Kamen, a part of the archaeo- these objects on the area with dimensions 400х300м.,
logical complex Surun (Figure 1). On top of the hill, some of them in groups and separate wholes, adjust-
as well as on its southwest slope, in the numerous ed in parts so that they could fit in the architectural
massive rocks which can be seen on the surface, there structures, points on the conclusion that the complete
are obvious man-made interventions made by carv- area had been assigned for the performance of ritual
ings, which have formed various objects like stone activities.

49
 Jovica Stankovski / Dushko Temelkoski

Fig. 1 – The site "Mal Surun", Panoramic view

On the western edge of the area
exist smaller stone block of an oblong
shape, 3,40 m long and 1,30 m high.
There are two carved surfaces on its up-
per part: one of a phallic shape and the
other one presumably with a representa-
tion of a vulva. There is also a rectan-
gular recipient carved between them.
This composition makes us assume that
it is a sacrificial stone (altar) and an
area on which some rituals connected
to the cult of fertility were performed
(Fig.2 and Fig.3). The carved parts in
the rock, shaped in a form of male and
female symbols presumably had a cer-
tain role directed towards a successful
conception. It is possible that in the
rectangular pit they performed a ritual
bathing for the newborn on the very same area which Fig.2 – The site Mal Surun, A plan for the sanctu-
was actually “responsible” for its birth. ary segment of the western edge of the ritual complex
A significant material data which determines (1. rectangular recipient; 2,3. Male and female sym-
the existence of this area chronologically has been bols of fertility; 4. A wall of partially carved stones
discovered in the earth layer between the sacrificial tied with mud in the free area between the rocks; 5.
stone/altar and the massive vertical rock, about 3m Small construction of partially carved rocks; 6. A
eastern of it. Along with the archaeological excava- ritual pit with remaining of animal bones and frag-
tions in 2016, there have also been discovered the ments of a ceramic pot; 7. Osteological remaining of
bottoms of two shallow sacrificial pits and a small a child placed in a ceramic vessel)

50
 TWO ROCKS – CUT SACRAL MONUMENTS IN THE AREAS OF PRILEP AND KRATOVO

Fig. 3 – Locality Mal Surun, Ritual rectangular recipient and male and female symbols of fertility

Fig. 5 – Locality Mal Surun, Bronze Age pottery

repeated appearance of a stillborn in the future. There

was no material data in the enclosed rectangular area
Fig.4 – Locality Mal Surun, Eneolithic pottery with stones (Fig.2, position 5).
rectangular form of partially carved rocks. The pits These three ritual structures belong to the older
were dug in the ground next to the bedrock which prehistoric horizon e.g. to the Late Eneolithic peri-
was nivellated. In one of the pits, there were bones od and the Bronze Age. Through the cultural layer,
of a smaller animal and fragments of a ceramic pot there has been identified a great part of fragmented
(Fig.2, position 6) and in the other one, there were pot ceramics, but not with a special location or con-
osteological remaining of a child, placed in a vessel centration. Of the Eneolithic forms, we can point on
fragments of a skull, parts of the jaw and bones from the pot decorated with oval imprints arranged in wide
the arms, Fig.2, position 7). The discovered osteolog- fields and an altar with a shallow recipient with two
ical remaining of a small child, probably a stillborn, small legs (Fig.4), while in the ceramics from the
can be a symbolic praying sacrifice in order to avoid a Bronze Age which are found in a larger number, we

51
 Jovica Stankovski / Dushko Temelkoski

can count some fragments of pottery deco-

rated with applied cordons decorated with
fingertip impressions, from big cone plates
with an inverted rims, fragments of wide
strip handles, short tongued and rectangular
handles etc. (Fig.5).
The younger cultural layer is dated in
the late hellenistic period. There has been
found a greater quantity of ceramic pot-
tery with typical forms: stamnos – pixida
with osteological remaining of a bird in-
side, echinus plates and plates – ichtys, a
pot with an upper part in “S” profile, four
pyramidal and one kidney shaped ceramic
weight and a bronze coin of Quaestor Gaius
Publilius in the II century B.C. (Fig.6).
There have also been some research-
es on the area in front of the altar (Fig.7).
The massive naturally broken and roughly
carved stones are probably a part of some
barriers or they were used to level the area.
This has been shown by the finding of plate-
let stones which probably served to pave
the entrance towards the altar. The Eneo-
lithic findings on this area are of a smaller
number (fragments of pottery with linear
grooves and indentations, Fig.4) while the
findings of the Bronze Age are represented
by fragments of pottery with rectangular
tongue-like and strap handles, fragments
decorated with lines of indentations made Fig.6 – Locality Mal Surun, Pottery of the
with fingernails, with linear carving, chan- Late Hellenistic period
neling etc.
Based on the researches so far, we can create the Antique settlement called Kolobaisa, which may be
chronological frame of the ritual use of this rocky confirmed with further research.2
segment of the complete ritual complex from the end
of the Eneolithic period through the whole Bronze The site Pešter
Age as well as in the Late Hellenistic period. Near the village of Šopsko Rudare, in the area
About 300 m south of the sanctuary, on the place of Kratovo, on the the site called Pešter there is a
called “Ispraena plocha” and another place called great volcanic monolithic rock which dominates the
“Tumba”, there are seven tombs carved in rocks and surrounding area.3Geologically speaking, it appeared
they are from the so called type of Macedonian tombs because of the precipitation of volcano dust and ash
which date from the II century B.C. They are orient- in water conditions. A result of this sedimentation is
ed towards West-East so you can enter them through the volcano tuff, a soft and mealy rock with an argil-
a dromos and an entrance which faces west (Fig.8).
There is an antechamber between the entrance and
the tomb chamber. The tombs are opened in the past 2
On the hill called Zlatovrv which raises towards
so with their documentation there have been evident south, there is a monastery called “Dormition of the Moth-
some modest findings of ceramic pottery, bronze er of God” („Успение на Пресвета Богородица“)-Tre-
coins and parts of jewelry from the Late Hellenistic skavec. The cross on the roof of the church is placed into
period.1 Certain discoveries point on the assumption an antique marble plate with an inscription which men-
for the belonging of these representative tombs of the tions a temple dedicated to the Ephesian Artemis in the
settlement Kolobaisa:Папазоглу 1957, 223;Papazogly et
al 1999, 233.
1
Aleksova 1959,67; Кепески 1971,50; Миткоски 3
The hill is located on 1,5 km northern of the neigh-
1996,89-96; Миткоски 1996А,137-148; Миткоски, Те- borhood called “Cocevci”, so sometimes it is also marked
мелкоски 2013,83-104; Темелкоски 2016,121-130. as “Cocev kamen”.

52
 TWO ROCKS – CUT SACRAL MONUMENTS IN THE AREAS OF PRILEP AND KRATOVO

Fig.7 – Locality Mal Surun, Access area in front of the altar

laceous structure which enables for it to be processed rial (whole and fragmented stone knives, fragments
well (with carving). On its surface, as well as in its from stone tools with different sizes etc.), we can
interior, there are several carved objects like plat- note a very long chronological use of the area of this
forms, vaulted areas, stairs which lead to them, nich- locality from the Neolithic period, Eneolithic period,
es carved into hard accessible areas, a big rectangular Bronze and Iron Ages to the Late Antique period. It
recipient for gathering atmospheric water, sacrificial is truly certain that in the greatest part of this time
rectangular recipients and shallow pits, channels span of use, the rocky complex Pešter had a ritual
through which liquid will flow etc. (Fig.9). Similar function.
carved objects can be seen on the smaller rocks which The ritual segment which is the subject of this
can be seen on the surface around the big monolith: paper is the unique area carved in the big monolith
sacrificial stones (altars) with a flattened upper area which preserved a partially land material under the
in which there are some carved sacrificial rectangu- unprofessionally digged area in depth of probably
lar pits or shallow circular pits (Fig.10), channels about 1 meter. It is a rectangularly shaped area which
through which liquid will flow, a big circular stone has not been researched yet and to which you can
cut disc – a representation of the Sun (Fig.11). get by a narrow artificially formed access path which
The archaeological material in the objects carved starts from the northeastern part of the monolith. The
in the rock is absent because of the devastation of the path goes up to the inside of the rock so the rectangu-
thin cultural layers as a result of illegal excavations lar area is being raised several meters above the level
and unprofessional interventions when the interior of of the field in its bottom From the eastern side, this
the rock was arranged for a touristic function through area which comprises 25 м² is opened towards the
which the land is completely removed from almost eastern horizon and is continually lit by the morning
all ritual structures and the archaeological data is sunshine. In one area of its fenced wall, there is a rock
irretrievably lost. Still, based on the several small cut bench – an area on which probably some partici-
archaeological trenches (from 2011 to 2014) in the pants in the ritual ceremony sat. The ritual character
eastern and southern bottom of the rock, as well as of the area is also being confirmed with the partially
with surveys of the surrounding fields where numer- damaged conic altar. It had probably served for ritual
ous fragments of Neolithic and Eneolithic vessels washing of the hands or other parts of the body of
were found, but also numerous pieces of lithic mate- the person who performed this ceremony before they

53
 Jovica Stankovski / Dushko Temelkoski

Fig.8 – Locality Surun, tombs of the so called Macedonian type

stepped on the small platform in front of the altar and Scandinavia on the north, to North Africa and Egypt
became lightened by the morning sunshine (Fig.12). on the south. The megalithic monuments can also be
seen on the Mediterranean Islands of Corsica, Mal-
Concluding remarks ta, the Balearic Islands, Crete and we can also find a
The name “megalithic monuments” (and from it greater concentration of them on the south and south-
derived terms like “megalithic culture”, “megalithic east of the Balkan Peninsula.
ceremonies”) is very general and encloses a whole Their construction and very often, the small
line of monuments built from large, naturally broken quantity of material discovered in some of them or
or partially processed stone blocks or objects carved besides them points to significant chronological dif-
into rocks. In a narrower meaning, the term “mega- ferences, not only for the monuments in separate re-
lithic” is used more for the menhir stones, used sep- gions, but also for the ones in the borders of the same
arately, as vertical pillars or in lines as well as for region.
the cromlech, when the standing stone blocks are ar- The ethnic attribution of separate monuments is
ranged in a circle and sometimes, they are bridged also difficult, concerning their wide prevalence. We
over with horizontal stone blocks like an architrave. cannot answer the question about the deities they
The term also encloses the dolmen and covered alley were intended for according to the fact that they were
as their elongated variant. not precisely tied to a certain period, area, culture or
For the rest of the objects carved in the rocks like religion.
niches, tombs, altars, platforms, carved rectangular Although some of them date since the Neolithic
recipients and channels, circular carved parts, stone period, their mass raising was during the Bronze Age
seats (thrones) etc., we use the term “rock cut mon- (e.g. the III millennium B.C.), on the area where the
uments”.4They are widespread on a huge area, from faith in rocks like places where deities were being
Spain on the west to India and Japan on the east; from present was especially present in the Mediterranean
England, France, Germany and the countries of the countries as well as the countries surrounding the
Black Sea.
One of the explanations for the greater number
4
For the typology of the rock - cut monuments: Фол of megalithic cult places in the mountain areas is tied
1993, 14-76; Фол 2000, 46-110.

54
 TWO ROCKS – CUT SACRAL MONUMENTS IN THE AREAS OF PRILEP AND KRATOVO

Fig.9 – Locality Pešter, Panorama

to the altered way of economy that the tribal commu- acts in the Prehistoric periods, so we can rightfully
nities used during the Bronze Age. Namely, in this say that these are true “topoi of faith”.
period, the mountain areas became visited more in- The lack of written sources about the religion
tensively because of livestock farming as well as for and the ceremonies connected to the rock sanctuaries
mineral exploitation. It is natural that the Prehistoric and the sacred rocks is partially complemented by the
people felt the rocky spaces of the: the mountains, relict remaining in the folklore of the people from the
caves, springs etc. like a sacred and grandiose area Mediterranean. With the appearance of some written
e.g. a real place where Gods were being present. documents, towards the end of the Bronze Age, we
The significance of the megaliths and the rock can see a clearer image of the megalithic ceremonies.
cut monuments is becoming more and more interest- In that way, with a multidisciplinary approach ffac-
ing for the researchers. The research is hard mainly ing the archaeological, written, linguistic, ethnologi-
because of the lack of written sources. The newest cal and newly presented data from the archeo-astro-
archaeological researches point on the fact that some nomic researches, we have gained a new view on the
of the monuments cut in the rocks have been used for megalithic ceremonies.
a longer period of time. This contradicts the older hy- A written testimonial about the religion that
potheses that the megalithic culture has appeared due was practiced in the rock cut objects is written on
to migrations, a conclusion which some researchers Greek and is about Pherecydes of Syros (VI century
got based on the small amount of material data found B.C.) which was cited by Porphyry (in III century
at some of the monuments.5 А.D.). According to Porphyry (in his “De antronim-
As we have already mentioned, the last research- pharum”, 31), Pherecydes of Syros speaks of remote
es discover evidence for multiple uses of the rock cut mountain areas, carved pits in the rocks (openings,
monuments where there use continued from the Pre- altars, holes), for caves and doors, considering that
historic period to the appearance of Christianity and the birth and the death of the souls from this world
even later. In some researches, the Christian religious was done through them.6
objects were posed on areas that were used for ritual The chthonic-ritual meaning of the pits dug in

5
Фол et al. 1982, 9-11; Фол 1990, 120-121. 6
Porphyre 1989, 108.

55
 Jovica Stankovski / Dushko Temelkoski

Fig.10 – Locality Pešter, Altar near Pešter

Fig.11 – Locality Pešter, Big stone wheel as a representation of the Sun, on the northeast of Pešter

56
 TWO ROCKS – CUT SACRAL MONUMENTS IN THE AREAS OF PRILEP AND KRATOVO

Fig.12 – Locality Pešter

Conic altar and a platform faced towards East

earth was also confirmed in a part of Homer’s “Od- pects of the megalithic culture very well.
yssey”. There, Odysseus was being taught that in or- There are no parallels of monuments similar to
der to reach the underground world and talk to the the ritual altar with male and female symbols from
souls of the dead, he needs to dig up a sacrificial pit the locality Mal Surun anywhere near. The astronom-
of certain dimensions in which, as an offering to the ic researches performed in the neighboring Republic
dead, he will pour honey, milk, wine, water, barley of Bulgaria on the natural cave called „Тангардьк
porridge and the blood of two sheep.7 кая“ (Tangardyk Kaya) in the area of Kardzhali sit-
There are relict remaining of the ancient ceremo- uated in the eastern Rhodopes show that it was ad-
nies and beliefs in the rituals tied to the celebrations ditionally processed, so between 2.000 and 1.000
of some holidays from the traditional calendar of the B.C., during the winter solstice, a sunbeam, passing
people from Republic of Macedonia, as well as in the through the entrance formed as a phallus, fell down
myth-legends and traditions. We should also dedicate an altar formed as a vulva.9 The reminiscence of the
a special attention to this ethnological data. ancient beliefs tied to the cult of fertility represent the
Lately, it has been confirmed that many sanctu- areas that barren women also tend to visit nowadays,
aries have been used as a kind of observatories from in the present. In the Republic of Macedonia, there
where the people could observe the spring as well as are several cult stones that are believed to be able to
the autumn equinox, but also the summer and winter help women conceive a new life.10
solstice in order to determine the seasonal activities. There are no analogies for sanctuary complex-
The sunrise and the sunset were usually tied to specif- es similar to Pešter, although in its proximity on the
ic days and celebrations in the calendar of the people locality called “Kraljica” (about 2 km south) there
who celebrated them.8 is another sanctuary complex, already published.11
The upper examples illustrate the meaning of the
multidisciplinary approach in studying of all the as-
9
Stoev et al 2001, 226-235.
10
Вражиновски 1998, 109-110; Вражиновски 1998,
7
Homer, Od. XI, 64. 121, 128-130, 133, 136, 141; Караџоски 2015, 100.
8
Stoev, Varbanova1996, 93-100. 11
Stankovski2003, 229-249.

57
 Jovica Stankovski / Dushko Temelkoski

The word analogy is conditioned because many of The megalithic culture is manifested in several
these megalithic ritual complexes contain the same variants and poses numerous questions. One of the
or similar ritual structures: altars, ritual pits, sacrifi- basic questions is this one: When was the idea for
cial rectangular recipients, circular pit, cut channels, megalithic buildings born in the cultures from the
trapezoidal or oval niches cut into vertical rocks etc. Mediterranean and why the rocks are comprehend-
Still remains the question whether in these complex- ed as areas for the presence of deities?13 The future
es with a similar repertoire of ritual structures was multidisciplinary researches should give the answer
performed the same kind of ceremonies, especially to this one as well as numerous other questions.
when the sanctuary had a long time of use. We can
cite the example of the ritual pits which were formed
in a great number of sanctuary complexes ranging
from the Neolithic period to the Middle Ages. They
had been dug up as a part of the rituals tied to sever-
al religions of the world and were mainly researched
and documented well. Nevertheless, they belong to
the group of the most incomprehensible manifesta-
tions of the ceremonies.12

Библиографија:

1. Aleksova 1959 – B. Aleksova, Iskopavanja 12. Stankovski 2003 – J, Stankovski, Three

na Krklarima i kod Gornog sela, Arheoloski pregled 1, Megalithic Monuments in the Region of Kumanovo,
Beograd Pyraichmes, vol 2, Naroden muzej Kumanovo, Kumanovo
2. Булатовић 2015 – A. Булатовић, Феномен 13. Stoev, Varbanova 1996 – A. Stoev, Yu. Vrbanova,
праисториских ритуалних јама, Старинар LXV/ 2015, Positional systems for solar and lunar observation in the
Београд archaic cultures in Bulgaria, in Astronomical traditions in
3. Вражиновски 1998 – Т. Вражиновски, Народ- past cultures, Procedings of SEAC, Sofia
на митологија на Македонците, Книга 1, ИСК, При- 14. Stoev 2001 – A. Stoev, Spatial Orientation
леп - Скопје and Acoustic Reverberatio in the Tangarduk Kaya Cave
4. Вражиновски 1998 – Т. Вражиновски, Народ- Sanctuary new the Village of Ilinitsa, Kardali District,
на митологија на Македонците, Книга 2, ИСК, При- Перперек I, New Bulgarian University, Sofia
леп - Скопје 15. Темелкоски 2016 – Д. Темелкоски, Гробни-
5. Караџоски 2015 – В. Караџоски, Провлеку- ци издлабени во карпа на локалитетот Сурун кај Горно
вањето, составен дел на народната медицинска пракса село“, Зборник на трудови 19, НУ Завод и Музеј Битола
во Македонија, Балканославика, ИСК, Прилеп - Скопје 16. Фол et al. 1982 – А. Фол, Мегалитите в Тра-
6. Кепески 1971 – К. Кепески, Прилеп и прилеп- кия, част 2, том 3, Наука и изкуство, София
ско низ историјата II, Прилеп 17. Фол 1990 – А. Фол, Политика и култура в
7. Миткоски 1996 – А. Миткоски, Објекти из- древна Тракия, Наука и изкуство, София
длабени во карпа од Прилепско, Maced. acta archaeol. 18. Фол 1993 – В. Фол, Скалата, конят и огƄнят,
14, Скопје Аргес, София
8. Миткоски 1996 А – А. Миткоски, Нови пела- 19. Фол 2000 – В. Фол, Мегалитни и скално из-
гониски гробници, Македонско наследство 2, Скопје сечени паметници в древна Тракия, УИ Св Климент
9. Миткоски, Темелкоски 2013 – А. Миткоски, Охридски, София
Д. Темелкоски, Три нови гробници издлабени во карпа 20. Fol 2003 – V. Fol, Spiritual and Temporal
во прилепско, Македонско наследство 40-41, Скопје Continuum of the Rock - Cut Topoi of Faith, An Eassy
10. Папазоглу 1957 – Ф. Папазоглу, Македонски on a Preliminary Reconstruction of the Faith - Ritualism,
градови у римско доба, Жива антика, Књига I, Скопје Pyraichmes, vol 2, Naroden muzej Kumanovo, Kumanovo
11. Papazogly et al. 1999 – F. Papazogly, M. Milin,
M. Ricl, Inscriptiones Graecae, Berlin

12
Булатовић 2015, 7-35. 13
Фол 2003, 215-228.

58
 RITUAL PITS IN THE CENTRAL BALKANS – THE CONTINUITY OF A SPIRITUAL PRACTICE

RITUAL PITS IN THE CENTRAL BALKANS – THE CONTINUITY

OF A SPIRITUAL PRACTICE

Aleksandar Bulatović
Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade

One of many definitions of a ritual proposes that given the time distance and the thin evidence from
a ritual is a set of activities performed with the aim this period, the current research confirms that ritu-
of fulfilling its social purpose, whereby the activi- al sacrificing in pits was practiced from as early as
ties themselves are not important, it is the message the Neolithic and, in some parts of the world, the
that they convey, that is – the meaning and symbol- practice has survived almost until today. Howev-
ism behind them that are crucial. Among the differ- er, in the central Balkans, which roughly encom-
ent perceptions of rituals, which I described previ- passes present-day western Bulgaria, northern
ously, this one is perhaps the most relevant for the Macedonia and Serbia south from the Sava and
case under study, i.e. the ritual of depositing votive the Danube, the Neolithic pits that can be securely
offerings in pits.1 Symbolic deposition of goods in identified as ritual are absent; there are, nonethe-
pits is one of the earliest prehistoric rituals, per- less, pits for which a ritual purpose can be inferred.
haps practiced as early as the Palaeolithic.2 This is This is the case with the pit from the site of
a ritual of sacrifice in which the act of sacrificing, or Žitkovac, which is c. 9 m in diameter and over 1
gift offering, is essential; the offerings vary depend- m deep. Its stratigraphy is quite complex and so it
ing on the circumstances. The purpose of this ritual could not be defined as ritual with certainty.5 Howev-
is the offering of sacrifices in order to appease the er, after the discovery of some very similar Neolith-
divine forces, the presence of which humans have ic pits in Thrace, described as ritual pits,6 the ritual
always felt around them. The main motive for this character of the pit from Žitkovac is highly likely.
ritual is the fear and the sense of helplessness, that A number of ritual pits deriving from the Ene-
is, the feeling of dependence upon these forces. olithic have been documented in the central Bal-
However, as has already been emphasizes, it is kans – for instance at the sites of Bubanj, Beligovo,
essential to be cautious when defining certain pits as Vinča. The pits differ in terms of dimensions, con-
sacral or ritual because, in prehistory, pits were often tents, location within or in relation to the settlements,
used for disposing rubbish, storage, residing as well as etc. Thus, for instance, a pit at Bubanj is about 1.5
for other purposes.3 A ritual function can be attributed m deep, whilst others at this site are quite shallow,
to a pit not simply on the basis of the lack of elements but their fill is very similar and includes fragment-
associated with a residential use or with rubbish-dis- ed pots, figurines, various pieces of weapons, animal
posal; it is necessary that the pit represents a con- bone (dominated by the remains of pig and dog) and
text characterized by specific patterns or symbolism.4 so on (fig. 1).7 On the other hand, the pit from Vinča,
which derives from a later phase of the Eneolithic, is
* * * very different as it contained only several pots placed
Living aside the traces of ritual sacrifice in pits upside down at the bottom of the pit. A similar pit,
from the Palaeolithic, which is very hard to prove containing several pots but somewhat larger, was

1
Булатовић 2015, 8.
2
Janićijević 1986, 38. 5
Tasić 1958, 19-21.
3
Булатовић 2015, 7-9. 6
Nikolov 2011, 91-119.
4
Hodder, Hutson 2003, 9; Miret i Mestre 2014, 339-354. 7
Булатовић 2015, 9-13.

59
 Aleksandar Bulatović

registered at the site of Beligovo.8 These examples Such pits were detected in eastern Serbia (Miroč),13
demonstrate differences in the dimensions, shape middle Morava Valley (Panjevački rit near Jagodi-
and contents of the pits, even within the same peri- na),14 southern Morava Valley (the sites of Krševi-
od and in a relatively small area. There are though ca, Ranutovac and Pavlovac near Vranje),15 Nišava
some elements (e.g. the type of deposited materials) Valley (the site of Crnoklište near Pirot)16 and they
common to all of the described examples, such as the are also highly frequent in the neighbouring regions
whole pots, placed mainly at the bottom of the pits. – in Thrace and southern Romania.17 Besides the
Based on the current knowledge of this phenome- finds of single ritual pits at these sites, a sacral area
non, it appears that the number of ritual pits increased was discovered in Miroč with multiple ritual pits
in the later periods of prehistory. Hence in the Bronze or rock crevices in which various goods have been
Age, these pits occur in a greater number of locations deposited. The Iron Age pits differ in terms of their
in the central Balkans compared to the previous pe- contents, dimensions and forms. There are, for ex-
riods. Also known from this period are sacral spaces ample, pits in which a whole animal was laid (e.g.
composed of dozens of this type of pits, for example at a horse in a pit at Ranutovac), pits for libation, or
the sites of Dve Mogili in Pelince and Tatikev Kamen pits where the fill consist of various materials (fig. 4).
in Kokino in northern Macedonia.9 Within these pre- The ritual pits at Krševica near Vranje demon-
historic “shrines”, there are different types of pits of strate the continuation of this tradition into the Late
varied contents, dimensions and architecture (e.g. Iron Age and the time of the Scordisci, whereas new
some have above-ground stone constructions and at research in the area of Vladičin Han shows that ritual
the bottom of one a funnel was registered inside a pits were also in use in this region during the Roman
beaker). This diversity complicates the reconstruc- period. Even though the period of Antiquity was char-
tion of their specific usage or the associated ritual. acterized by polytheistic religion imposed by the ex-
Besides the sacral spaces, there are also solitary panding Roman Empire, in addition to this, and parallel
ritual pits, like the one at the site of Davidovac in to the existence of some local cults and the emerging
SE Serbia; here, several pots from the Early Bronze Christianity, primitive religious beliefs and practices
Age were discovered in the northwest part of the pit from the preceding periods seem to have survived.
(fig. 2), of which one may have represented a musi- In the course of the rescue excavations at the site
cal instrument – a drum of some kind.10 Of particular of Piljakovac in Kržince near Vladičin Han in 2015,
interest is the situation encountered below the tumu- several pits were detected interpreted as ritual in
lus in Krivajica near Loznica in western Serbia.11 character. Based on the number of pits and their spa-
In the centre of the tumulus, there was a sort of a tial distribution, the area of the site could even have
horizontal surface cover constructed of river stone represented a sacral space, similar to the prehistoric
tiles; underneath it was an accumulation of earth. ones documented at Pelince, Kokino, Ranutovac or
Below the earthen mound, at the base of the central Miroč. Within a very narrow zone of expropriated
part of the tumulus, two adjacent, circular, shallow land of about 12 m in width, four sub-circular ritu-
pits were located, filled with fine light yellow clayish al pits were registered, of 1-1.5 m in diameter. They
soil (fig. 3). No grave was discovered in the tumulus. were organized in pairs located 1.5-2 m apart. In one
The finds from the tumulus and the stone-built cover of the pairs (pits 4 and 5), pit 4 was filled with brown
date this structure to the Late Bronze Age. The posi- soil, pieces of daub, crushed stone and carbonized
tion of the pits in the centre of the tumulus, as well wood, whilst it also contained finds such as lid of a
as their carefully prepared infill which is markedly pot and a Roman coin. The other pit in the pair (pit 5)
different from the surrounding soil, indicate the spe- was also filled with brown soil and contained a high
cial purpose of the pits, that is, their ritual character. quantity of large daub fragments, crushed stone and
charred material; the finds included three woodwork-
The largest number of ritual pits recorded in ing tools made of iron and fragments of three am-
prehistory of the central Balkans derives from the phorae and three lids made on a potter’s wheel (fig.
Iron Age, and a similar situation applies to Europe.12 5). The fill of pits in the other group (pit 12 and 13),
located about 18 m to the west from the first group,
8
Tasić, Tasić 2003, 94-95; Николић, Ђуричић 1997, 82.
9
Трајковска 1998, 5-30; Станковски 2002, 29-48;
13
Jevtić, Peković 2009, 208.
Булатовић, Станковски 2012, 268-279. 14
Стојић 1998, 316-322.
10
Bulatović 2014, 61, Pl. II/25-28, III/29, 30. 15
Popović 2009, 251; Булатовић 2015, 16-18;
11
Istraživanja su obavljena 2016. godine u okviru Bulatović et al 2016, 214.
međunarodnog projekta Jadar, kojeg realizuju Arheološki 16
Bulatović, Mladenović forthcoming.
institut, Beograd i Brooklyn College, New York. 17
Nekhrizov, Tzvetkova 2012, 190, Fig. 1; Berzovan
12
Miret i Mestre 2014, 159-170, Taula 8.4. 2013, 309, Fig. 4-10.

60
 RITUAL PITS IN THE CENTRAL BALKANS – THE CONTINUITY OF A SPIRITUAL PRACTICE

was also filled up with brown soil mixed with pieces lay rain and extend the season of dry, sunny weath-
of daub, burnt matrix and large fragments of stone. er that facilitates the drying of brick, brick-makers
In pit 13, underneath a layer of stone slabs, there was from the area around the towns of Vranje and Pirot
a cluster of ceramic vessels consisting of a pot and would bury a live cat; in the surroundings of the town
four lids (fig. 7). At the base of pit 12, an iron rattle of Kruševac, they would drown a cat in water pri-
bell was found, surrounded by large stones placed on or to burying it – this with the aim of stopping the
their lateral side (fig. 6). The impression is that, the rain.21 A ritual burying of a black rooster in a crop
concentration of large stones covering the pit served field to prevent hail was recorded in Kosovo.22 That
to indicate the location of the pits, that is, they rep- the ritual deposition of offerings (sacrifices) in pits
resented a kind of markers on the surface. This, too, was not inherited from the Paleo-Balkan peoples of
suggests that the area was a sacral space, continual- the pre-Roman period is indicated by the presence of
ly used for ritual purposes. The finds from the pits a similar practice in the Slavic communities of Cen-
– the “offerings” (the coin, rattle bell encircled with tral and Eastern Europe. Here, the celebration of the
stones, several pots covered with stones, large piec- end of the harvest (“Obžinki”) in late autumn, asso-
es of daub, etc) – imply a special treatment of the ciated with many symbols of fertility and lighting of
pits, which could thus be interpreted as ritual pits. fires, also included burying in the ground of parts of
Based on the diversity of the offerings, it can be as- sacrificial animals. A similar practice was document-
sumed that the donors, i.e. the individuals practicing ed among the Serbs during the religious holiday of
the ritual, were of different professions, but that the Đurđevdan (St. George’s) when bones of the sacri-
purpose of different pits was similar given that they ficed “totemic” lamb would be buried inside an ant
all contained daub and burnt beams and bricks – el- hill, along with hoofs of sheep and lambs.23 These
ements of residential architecture. It is possible that examples illustrate how the ritual use of pits is not
the pits played a ritual role in the house construction. a tradition associated only with some specific his-
Similar pits from the Late Antiquity discovered at the torical periods, but that it relates to the level of reli-
site of Stalijska Mala (3rd century) were mentioned by gious awareness of people living in a certain region.
R. Georgieva, whereas at other sites in Bulgaria pits
of this kind are present mostly until the 1st century.18 * * *
The described examples of ritual pits from the In an extensive study of ritual pits published sev-
central Balkans, along with the ubiquitous prehistoric eral years ago it was emphasised that the classification
pits in the neighbouring regions and whole Europe, of these pits is almost impossible because they occur
indicate a once widespread ritual of depositing of- in different parts of the world and in different periods,
ferings in pits, a custom also known from the writ- and they vary greatly with respect to their size, shape,
ten sources. Thus in the Odyssey, Homer describes fill composition, types of offered objects and mate-
Odysseus digging a hole and putting various goods rials, associated structures and constructions and so
in it in order to appease the gods.19 A slightly later on.24 Even so, based on the data included in the study,
source states how Medea, in an attempt to appeal to and the unpublished information presented in this pa-
the gods to bring Jason’s father back to life, created per, especially the one referring to the recent past in
two holes into which she poured blood from a black the central Balkans, some conclusions can be reached
lamb, a jugful of wine and a jugful of milk.20 The on the nature and development of this ritual practice.
evidence from the written sources on the existence Most importantly, in order to define a pit as a
of ritual pits in the past, together with the special ritual feature, the context of the pit must be in some
contexts that archaeologists encounter in the pits, way special, that is, there should be a distinct sym-
should be sufficient to eliminate arguments against bolism that it displays or a pattern that it follows.
this ritual practice put forward by the sceptics and The ritual and ritual pits served to enable communi-
critics of this phenomenon, and also to confirm that cation with inexplicable supreme forces upon which
this interpretation is not a result of claims made by the survival of a society depended. They originate
archaeologists without any supporting evidence. from very early periods of prehistory and were par-
One additional argument is provided by the ex- ticularly common up to the time of the emergence
amples of ritual pits in the central Balkans that date of the dominant present-day religions of the world;
from the recent past. S. Petrović, for example, de- some of their elements, however, were retained in
scribes a peculiar custom of placing sacrifices in pits the central Balkans and other regions until the last
in Serbia over the previous century. In order to de-
21
Петровић 2015, 837.
18
Георгиева 1991, 4, 5. 22
Петровић 2015, 816.
19
Homer, Od. XI, 64. 23
Петровић 2015, 820.
20
Ovidije, VII, 238-248. 24
Булатовић 2015, 26.

61
 Aleksandar Bulatović

century and have perhaps survived even until today. der to terminate a period of ill fortune and to ”secure”
Ritual pits became more common in the later pe- happiness is not linked with a particular religion, cul-
riods of prehistory and so they appear most abundant ture or period of the past. It has been present all over
in the Iron Age, both in the Balkans and Europe as a the world, from prehistory until modern times and,
whole. An attempt at a classification (based on func- in a way, it reflects the level of religious awareness
tion, dimensions, use period, type of offerings, fill and spirituality of individuals and of a community.
composition, etc) of these features in the central Bal- The ritual of sacrificing in pits is an individual act
kans is problematic because very few pits have so far or an act of a small group of people and, as such,
been registered and their characteristic are quite var- it does not presuppose complex social organisation.
iable, even within a single sacral area. One exception Finally, this (sacrificial) ritual could be de-
is the Late Antiquity pits from Kržince which, appar- fined as one of the earliest, but also one of the
ently, indicate a ritual accompanying house construc- longest-lasting, routes of communication with un-
tion. The sacrificial role of pits dating to the previous known divine powers of which people were re-
century is established based on the oral tradition; the spectful and fearful. Although it developed as an
pits themselves were not documented. The practice element of primitive religions, this symbolic be-
of depositing complete pots, normally at the bottom haviour survived into modern times and is detecti-
of pits, as seen in the Eneolithic of the central Bal- ble even in present-day societies, in the form of, for
kans, could be taken as a possible rule or a pattern. example, the habit of throwing a coin into a well.
The concept of sacrificing valuable offerings (in-
cluding human sacrifice) for a greater good or in or-

Aleksandar Bulatović
Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade

Rezime

Praistorijske jame u kojoj se ritualno pohranju- Balkanu kroz periode praistorije, ali i donosi nove
ju darovi kako bi se umilostivile neobjašnjive sile, informacije o antičkim ritualnim jamama, koje su ve-
odnosno mitska bića koja upravljaju svetom oduvek oma slične praistorijskim, kao i o ritualnim jamama
su privlačile pažnju arheologa. Treba, međutim, ra- iz prošlog veka.
zlikovati jame čija namena nije definisana, pa je to Zahvaljujući ovim podacima izvedeni su neki
jedini argument zbog čega su opredeljene u ritualne, i zaključci o ritualnim jamama uopšte, kao i njihovoj
one čiji specijalni kontekst ukazuje na njihov ritualni pojavi na centralnom Balkanu.
karakter.
Ovaj rad se bavi definicijom rituala i ritualnih
jama i kratkim pregledom ovh jama na centralnom

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 RITUAL PITS IN THE CENTRAL BALKANS – THE CONTINUITY OF A SPIRITUAL PRACTICE

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Berzovan А., 2013; „Consideraţii privind gro- Николић Д., Ђуричић С., 1997; „Резултати
pile rituale Dacice de la unip-„Dealu Cetăţuica“, co- сондажног истраживања енеолитског насеља
muna Sacoşu Turcesc, Jud. Timiş (sec. I î.Hr.-sec. I Белигово“, in Гласник САД 13, 79-88.
d.Hr)“, in Arheovest 1, 309-341. Nikolov V., 2011; “A Reinterpretation of Neo-
Булатовић А., 2015; „Феномен праисторијских lithic Complexes with Dug-out Features: Pit Sanctu-
ритуалних јама, неколико примера са централног aries”, in Studia Praehistorica 14, 91-119.
Балкана”, in Старинар н.с. 65, 7-35. Петровић С., 2015; Српска митологија, у
Bulatović А., 2014; „New Finds as a contri- веровању, обичајима и ритуалу, Београд.
bution to the study of the Early Bronze Age in the Popović P., 2009; “Scordisci on the Fringes of
southern part of the Central Balkans“, in Старинар the Hellenistic World”, in: Tiefengraber, G., Kavur,
н.с. 64, 57-75. B., Gaspari, A. (eds.), Keltske studije II. Studies in
Булатовић, А., Станковски, Ј., 2012; Бронзано Celtic Archaeology, Montagnac, 247–258.
доба у басену Јужне Мораве и у долини Пчиње/ Станковски J., 2002; „Татикев Камен –
Бронзено време во басенот на Јужна Морава и мегалитска опсерваторија и светилиште“, in
долината на Пчиња, Београд. Музејски гласник 7-9, 29–48.
Bulatović A., Kapuran A., Milanović D., 2016; Стојић M., 1998; „Култни објекат на
„Layers from metal ages at the site of Kovačke njive локалитету Пањевачки рит у Јагодини“, in М.
In Pavlovac near Vranje“, in Perić S., Bulatović А., Лазић (ур.), Уздарје Драгославу Срејовићу,
(ур./eds.), Archaeological investigations along the Београд, 316-322.
route of the E 75 Highway, 2011-2014, Belgrade, Tasić N., 1958; „Žitkovac i neki problemi rel-
205-219. ativnog hronološkog odnosa neolitskih i eneolitskih
Bulatović A., Mladenović O., forthcoming; naselja na Kosovu i u dolini Ibra“, in Glasnik Muzeja
„Zaštitna iskopavanja na lokalitetu Gornjo polje u Kosova i Metohije 3, 11-49.
Crnoklištu kod Pirota, autoput E80“, in Arheologija Tasić N.N, Tasić N., 2003; “Serbian Prehistor-
u Srbiji 2014-2015. ic Archaeology in the 1990s”, in D. V. Grammenos
Георгиева Р., 1991; “Обредни ями в Тракия (ed.), Recent Research in the Prehistory of the Bal-
(края на II-I хил. пр. н.е.)“, in Археология 1, 1-11. kans, Thessaloniki, 73-128.
Janićijević J., 1986; U znaku Moloha, Beograd. Трајковска Л., 1998; “Археолошки
Jevtić, M., Peković M., 2009; „Mihajlov ponor истражувања на локалитетот Градиште кај с.
on Miroč - Tribal Cult Places“, in Старинар н.с. 57, Пелинце”, in Музејски гласник 2-4, 5–30.
191-219.
Hodder I., Hutson, S., 2003; Reading the past, Historical written sources:
Cambridge. Homer, The Odyssey, transl. S. Butler, 1999,
Miret i Mestre J., 2014; Fosses, sitges i altres http://manybooks.net/, Accessed 10.1.2015. Ovidije,
coses, catàleg d’estructures prehistòriques d’Eu- Metamorfoze, preveo i komentarisao T. Maretić, eL-
ropa. http://www.academia.edu/7172876/Fosses_ ektire.skole.hr, www.jdp.rs/predstave/metamorfoze/,
sitges_i_altres_coses. Accessed 4.1.2015. Accessed 6.12.2014.
Nekhrizov, G., Tzvetkova, J., 2012; “Ritual
pit complexes in Iron age Thrace: the case study of
Svilengrad”, in Anatolian Iron Ages 7, 177-209.

63
 Aleksandar Bulatović

Fig. 1 - Bubanj site near Niš, SE Serbia, the eneolithic ritual pit.

Fig. 2 - Davidovac near Vranje, SE Serbia, the Early Bronze age ritual pit.

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RITUAL PITS IN THE CENTRAL BALKANS – THE CONTINUITY OF A SPIRITUAL PRACTICE

Fig. 3 – Krivajica near Loznica, W Serbia, the Late Bronze age ritual pits.

Fig. 4 – Pavlovac near Vranje, SE Serbia, the Iron age ritual pit.

65
 Aleksandar Bulatović

Fig. 5 – Kržince near Vladičin Han, SE Serbia, the Late Antiquity ritual pit 5.

Fig. 6 - Kržince near Vladičin Han, SE Serbia, the Late Antiquity ritual pit 12.

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RITUAL PITS IN THE CENTRAL BALKANS – THE CONTINUITY OF A SPIRITUAL PRACTICE

Fig. 7 - Kržince near Vladičin Han, SE Serbia, the Late Antiquity ritual pit 13.

67
Aleksandar Bulatović

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 TTHE LIGHT, IMAGINARY AND REAL SACRED SPACE IN THE THRACIAN ROCK - CUT SANCTUARIES

THE LIGHT, IMAGINARY AND REAL SACRED SPACE IN THE

THRACIAN ROCK - CUT SANCTUARIES

Valeria Fol
Director of the Institute for Research, Management and Preservation of Cultural-Historical Heritage at the
University of Library Studies and Information Technologies - Sofia,
Institute for Balkan Studies with Centre of Thracology - Bulgarian Academy of Sciences

Light and darkness constitute universal catego-

ries in the sacred texts, architecture, sacred spaces
and ritual practices (including the initiational ones)
of various religious systems. Because of this uni-
versality, they become synonyms of the binary op-
positions, knowledge – ignorance, initiation in faith
and non-initiation in it. The universal categories be-
come moral, ethical, and social orientation.1 At the
same time, light and darkness constitute a landmark
in the sacred territories, and in the buildings where
rituals are performed. Light and darkness form the
overall thinking of a person, and especially relig-
iosity. Interpreting light and darkness into sacred
objects in a particular cultural and historical envi-
ronment assists the understanding of the specific rit-
uals practiced in them. This issue is explored exten-
sively in various literary and non-literary cultures.2
That is why, since the dawn of human history,
the cult towards the Sun-God is a leading one in
the religious systems of ancient societies in South-
east Europe, the islands of the Eastern Mediterra-
nean, Asia Minor, Egypt, Mesopotamia, the Levant
coast. This cult is in the forefront of religious life,

1
See the philosophical understanding of light and
darkness in Plat. Resp. VII. 514A-521B compares the
darkness of the cave with non-initiation, illiteracy. The
initiates know of the kingdom, not illuminated by light. 01 – Rock-cut stairs, Rock-cut sanctuary “Gluhite
Procl. Rem publ. 12. 287-96 - the prisoner climbing from kamani”, East Rhodope Mountains. Photo by
the darkness of the cave to the light is the ascent of the soul Chavdar Stoichev
into the realm of reason and good.
and in the Antiquity forms the basis of the doctrine
2
For some examples in this direction, see Yadin, Y. of the ruler’s divine power, of many cults and even
1962; Meyer - Smith (Eds.) 1994; Weightman 1996; Фол
religions that have evolved over the millennia and
2004; Dieleman 2005: 67, 74 n. 11 and literature for the
light in the Coptic papyruses, 153-157, 134 - Helios, who
formed the spirituality of the peoples of the Medi-
is light in the magical papyruses; Boutsikas 2007. For sun- terranean countries and Europe. A number of ritual
light and the methods of archeo-astronomy, see Polcaro, practices, including dedicatory, are based on uni-
A. - V.F. Polcaro 2009. versal categories of light and darkness. A number of

69
 Valeria Fol

02 – Rock-cut Sanctuary “Harman Kaia”, East Rhodope Mountains. Photo by Chavdar Stoichev

ritual practices, including initiational ones, are based exploring archaeological sites, artifacts, iconogra-
on the universal categories of light and darkness.3 phy, planning and building construction, especially
In Southeastern Europe, the tradition of paying construction of cult buildings and sacred spaces.6
tribute to the sun was born in the Neolithic. It does Observation of the sky requires a special group
not cease with the end of the Chalcolithic (late 4th of people to whom society has given this duty and
millennium BC) and the beginning of the Bronze right, which transform consequently into a privilege.
Age (at 3,000 BC), but it accumulates and interacts While in Egypt and the literary Malaysian cultures
with the tradition and the ideas of the newcomer it is known that this knowledge is the privilege of
groups of stock-breeders from the steppes.4 The in- special (priestly) casts, the astral knowledge of the
terest in the celestial lights has been dictated by both Thracians as well as other non-literary peoples seems
economic interest and the necessity of land and sea to have been passed on in the family and clan, in
movement, as well as by the universal in ancient professional groups, and religious societies through
times belief that every person and the society in special rites and during mass mysterial ritual.
which they live, is part of the cosmos, and that their When the society has a developed aristocratic
life must be in harmony with him. The cult of the culture, special knowledge remains the privilege of
Sun is practically universal for all ancient peoples, closed (one may say esoteric) societies. The ancient
and therefore the examination of the Thracian faith literary tradition associates with the names of Orpheus
in the Sun-God should be studied in the context of and Zalmoxis the Thracian aristocratic societies of the
the Mediterranean and the Asia Minor cultures, with initiated and the rituals in which light and darkness are
which it maintains dynamic cultural interactions. of utmost importance for the initiational ritualism.7
In ancient literary cultures astral knowledge and Written reports of Thracians’ worship of the Sun-God
the cults and rituals related to it, including the ones to are few. The most famous and commented texts are
the Sun-God, have been the subject of long-standing by Sophocles, Aeschylus, Titus Livius and Macrobi-
research.5 This is, however not the case with non-lit- us. Scholia to the Iliad reported that the ancient Greek
erary societies such as the Thracians and most an- poet Sophocles wrote “Helios, the most honorable
cient European peoples. The texts that have reached deity of the horse-loving Thracians”,8 i. e., a sugges-
us and the recorded oral stories do not reflect the full tion that the luminary is revered as a sacred power.9
picture of astral knowledge, cults and rituals that In the entire Mediterranean world, including
are very important in clarifying the anthropologi- in Ancient Thrace, many of the high-mountain and
cal, sociological and religious aspects of ancient and rock sanctuaries are usually also places for astro-
even medieval societies. The void is successfully nomical observations.10 Through the course of the
being completed by archaeoastronomy, which con- sun and its appearance at a specific place on the ho-
stitutes an alternative interdisciplinary method for rizon, the ancients measured time. The high moun-

3
Фол В. 2016. 6
Yavis 1949; Goodison 2001; McCluskey 2006; Lir-
4
Фол В. 2013 with literature and criticism of the the-
itzis, Vassiliou 2003; 2007; Boutsikas 2007; Banou 2008.
sis that the cult of the Sun in Southeastern Europe appears
at the beginning of 3 millennium BC. as a result of the
7
Фол 1986; Попов 1989; 1995; Фол В. 2008.
arrival of nomads from the north.
8
Schol. Il. ХІІІ 705 = Soph. Fr. 523 Nauck2, transla-
5
Polcaro, Polcaro, V.F. 2009; See Amanda Laoupi’s tion in ИИТ І: 99.
publications in <http://issuu.com/alaoupi> 28 August
9
Фол 2002: 48.
2011 on the reflection of astral phenomena on epic visions, 10
Фол В. 2007 with all literature; Radoslavova, Stoev
mythology and ritualism. 1989.

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 TTHE LIGHT, IMAGINARY AND REAL SACRED SPACE IN THE THRACIAN ROCK - CUT SANCTUARIES

03 – Rock-cut sanctuary on the top of the acropolis 04 – Rock-cut sanctuary “Orlovi skali”, East
of the ancient city of Kabyle. Sunrise during the Rhodope Mountains. Photo by Chavdar Stoichev
summer solstice. Photo by Chavdar Stoichev

tain peak, the rock, the big stone constitute some of tuaries, as well as in the sub-mound temple near the
the safest markers on the horizon on which the sun village of Starosel, is the ladder. As Fritz Graff em-
disk can land on. Everyone can, as long as they know phasizes,14 from the time of Mesopotamia to that of
the markers, keep an eye on the annual passing of Dante, the ancients’ view of the passage to the World
time, but the secrets of the astronomical calendar of the Beyond is through a river by going to the end
and the annual ritual cycle are kept by the priests. of the world (like Odysseus through the solar door)15
For the Thracians, the solid rock symboliz- because in the Mediterranean world since the Antiq-
es the Great Mother Goddess Earth, and the Sun uity, the World of the Beyond is never found on the
is her Son. They are equal gods. In the Thracian same level as the living.16 Since the Age of Egypt’s
mythological imagery, the penetration of sunlight Old Kingdom,17 the idea of merging the soul of the
into the cave-shaped womb-like darkness is the sa- dead ruler with the Sun-God so that they live in the
cred marriage from which the ruler is born.11 Ev- World of the Beyond, is presented and described as
idence of this religious doctrine, which we call by climbing a ladder equivalent in meaning to a solar ray.
the typological term Thracian Orphism, are the Stairs are interpreted as a way to reach the deity. The
inscriptions that have reached us, where we read stairs lead to niches with images or statues of deities,
“Cotys, païs (son, servant) of Apollo”, “Cotys, characteristic of the Phrygian and Hittite sanctuaries.
païs (son, servant) of the Mountain Mother”. 12 In this context, we must also situate Polyae-
The theme of the rock-cut and cave sanctuaries, nus’18 text, which has been commented on in connec-
the special purpose of some sub-mound construc- tion with the priestly functions of the Thracian ruler
tions and their connection with the deities honoured and a tribute to Hera – the translation of the Great
by the Thracians, constitute the subject of numerous
studies.13 An important element in most of the sanc-
14
Graf 2004: 19.
11
Фол В. в: Попов, Фол В. 2010: 26-55. Фол В. in:
15
Fol V. 2007.
Попов, Фол В. 2010: 26-55. 16
Graf 2004: 19.
12
Фол 2002: 46-48, 92, 179. 17
Игнатов 2009: 7-8.
13
Фол В. 2007 with literature review and sources. 18
Polyaenus, Stratagemata 7.23.

71
 Valeria Fol

05 – Rock-cur throne, “Perperek” rock-cut sanctuary, East Rhodope Mountains. Photo by Valeria Fol

Mother Goddess.19 Kosingas is a ruler and a priest ip V in Thrace in the second half of July 181 BC,
of the Kebrenioi who live along the middle course about honoring the luminary in Thrace, also known
of Maritza River, and the Skaiboai, who live in the as Helios.23 The text explicitly mentions that Philip
Thracian Chersonesos area and were driven out of was in the holy place when Sirius rose to pay trib-
there by the Dolonkoi.20 According to custom, writes ute to the dog-star and to make a sacrifice to Zeus
Polyaenus, the rulers of the Kebrenioi and the Skai- and Helios.24 The Macedonian ruler has taken the
boai were priests of Hera, i. e., of the Great Mother risky trip to make an offering to the Sun-God when
Goddess. When the chief and priest was Kosingas it rises simultaneously with Sirius, i. e., during the
the Thracians began to disobey him. Then Kosin- dog days of summer (the hottest days of the year).25
gas gathered many large wooden stairs and threat- Polyaenus’ text on Kosyngas is folkloric and
ened to climb the sky to Hera to tell her that they places Hera – Goddess keeper of the family, in the
did not obey him. Then the Thracians became fright- sky, i. e. next to Helios. Assuming that Hera and
ened, began to supplicate and to swear to obey him. Helios embody the equal deities Great Goddess
This mythological story, conveyed by Polyaenus, and her Son-Sun, we can explain why in the folk-
shows that in the 2nd century the folk tradition keeps lore of Southeast Europe is so popular the story of
the notion of the ladder to heaven as a path to a deity, in the Sun and the Sun mother, to whom (the mother)
this case, of Hera. Ascending to Heaven, a high peak, the hero goes. We can also explain the belief that on
to pay tribute to Helios, is contained in a preserved the day of Saint John’s Eve, the Sun drops a swing /
fragment of Bassarae by Aeschylus,21 who describes ladder from the sky to grab the most beautiful girl.
ritualism in honor of Helios on a mountain peak. The The archeoastronomical studies of Thracian
text reports that Orpheus rose before sunrise to climb sanctuaries and megalithic monuments26 show that
the top of the Pangaion Mountain to meet the lumi- their location is specially selected and modeled
nary first, singing to the accompaniment of a lyre. to observe the course of the sun, and more specifi-
In the same mountain, Euripides locates the cally the solstices and equinoxes. It is obvious that
cave in which Anthropodaemon Rezos reports to the light and darkness are essential to create the im-
believers the will of God Dionysus.22 Titus Livius aginary landscape of faith and ritual in the sanctu-
also writes, on the occasion of the campaign of Phil-
23
Tit. Liv. 40.22.7 Müller.
19
Попов in: Фол, В. Попов 2010: 56-70. 24
For Helios, who is Sabazius for the Thracians and
20
Notes 9 and 10 by Дечев, Кацаров 1949: 347 and Zeus for the Phrygians, see Фол 1994: 284 and 102-105
348. with analysis of the text, and Macrob. Sat. I. 11 Willis.
21
Aesch. Fr. 83, translation in ИИТ I: 87 25
Фол В. 2012: 26-27.
22
Eur. Rhes. 882-922 Murray. 26
Radoslavova, Stoev 1989.

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 TTHE LIGHT, IMAGINARY AND REAL SACRED SPACE IN THE THRACIAN ROCK - CUT SANCTUARIES

06 – Winged solar disk from a sanctuary “Paleokastro”, northern slopes of the Sakar Mountains.
Photo by Valeria Fol

07 – Reconstruction of the winged solar disk from a sanctuary “Paleokastro”,

northern slopes of the Sakar Mountains

aries. Through the architectural modeling of the rising of the sun symbolizes the birth of the Sun-
rock-cut sanctuaries and megaliths, the luminous God and his divine power in the days of the sum-
modeling has also been achieved. This mode rec- mer solstice. On the day of the autumnal equinox,
reates both the real and the imaginary landscape of after which light diminishes, it is equivalent to tak-
the eternal natural circle and the life cycle of man. ing on the path to the World of the Beyond. The
The merging of light and darkness during the rock-cut sanctuaries most strongly imply the unity
winter solstice in the cave-sanctuaries creates the of nature and man, and for this reason so many of
landscape of creation. In the rock sanctuaries the them continue to be topoi of the sacred to this day.

73
 Valeria Fol

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3 - 6 Maggio 1989, 176-179, Tav. XLVII-XLVIII. учни конференции. Фобер, Велико Търново, 76-82.

74
 TTHE LIGHT, IMAGINARY AND REAL SACRED SPACE IN THE THRACIAN ROCK - CUT SANCTUARIES

Summary

The article examines the role of light as a universal the luminous modeling has also been achieved. This mode
category and the creation of a sacred space in the Thra- recreates both the real and the imaginary landscape of the
cian sanctuaries by means of light. Written and epigraphic eternal natural circle and the life cycle of man. The merg-
data were juxtaposed with archeoastronomical research of ing of light and darkness during the winter solstice in the
Thracian rock-cut sanctuaries and megalithic monuments. cave-sanctuaries creates the landscape of creation. In the
A conclusion is reached that the the archeoastronomical rock sanctuaries the rising of the sun symbolizes the birth
studies of Thracian sanctuaries and megalithic monuments of the Sun-God and his divine power in the days of the
show that their location is specially selected and modelled summer solstice. On the day of the autumnal equinox, after
to observe the course of the sun, and more specifically which light diminishes, it is equivalent to taking on the
the solstices and equinoxes. It is obvious that light and path to the World of the Beyond. The rock-cut sanctuaries
darkness are essential to create the imaginary landscape most strongly imply the unity of nature and man, and for
of faith and ritual in the sanctuaries. Through the architec- this reason so many of them continue to be topoi of the
tural modeling of the rock-cut sanctuaries and megaliths, sacred to this day.

75
Valeria Fol

76
 CURRENT ISSUES OF THE STUDIES OF THRACIAN CULT PLACES IN SOUTHWESTERN BULGARIA

CURRENT ISSUES OF THE STUDIES OF THRACIAN CULT PLACES

IN SOUTHWESTERN BULGARIA

Aleksey Gotsev
National Archaeological Institute and Museum
Bulgarian Academy of Sciences
е-mail alexaim@abv.bg

The problems of the archaeological sites, which - namely the signs and elements through which we
are related to the ritual practices of the Thracian tribes recognize them and respectively separate them from
during the period from the end of the ІІ - І millenni- the other archaeological monuments generally relat-
um BC, have permanently attracted the attention of ed to the culture of peoples in Ancient Thrace. It must
the scientists in Bulgaria during the last 30 years. In be acknowledged that the assertion “... at this stage
a number of regions of the country, and especially in of the survey there are no established criteria on the
the southern half - where the main mountain massifs basis of which it is possible to determine the func-
are located, a number of results have been achieved tional purpose of each site. In the case of the cult sites
in the study of various cult centers. In this way, by located in the mountain ranges of Southern Thrace,
establishing, the regional approach to such research this problem is particularly evident”3 is valid with
we are able to make observations and conclusions in full force.
general1. So despite the efforts of a number of scientists
Significant results have been achieved covering over the last 30 years in this direction, we are still far
the following main areas: from elaborating an orderly, hierarchical system that
- Search and localization of Thracian religious defines the sanctuaries of other profane sites.
centers. The assumption that such a scheme will not be
- Archaeological investigation of sites with more created or constructed due to a number of features of
or less certain sacral character Thracian religious thinking and Thracian cult practic-
- Interdisciplinary studies of cult monuments. In es seems more and more likely and acceptable. In this
this direction both the application of the methods of case, we are very far from the harmonious systems in
natural science and attracting data from folklore tra- some other religious doctrines (such as the Hellenis-
dition, toponimy, ethnography, etc. are included. The tic) that are more developed, more sophisticated and
two international symposia devoted to the megalithic more specialized than the religious concepts of the
monuments and cult practices act as a conclusion of Thracians. Sources for some other religions are too
the achieved and an outline of the prospective inves- incomparably more abundant, and the information
tigations2. for their practice is more complete, which to a large
The archeological studies in this direction have extent prerequisites and determines the efforts of the
led to the necessity of elaborating or defining criteria archaeological research in the territories of their dis-
that distinguish Thracian holy places from the oth- semination.
er monuments of the Thracian culture, subject to ar- This is why it should be emphasized that the ar-
chaeological research. chaeological results obtained in the study of some re-
These observations are still in effect during the ligious centers in today’s Bulgarian lands should be
introduction into the subject of Thracian cult centers in the basis of the scheme of criteria for identifying
and defining the sanctuaries and cult places. The at-
tempts to attract elements from other cultural and his-
1
Domaradzki , 1994, 69-108; Гоцев, 2008, 194-234
2
International Symposiums “Megalithic Monuments
and Cult Practices”. Blagoevgrad 2012, 2016 3
Байраков, 2016, 50

77
 Aleksey Gotsev

torical environments always pose dangers of over-in- West - the valleys Maritsa and Mesta Rivers. (Fig.1)
terpretation and open up opportunities for unscientif- In fact, an extension of this territory in every direc-
ic speculation. Not with standing these reservations, tion outlines certain perspectives which however go
there are objective facts available at this stage that beyond the scope of this report. In the southern di-
allow archaeological studies related to religious con- rection it is possible to trace the characteristics of the
cepts and cult practices to be raised to a higher level. archaeological sites, which are strongly influenced
A large data base has been accumulated in both by the processes that take place in the territories of
directions - registration of new cult monuments and the North Aegean plains which reach the sea and are
archaeological excavations of key sites that carry in- under the strong influence of the Hellenic culture
formation at a higher level. since as early as the beginning of the Ist millennium
Through the first method we complete the infor- BC. To the east of the studied territory are the Eastern
mation on their geographic location, the geomorpho- Rhodopes, which have different natural-geographical
logic forms where they are located, preliminary data characteristics and suggest the specificity of the cul-
for their chronology is also available, and hence the tural processes taking place there7. To the west are
possibility to consider them as elements of one sys- the valleys of the Mesta and Struma rivers, which
tem that functioned simultaneously. despite the obvious orientation of the contacts made
During archaeological excavations (even on in different periods in the north-south direction also
a limited scale) we get more in-depth information had contact with each other during the period under
about: review in one way or another.
- Vertical and horizontal stratigraphy of the mon- In the present work I will take a closer look at the
ument. The possibilities for more accurate dating of situation in the north, where Maritsa river flows in its
registered archaeological situations are increased. upper course through two high mountain ranges - the
- The organization of the sacred space - which, Rhodopes to the south and the mountain Sredna Gora
surprisingly for the investigators, is a dynamic ab- - to the north.
sorption of territories from the area of the
​​ site, which
during different periods (even in the 1st millennium Chronological boundaries
BC) have different purposes in Thracian ritual prac- The problems of the Thracian cult centers are
tices. most apparent during the period of relatively inde-
- Various facilities and constructions related to pended development of the Thracian tribes - namely
cult practices are revealed, enriching our ideas about in the end of II and all I millennium BC. In fact, the
ritual actions and their remnants in the site. This traces of cult activities of archaeological sites on the
should also be the case when there is a wall built Bulgarian lands at this stage of the research may re-
around the sacred space 4. fer to a much earlier period - the final of the Chalco-
- The gifts offered at the sanctuary or, more gen- lithic period8. The reasons that led to the use of the
erally, the archaeological materials found during the same natural or mastered by humans and reused el-
excavations of such religious centers5. ements of the landscape in the mountainous areas of
The article by D. Bayrakov is a summary of what South Bulgaria, is hardly an accident, but this issue
has been achieved in the field of Thracian religious goes beyond the objectives of this article. A future
centers and an attempt to examine critically the dif- study, covering a broader territory and chronological
ferent elements of these sites and the possibilities for frames, is likely to provide an acceptable explanation
them to be used as criteria for the designation of the for the “interruption” of the ritual practices of some
sanctuaries6. cult centers for several millennia and their “resump-
- Geographic characteristics of present-day tion” in the first millennium BC. One might think in
South-West Bulgaria. Territory for analysis the direction of the search for the “missing unit” in
The term SW Bulgaria means the mountainous the practice of certain rituals, and the site near Koki-
territory of today’s Bulgarian borders - that is, the no would be with its materials that refer to all periods
valleys of the three major rivers - Struma, Mesta and of the Bronze Age - the time between the Chalcolith-
Upper Maritsa and their adjacent mountainous ter- ic and the Iron Age on the Balkans could be a good
ritories. The main nucleus, from which most of the example9.
monuments studied originate, is more likely the share Leading sites that are explored archaeologically.
of the western or even the northwestern part of the Types of cult centers,
Rhodopes and its natural boundaries to the North and

4
Гоцев, 2008, 229-231 7
Dimitrova, 2011, 71-84
5
Тонкова, 2008, 95-115 8
Gotzev et al., 2016, 224-234
6
Байраков, 2016, 50-72 9
Булатовиh, Станковски, 2012, 81-95

78
 CURRENT ISSUES OF THE STUDIES OF THRACIAN CULT PLACES IN SOUTHWESTERN BULGARIA

The state of the source base at this stage allows Its geographic location, the geomorpholog-
to try attempts for generalizations or wider observa- ic form on which it is located, the dimensions, the
tions. For example, in the area of ​​the Western Rho- chronological boundaries of its functioning, etc.,
dopes one can speak of several types of religious clearly distinguish it from the situation with the sanc-
centers, although it is difficult to identify the reasons tuary near Babyak village, for example. The more
that led to the use of different “holy” places in this important differences are also observed in the organ-
region. ization of the sacred space, the facilities found, and
On the first place, such a site is the sanctuary near their functional characteristics (as far as we under-
Babyak village. (GPS Coordinates N 41.9552766; E stand and interpret them correctly).
23.67749756) - One significant difference is the stone struc-
ture which probably had the role of an altar. It was
This sanctuary is one of the religious centers that discovered during the archaeological excavations,
have been studied the longest in this region, and in its revealed in the study of a stone-earth mound, the
study almost all the elements we define as criteria for mound itself is irregularly shaped and is located at
designation, determination or definition of an site as the very beginning, at the place leading to the sacred
a cult were revealed10. These are the reasons why this territory, which place is thus marked14. Such a facility
site is a model when other sites are examined, with like stone construction - altar was not revealed in the
characteristics that define them more as cult and not studies of the sanctuary near Babayak village and at
profane. (Fig.2) the other similar sites in the area, which are explored
Another example is probably the sanctuary of through regular archaeological excavations.
Mount Ostrets, in the region of Velingrad, which In one of the latest works devoted to archaeo-
has similar characteristics11. (GPS Coordinates N logical sites from the Chepino valley, similar stone
42.02532623; E 23.95107689). and earth works from the region of the Northwest-
ern Rhodope Mountains are considered15. The work
The size of research activities here is more lim- are discusses several sites with stone facilities which
ited, which may be due to the initial stage of their are under mound embankment and which are more
expansion and development. This also affects the likely to be premises with a certain architectural ap-
definition of the essential characteristics and the pearance, orientation, way of construction (regard-
name of the site, which is once declared a sanctuary less of their functional characteristics) and not just
of Dionysus, and latter is also placed among the oth- stone structures. Another significant difference in the
er Thracian sanctuaries12. It should not be forgotten comparison with the situation of the Yadenitsa Sanc-
that both sites (despite their geographic proximity tuary is the absence of fence wall encircling a certain
and similar physico-geographic characteristics) had space, Such walls are witnessed at almost all the sites
different functions within the system of cult centers in the Chepinska valley16. At this stage of research,
in the Western Rhodopes in the First millennium BC. the question of their purpose remains open in each
Another type of sanctuary is the site in Yadenitsa case.
locality, for which there is preliminary information Another element revealed in the study of the
published and can be used as an example in the pres- sanctuary at Yadenitsa is the decorated eschara17.
ent work13 (Fig.3). (GPS Coordinates N 42.09573392; This is not about the fragments of ornamented cult
E 23.86585652 Alt. 1275 m.) The sanctuary at Yad- hearths found in the sanctuaries, but about a clay fa-
enitsa is situated on a long hill, which deviates from cility, kept on its place which has a thick cultural lay-
the central ridge of the main mountain ridge. It is sur- er with a complex structure and content at its base.
rounded by glens on three sides with steep slopes. Such a construction – well preserved and specially
In the narrowest part, where there is the only ap- built is not a common phenomenon in the mountain
proach to the sanctuary, there is a stone-earth mound. sanctuaries, but it is a characteristic element for the
At the other end of the sanctuary there are two flat synchronous urban centers situated in the flat part of
stone grounds, where archaeological materials can be Ancient Thrace18.
found. At the foot of the sanctuary there is a small At this stage of the research one of the most ac-
cave in which there are archaeological materials syn- curate criteria for identifying and defining a site as a
chronous with those from the site above it.

10
Тонкова, Гоцев, 2008; Димитрова, 2014, 7-27
14
Гоцев, 2008, 231-234
11
Домарадски, 1994, 126-136
15
Байраков, 2017, 449-454
12
Гергова и кол., 2010, 185-188; Гергова, Салкин,
16
Ibidem, 450-452
2016, 204-207 17
Gotzev, 2010, 233-234
13
Gotzev, 2010, 230-234 18
Ibidem 233, Fig. 14-18; Lazov 1996, 63-73

79
 Aleksey Gotsev

cult are the archaeological materials discovered dur- of the future studies related to this aspect of the reli-
ing the archaeological excavations of the respective gious practices of the Thracian tribes in the region of
monument. The reasons for this are that discoveries the Rhodope Mountains are outlined.
are found in certain cultural contexts when conduct- - Distinction of gifts from stocks related to the
ing archaeological excavations. On the one hand, this ritual actions of the sanctuary.
helps to clarify the chronological characteristics of - Gifts and their possibilities for more detailed
the archaeological situations that have been taken in- identification of the bearer - gender, age, rank, etc.
dividually, and on the other, one can also think about - The presents as defining factors of the essence
their interpretation, depending on the material they of the deity. Name, main functions and prerogatives
include. of the respective divine power/powers that are wor-
The role of gifts as a criterion for defining and shiped in a particular cult center.
delimiting “sacred” and “profane” should not be ab- This is a more difficult but objective means of
solutized. In this direction, there are no absolutely getting into the essence of the Thracian religious
certain solutions concerning the gifts of the Thracian practices presented in situations the Thracian reli-
sanctuaries from the 1st millennium BC. in the Rho- gious centers in one area. Attempts are being made to
dope Mountains. In other words, no kind of archae- justify the application and attraction of schemes de-
ological finds that are found in exploring sites from rived from another cultural-historical center, where
this region and period can be described as defining the sources of the religious thinking of a society are
the functional characteristics of the given monument. much richer and more precise22 Such an approach,
Only analyzing the entire ensemble of archaeological however, will not allow us to correctly and accurately
materials obtained from regular archaeological re- explore and understand Thracian religious thinking,
search can give us a certain dose of probability to the which is different and its manifestations in the arche-
function of each individual site. ological monuments are very specific.
One must be careful and cautious with quanti- From the observations made so far, another prob-
tative characteristics of archaeological materials dis- lem can be raised - the essential characteristics of the
covered during the investigation of the Thracian sites so-called megalithic rock complexes and the oppor-
that may have been associated with the cult, or ma- tunities for them to be considered as cult centers. In
terial from which they were made19. The introduction the literature, this working term has already been in-
of these elements as criteria for determining the main troduced, the purpose of which is to designate a type
characteristic of a given site is very risky. Apart from of sites which are obviously not of a settlement type,
the purely technical obstacle that arises from the de- not related to burial practices and have their own spe-
gree of exploration of one or other site (even more cific features and areas of distribution23.
if only drilling excavations are concerned), there are In studying them it is necessary to select a meth-
also objective considerations when depositing the odology different from that which is applied in the
gifts in the Thracian sanctuaries that should be taken study of the other archaeological sites from the Thra-
into account. The analysis of the Babayak Sanctuary cian age. Here I take into account the situation that
materials shows the complexity of the problem of emerges on most of the sites of this type. Where there
locating the individual categories of archaeological are rock cuttings or megalithic constructions - there
materials that are found in certain areas within the is no prominent cultural layer and the traditional
sanctuary20. methods of archeology do not allow a complete and
Some common problems related to the discov- thorough study of the respective monument. Such
ery of the gifts from the Babyak sanctuary and, more objects, which are currently being investigated, are
generally, to the other religious sites in the Rhodopes for example the one near Belantash (article by B. Bo-
area are presented in the publication dedicated to the rislavov in the present volume), Gluhite kamani24 etc.
study of this site21. This study outlines both the pos-  In this work I will present part of the problems
sibilities for reconstruction of the Thracian cult prac- of a monument that has been discovered in the vicin-
tices at a higher level and the objective constraints ity of the town of Strelcha, along the southern slopes
that archaeological materials carry within them- of Sredna Gora, and which has been researched for
selves. Here are some of the directions that should more than 5 years. The Skumsale site is located about
be developed and enriched with new data from the 7 kilometers to the north of Strelcha, at the foot of
archeological studies of the religious centers in the the central ridge of Sredna Gora. GPS Coordinates N
area under consideration. Thus, the main directions 42.55618617; E 24.33411385 Alt. 1275 m. (Fig.4).

19
Байраков, 2017, 458-459 22
Байраков, 2017, 458
20
Тонкова, 2008, 95-98 23
Gotzev et al., 2016, 224-234
21
Ibidem, 95-119 24
Нехризов и кол., 2016, 197-200

80
 CURRENT ISSUES OF THE STUDIES OF THRACIAN CULT PLACES IN SOUTHWESTERN BULGARIA

It is probably a part of a larger conglomeration that

includes at least two more megalithic complexes - Conclusions
those in Kulata locality (article by V. Kazarov in the In this work, a short overview and formulation
present volume) and Kachulata25. of some of the problems associated with the study of
Studies during the last years revealed the fol- the Thracian religious centers from the 1st millenni-
lowing: um in SW Bulgaria was made. The issues related to
- Registered rock cuts on the part of the rocks in the cult practices revealed in the study of the Thra-
the area of Skumsale are of natural origin, but with cian necropolises of this period and these regions
a great deal of security here are rock formations and are dropped out of the analysis. The manifestations
cuts as a result of human activity. of religious activity, registered in the framework of
- The tops of cliffs, especially those who have prominent settlement sites with a predominantly ur-
traces of human activity, not preserved cultural layer. ban appearance, are also dropped.
The reasons for this could be of a different nature, but The aim was to outline the main directions in
it is more the rule rather than the exception. this type of research, to identify the main problems
- The archaeological materials found at the foot at this stage of the study, one of which is the identifi-
of rocks. In this without specially designed structures cation of the religious centers and their delimitation
or  archaeological situation and significant cultural from the other archaeological monuments.
layer. One important observation is that it is definitely
- They are mostly jewelry (parts of fibulas, ring, possible to speak of different types of Thracian reli-
part of the bracelet), weapons - (knife, iron spear), gious centers from the region in the 1st millennium
miniature clay objects (tokens, processed walls and BC and future studies should find the reasons that led
bottoms of the vessels), finds with unclear functions to the creation of various Thracian “holy” places in
in everyday life are similar to the materials from the the Western Rhodopes.
other Thracian sanctuaries. As a relatively new approach, it is possible to
- Exposed to date on the site archaeological ma- determine the attempt to integrate the so-called.
terials mainly relate to two separate periods - Late Megalithic complexes to the general problems of the
Chalcolithic and Late Iron Age. Thracian religious centers. The parallels drawn are
- General characteristics of the site location, the mainly related to the attempts to analyze the archae-
repertoire of the finds, special features, etc. Give rea- ological material found at prominent Thracian reli-
son to assume different, not purely utilitarian, func- gious centers and the one we find during the study of
tion of this monument26. certain territories of the Megalithic rock complexes.

25
Gotzev, 2012, 102-109
26
Gotzev et al., 2016, 224-234

81
 Aleksey Gotsev

Bibliography Тонкова, Гоцев 2008

Тонкова М., А. Гоцев (ред.). Тракийското
Байраков 2016 светилище при Бабяк и неговата археологическа
Байраков Д. Планински светилища в Родопите. среда. София, 2008, 95-119
Делев П. (Ред.) Σ Υ Μ Π Ο Σ Ι Ο Ν. СБОРНИК В Dimitrova 2010
ПАМЕТ НА ПРОФ. ДИМИТЪР ПОПОВ Dimitrova Y..Rodopi Mountain Between Thrace
and Aegea Region: Some Elements of a Border Culture
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Байраков Д. Няколко обекта от Чепинската
Domaradzki M. Les lieux de culte thraces (deux-
котловина - проблеми на интерпретацията.
ième moitié du IIe – Ier mill. av. J.-C.). – In: Helis III.
KRATIΣTOΣ. Сборник в чест на професор Петър Part One. Culture and religion in Northeastern Thrace.
Делев. СУ "Св. Климент Охридски", Исторически Sofia, 1994, 69-108.
факултет. Национален Археологически Институт с
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Булатовиh, Станковски 2012 the First International Symposium Ancient Cultures
Булатовиh А. Станковски J . Бронзано доба , in South-East Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean
басену Jужне Мораве и у долини Пчинье. Београд- "Megalithic Monuments and Cult Practices". Blago-
Куманово, 2012, 81-95 evgrad, 11-14 October 2012 , Neofit Rilsky University
ISBN 978-86-80093-80-2 Press, Blagoevgrad 2012, 102-114
Гергова и кол. 2010 ISBN 978-954-680-859-2
Гергова Д., Салкин А., Байраков Д. Светилище Gotzev et al. 2016
на Дионис на връх Острец, Велинград. - АОР през Gotzev A., Katzarov V., Staneva S. . Some Prob-
2009 г., С. 2010, 185-188 lems connected with the Study of Megalithic Complex-
Гергова, Салкин 2016 es. The Skumsale case II. Proceedings of the Second
Гергова Д., Салкин А. Спасително International Symposium, Blagoevgrad, 12-15 October
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в Западните Родопи. В: М. Тонкова, А. Гоцев (ред.). Gotzev, A. Thracian Cult Places in West Rhodopa
Тракийското светилище при Бабяк и неговата Mountain I st. Millenium B.C. in Candea I. (ed.) The
археологическа среда. София, 2008, 194-235. Thracians and their Neghbours in Antiquity. Studia in
Димитрова 2014 Honorem Valeriu Sirbu. Braila, 2010, 227-256
Димитрова Я. Керамичен комплекс от късната Lazov 1996
бронзова и ранната желязна епоха от светилището Lazov G. Clay Altars. in Bouzek, J., Domaradzki,
Бабяк. Археология, LV,2014, кн. 1-2, 7-27 M., Archibald Z. 1996. (eds.) Pistiros I: Excavations
Домарадски 1994 and Studies, Prague 1996, 63-73.
Домарадски М. Светилище на връх Острец при
Велинград. В Сб. "Славееви гори", т. 1, 1994, 126- International Symposiums " Megalithic Monu-
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200 tices". Blagoevgrad, 11-14 October 2012 , Neofit Ril-
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Тонкова М. Даровете от късножелязната епоха - Proceedings of Second International Symposi-
на светилището при Бабяк. М. Тонкова, А. Гоцев um, Blagoevgrad, 12-15 October 2016 "Megalithic
(ред.). Тракийското светилище при Бабяк и неговата Monuments and Cult Practices". Blagoevgrad, Neofit
археологическа среда. София, 2008, 95-119 Rilski University Press, 2016

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CURRENT ISSUES OF THE STUDIES OF THRACIAN CULT PLACES IN SOUTHWESTERN BULGARIA

Fig. 1 Map of Thracian religious centers in the NW Rhodope Mountains

83
 Aleksey Gotsev

Fig. 2 Thracian sanctuary Babiak - an overview, a clay fireplace, gifts

84
CURRENT ISSUES OF THE STUDIES OF THRACIAN CULT PLACES IN SOUTHWESTERN BULGARIA

Fig. 3 Thracian sanctuary Yadenitsa - common view, stone altar, decorated eschara, gifts

85
 Aleksey Gotsev

Fig. 4 Megalithic complex Skumsale- overview, cuttings in the rock of Malak Belantash, gifts

86
 ROCK MEGALITHIC MONUMENT KULATA NEAR STRELCHA - CENTRAL SREDNA GORA

ROCK MEGALITHIC MONUMENT KULATA NEAR STRELCHA -

CENTRAL SREDNA GORA

Vasil Katsarov
Historical Museums – Panagyurishte

The subject of the megalithic monuments in the function and identification of the megaliths in central
Bulgarian lands is quite extensive and comprehen- Sredna Gora.
sive. The beginning was put by the Czech scholars  Each megalithic monument registered on the
Karel and Herman Shkorpilov. In 1888 they pub- territory of Bulgaria has its own specific features,
lished in Bulgarian the first scientific study of the making it inherently complex for exploration and un-
megaliths on the territory of Bulgaria in Sakar Moun- derstanding. This is determined by natural patterns:
tain1. The great interest in megalithic monuments in geographic features such as mountains, rivers, nat-
Bulgaria began in the 1970s: Ivan Venedikov, Al- ural resources, atmospheric processes, etc. and this
exandar Fol, Petar Delev, Ivan Panayotov, Dimitar also applies to the registered monuments in the area
Peev, Georgi Kulov and others. They walked through of ​​Panagyurishte and Strelcha. It is also important to
Sakar, Strandzha and the Eastern Rhodopes, locat- define the megalithic monuments, the term “mega-
ed old dolmens and discovered new ones, carried lithic” is more precise in Western European literature
out archaeological excavations. As a result the work and is used for structures made of large unburned
“Thracian monuments” appeared in 3 volumes, with stone blocks, usually roughly worked or untreated
volume 1 and volume 3 bearing the titles “Megaliths monolithic blocks. Menhir and dolmens are accepted
in Thrace, Part 1 and Part 2” respectively. At the be- as the basic constructive forms for the megaliths and
ginning of the 21st century, the teams of archaeolo- their respective combinations, such as menhir groups,
gists A. Gotzev, M. Tonkova, G. Kitov, D. Agre, D. located in alleys or circles. Different types of triliths
Gergova, G. Nehrizov, Ivan Hristov were engaged in appear alone or as a part of an architectural facility4.
excavations of dolmens mainly in Sakar, Strandzha The monuments under consideration on the ter-
and the Rhodopes. The search and study of the meg- ritory of Panagyurishte and Strelcha should be con-
alithic monuments in the regions of Sredna Gora, the sidered as rock-cut not as the above-mentioned meg-
Eastern Balkan, Shumen, Ludogorie, Provadian dis- aliths in the area in question, such as these are absent
trict, etc., were left aside. so far. Special attention is paid to the rock-cut types
Over the last few years, new and new monuments of megaliths by V. Fol, stressing that such objects are
of similar type have been registered in the Central spread not only on the territory of present-day Bul-
Sredna gora region and the status of already known garia but also in the neighboring countries: Macedo-
monuments has been updated. As a result of field, ar- nia, Greece, Turkey5.
chaeological2 and geological surveys3 in the area of​​ The time of appearance of these objects was set
the towns of Panagyurishte, the villages of Strelcha, in the period of the Eneolith and Late Iron Age on the
Rozovets, Starosel, Staro Zhelezare, Buzovgrad and basis of the archaeological finds6. Different opinions
others new scientific reports appeared, raising a num- and hypotheses on the question of the function are
ber of questions about the emergence, periodization, expressed – whether they are objects of cult (shrines)

1
Шкорпил, 1888 4
Цонев, 2010.
2
Gotzev, Katzarov, Staneva, 2016, 224-235 5
Фол, 2000.
3
Токмакчиева, 2005, 71-76. 6
Gotzev A. et alii. 2017

87
 Vasil Katsarov

Fig. 1. The location of the object.

or metal-producing objects associated with the ex- sideration on the basis of the discovered archaeolog-
traction of metal. The issue of typology of rock-cut ical material, if any.
monuments remains open and quite complex to iden- By the middle of the XIX century, Sredna Gora
tify different types. was perceived as the foothills of the Balkan Moun-
In the present work I will try to present a work- tains. Its name is also influenced by two important
ing typological scheme of the rock-cut groups located natural conditions: first, its central location between
on the territory of Panagyurishte and Strelcha on the the Balkan Mountains to the north and the Rila and
basis of the archaeological excavations carried out in the Rhodopes to the south, and secondly, its average
the central part of the rock megalith complex, Skum- height with its high neighbors, it has been suitable for
sale. It does not claim originality, but rather seeks to habitation throughout the seasons. There are naturally
amass the previous observations and studies on the convenient places through which the ridge could be
monument under consideration, applying formally crossed from south to north and back: the eastern part
the typological method. As in the elaboration of this - from Hissar to Banya or Voynyagovo to the west of
scheme for determining the types of rock-cut groups Verigovo along the valley of the Ayryan River towards
in the complex ion question, account should be taken the Clement village; the middle part - from the valley
of the influence of two major factors. of Strelchan Luda Yana river through Koprivshtitsa to
The objective factor: the valley of Topolnitsa river; the western part - from
1. The existing environment and natural assets of Panagyurishte along the Muley River, the Kolonite,
the territory and the results achieved so far. the Medet River, left tributary of Topolnitsa river7.
2. The influence of the weather conditions and The megalithic monument Kulata near Strelcha
the erosion processes on the rock. is the northernmost part of the Kachulata - Skumsale
3. The changes introduced in time during the ex- - Kulata complex. The site is situated on a southern
traction and mining of rock mass and inert materials slope in Sashtinska Sredna gora, 100 km east of the
from the site. capital Sofia, 60 km north of Plovdiv and 7 km north
The subjective factor. of Strelcha. The complex was registered in 2011 by a
1. The right approach to documenting and ana- team of SWU “Neofit Rilski” headed by Alexey Got-
lyzing rock groups. sev (fig.1).
2. The lack of cultural layers and the application
of the relative method of dating the object under con- 7
Делирадев, 1956, 9-12.

88
 ROCK MEGALITHIC MONUMENT KULATA NEAR STRELCHA - CENTRAL SREDNA GORA

Fig. 2. Table of group A with the four types.

The first reports for the megalithic monuments by G. Kitov who saw zoomorphic forms in them12.
in the region of Sashtinska Sredna Gora were left The rock megaliths around Strelcha in the Posotolov
by Gavril Katsarov. He calls them “planted stones” kamak, Kulata and Isara areas were examined ethno-
(побити камъни) and described them as follows: logically by Nikoleta Petkova13.
“Blocks of stone whose surface is carved out with The archaeological complex: Kachulata - Skum-
larger or smaller holes often associated with furrows sale - Kulata includes sequentially located isolated
or usually with circles.” However, he did not give us rock groups (hills) that dominate the surrounding
the exact location8. Nikola Petkov saw in these forms terrain. The southernmost part of the complex is Ka-
sacrificial stones related to the rituals used by the chulata, it is a natural hill with an elliptical shape ori-
Thracians9. ented N - S with height above sea level of 745 m.
In the 60s of the 20th century, during a field by- Approximate dimensions: N - S 480 m, E - W 350 m,
pass in the area of ​​Sashtinska Sredna Gora Dimitar with a height of 30 m. The whole hill is full of mon-
Tsonchev mentioned rock formations and monolithic olithic blocks on the surface of which indentations
blocks located to the northeast of Panagyurishte in and cuts of different shapes and sizes are observed.
the area of ​​Roynish, calling them hole stones (scha- The central part of the complex is Skumsale, which
lensteine)10. covers the ridge of a watershed hill oriented N – S
Ruska Patarchanova who also depicted simi- with dimensions: N – S 1300 m, E - З 650 м, 750 -
lar rock-cuts to the northeast of Panagurishte, also 800 m high.
showed interest in the descriptions of Tsonchev, The northernmost part of the megalith complex
expressing opinion on their artificial origin11. Rock is Kulata, located to the northeast of Skumsale, and
shrines in the region of Strelcha were also mentioned is the highest part of the complex with – 900 – 950 m
high. The site covers the ridge of a hill with a natural
slope N – S. The area on which it extends is approx-
8
Кацаров, 1926, 213.
9
Петков, 1932, 9-11. 12
Китов, 1979.
10
Цончев, 1963. 13
Петкова, 2010, 2012, 2017
11
Патърчанова, 1974, 11-15.

89
 Vasil Katsarov

Fig. 3. Table of group Б with the four types.

imately 60 daa with predominantly forest vegetation. posited archaeological materials at the foot14. There
It consists of separate monolithic blocks and several remains a question about the different shape and
rock heights that dominate the surrounding terrain. dimensions of indentations (cuts) on the horizontal
All of them are concentrated in the highest part of the and vertical surfaces of the stone blocks. Cuts on the
monument and are located at a close distance from upper surfaces of granite rocks are viewed by some
one another. The northern boundary of the monument Western authors see as natural shapes and geological
is the asphalt road Strelcha - Koprivshtitsa, the east- processes of weathering, but they are also unanimous
ern and the western borders are steep slopes descend- that their presence has marked the place as sacral.
ing to gullies. The southern border is difficult to de- The monolithic blocks of the Tower include the
termine at this stage. Archaeological excavations on following simple shapes: round deep pits, oval shal-
the site have not been carried out. low pits with spillways chute, stone basins, circles
Over the entire area of the ​​ Tower are located (engraved, convex or just outlined), thrones, niches
more than 15 rock groups (hills) and twice more sep- (holes where people do not fit), rock chambers (holes
arately isolated monolithic blocks, unlike Kachulata where a person can fit), etc.
and Skumsale here the concentration is much larger The dispute over the origin of the cuts, whether it
and the position of the groups relative to each other is natural or artificial, has not yet been fully resolved
is much closer . The rock groups (heights) are mono- and probably there is a different answer for each ob-
lithic blocks of different size and magnitude, natural- ject. From field observations, in many cases the ter-
ly located above the level of the surrounding terrain, ritory of Bulgaria is dominated by natural forms in
standing out with a height of 2 to 15 m. On the top which the strokes of shaping, deepening, delineation
some of them there are well-formed natural grounds, or additional cutting are clearly evident. The rock
and the approach and access to the summit has a dif- heights in the northern parts of central Sredna Gora,
ferent orientation. We find isolated, single rock blocks including the Kulata area, are made up of predomi-
with a small height of one to two meters, located at nantly volcanic and intrusive rocks. In the northern
the foot of the rock groups. All of the above-men- part there are predominantly “south-Bulgarian” gran-
tioned components are natural, one of them clearly ites. The sedimentary rocks are largely represented
revealing human activity and the use of space in the
higher part, where it also allows the discovery of de-
14
Gotzev, Katzarov, Staneva, 2016, 224-235.

90
 ROCK MEGALITHIC MONUMENT KULATA NEAR STRELCHA - CENTRAL SREDNA GORA

by senonian sediments, paleogene conglomerates the block, and forming rows are visible on the larger
and contemporary deposits15. In the granite rock it is rock blocks. These lateral cuts, do not have an estab-
difficult for rounded recesses to be formed on a verti- lished exact shape and dimensions as well, there are
cal surface, only where there are natural fissures and oval, elliptical, elongated, with convex relief forms,
the granite rock cracks irregularly, which leads to the etc. They also do not have a specific orientation. This
idea of ​​human intervention. type is less common than Type I (fig. 2).
It is difficult to pinpoint the types of megaliths  Group A, Type III - Single monolithic blocks
on the territory of the object under consideration. At showing human interference (regular and not irreg-
this stage, I will refrain from coming up with a pre- ular cuts), traces of deliberate splitting of the rock.
cise term for describing the monolithic blocks rock Here, it should be borne in mind that there is also a
groups adjoined to the object under consideration. contemporary intervention on the monolith used for
The main criteria for the elaboration of a typological the production of building material. Most of these
scheme are the external features and characteristics blocks are located at the foot of the rock groups
of the monolith; the presence of artificial or natural (hills), but there are also ones that are on the high
intervention on the rock is difficult to prove because part of the top (fig. 2).
of the lack of a cultural layer and the application of Group A, Type IV - Single monolithic blocks,
interdisciplinary studies at this stage. The dominant the so-called orthostats (Konstantinov). They lack
monolithic blocks located on the territory of the mon- the above-mentioned external features (incisions,
ument can be roughly divided into two main groups cuts, shearing’s). They can be viewed as landmarks
- A and B. (markers). This type is found in the central parts of
Group A includes single monolithic blocks of the three sites: Kachulata - Skumsale - Kulata (fig. 2)
varying sizes and shapes. This group is represented Developing a well-grounded typology for the
on the entire territory of the complex. Typically, most second group of the object under consideration is
of them bear the influence of the natural factor and quite problematic. Considering the larger size of the
the aeolian processes to which the block is exposed. rock groups (heights) and the clustering of variously
There are blocks on which we can see dents (cuts) shaped blocks of rock, as well as the search for a link
of different shapes and sizes formed on the horizon- between them, poses more questions than answers.
tal surface. Most often they are round, different in Generally speaking, the second group of monoliths
diameter and depth. Sometimes they are connected is natural rock heights including types from the first
to each other in a certain configuration, consisting of group. Major differences with the first group are the
two or three merging circles. Some of them are cas- larger scale of the monolithic blocks as well as the
cading situated and are connected to a chute. Dimen- limited access to the top. The observations so far
sions range from a few centimeters to more than one show that there is no strictly defined direction for ac-
meter in diameter. As far as shape is concerned there cess to the top of the rock heights. On the basis of the
are four types: round, elliptical, elongated, and with archaeological surveys and observations made up to
a complex shape. Some of these cuts have a distinct now, the following types can be outlined:
contour and a shaped edge. On the basis of the stud- Group B, Type I - Rock heights including com-
ies and observations made, the following types can ponents only from Group A Type I, such as the Little
be assigned to this first group: Belantash in the central part of the complex - Sku-
Group A, Type I - Single monolithic blocks, masle. In this type, the entire horizontal surface is
located all over the complex. They come in differ- represented by dents and cuts with different sizes and
ent sizes and magnitude, with the oval and elliptical shapes some of which are connecting to each other
shape dominating. At the top along the horizontal with a chute, forming a complex system. There are
surface there are one, two, three or more dents (cuts) no visible traces of processing of the rock in this type
of different shapes and sizes. They are widely spread, and archaeological materials are not found (fig. 3).
part of them are closed, while others are provided Group B, Type II - Rock heights where all types
with a chute or drainage hole (basins). There is no of Group A are included. At the top of the hill there
precise direction and orientation of these dents (cuts) is a naturally shaped site. In the highest part there
on the rock, but most often they are have an N – S is a monolith block - a trilith, cut in the shape of a
orientation (fig. 2). “throne”. This group reveals the presence of archae-
Group A, Type II - Single monolithic blocks ological materials in the high parts and at the foot of
along the vertical surface on which there are dents the rock (fig. 3).
(cuts) which in some are down to the level of the sur- Group B, Type III - Rock heights where all
rounding terrain, in others they are in the middle of Group A components are missing at the top some
possess a natural site and others do not. The approach
to the top is from one or two directions. A character-
15
Токмакчиева, 71-76.

91
 Vasil Katsarov

istic feature of this type is the domination of a mon- gets the impression that the concentration of mono-
olithic block standing on three supporting points, the lithic rock-cut blocks is the biggest in the registered
so-called “tripod”. This group is also common in the complex. To the east of Kulata it decreases and grad-
complex and archaeological materials are also found ually disappears, to the north they are not found, and
on it (fig. 3). in the area to the west of the complex in the direction
As a conclusion to the presented scheme of the of the territory of the town of Panagyurishte single
types of megaliths related to the megalithic complex cases are encountered, whereas descending to the
called Kachulata – Skumsale – Kulata, is that it does south towards the plain none are found either.
not claim completeness and comprehensiveness. Regarding the function of the complex in ques-
Rather, it raises questions and concerns on the meth- tion at this stage it is defined as a place of cult, taking
od of exploring such monuments, taking into account into account the results of the archaeological excava-
the external features and characteristics of the rock. tions and the archaeological material.
In the field surveys conducted in the studied area, one

Summary

The goal of the present work is to present the the monument, forming a complex system of several
megalith site Kulata, as part of the rock megalithic components - rock throne, rock arch, pirostiq, rock
complex registered in 2011 – Kachulata - Skumsale - niches, carved cauldrons, trilathes, menhir. Similar
Kulata. The object is located in central Sredna Gora at types of components are also registered in the central
a distance of 100 km, east of the capital Sofia falling part of the megalithic complex (Skumsale), where
within the territory of Strelcha Municipality. Kulata archaeological research was carried out in 2011 and
covers the northernmost part of the complex situated 2016. Based on the studies conducted so far, two pe-
11 km north of the town of Strelcha on the southern riods of use of the monument have been registered
slope of Sashtinska Sredna Gora with an altitude of the discovered materials refer to the late Eneolith and
900 - 950 m and a natural north-south slope, with co- the Late Iron Age. I will try to make a typology of the
ordinates: GPS center; N-42.56433; E - 024.34628. rock groups in the area of ​​Kulata and the connection
The area on which it is located is 60 daa with pre- between them on the basis of the comparative analy-
dominantly forest vegetation. It consists of several sis using the information from the central part of the
rock groups that dominate the surrounding terrain, complex (Skumsale) up to this moment.
all of which are concentrated in the highest part of

92
 ROCK MEGALITHIC MONUMENT KULATA NEAR STRELCHA - CENTRAL SREDNA GORA

Bibliography:
Гоцев 2017 и др.: Гоцев, А. Кацаров, В. Цонев 2010: Цонев, Л. Мегалитите в
Станева, С. Археологически проучвания на обект България. София:Фараго, 2010.
от късния Халколит и късножелязната епоха в м. Шкорпил 1888: К. Шкорпил, Х. Паметници
Скумсале до гр. Стрелча, област Пазарджик. АОР. из българско. София. 1888.
С., 2017 г. с. 181 – 185. Gotsev 2017: Gotzev A. Katzarov V. Staneva S.
Делирадев 1956: Делирадев, П. Кратък Some problems connected with the study of Mega-
географско – исторически преглед на Панагюрска lithic complexes. The Skumsale case II. In: Mega-
околия. С., 1956 г. с.9-12. lithic Monuments and Cult Practices. Proceedings of
Кацаров 1926: Кацаров Г. Из старата история the First International Symposium Ancient Cultures
на Копривщенска област. Юбилеен сборник на in South-East Europe and the Eastern mediterranean.
Копривщица. София 1926, 213. Blagoevgrad,Neofit Rilsky University Press, 2016,
Китов 1979: Китов, Г. Тракийските могили Blagoevgrad 2016, 224-235
край Стрелча. София, 1979. Petkova 2012: Petkova, N. Rock arch from
Патърчанова 1974: Патърчанова, Р. the Megalithic complex in the Isara area near the
Дупчените камъни в Панагюрско землище. Сб. Town of Strelcha. – In:Megalithic monuments and
Панагюрски летопис. 1974, Панагюрище, с. 11- cult practices.Blagoevgrad:Neofit Rilski University
15. Press, 2012.
Петков 1932: Петков, Н. Жертвени камъни в Petkova 2017: Petkova, N.Megalithic sanctuary
Средна гора. – Българска историческа библиотека, Postolov kamak to Strelcha – structure and possible
С., т. І, 1932, 9-11. interpretations. In: Megalithic Monuments and Cult
Петкова 2010: Петкова, Н. Скален мегалитен Practices. Proceedings of the First International Sym-
комплекс в местността Кулата, Стрелча . Граници posium Ancient Cultures in South-East Europe and
на културологията. Благоевград: УИ Неофит the Eastern mediterranean. Blagoevgrad,Neofit Ril-
Рилски, 122 – 128. sky University Press, 2016, Blagoevgrad 2016, 134-
Токмакчиева 2005: Токмакчиева, М. 140.
Минераложки особености на злато от речните Internet sources:
отложения в панагюрско. ГМГУ „Св. Иван www.voininatangra.org/modules/xfsection/
Рилски” С., Т. 48, с. 71-76. download.php?fileid=75 Константинов, М. Нов
Фол, В. 2000: Фол, В. Мегалитни и скално- тип мегалит открит в Средна гора. Анотация
изсечени паметници в древна Тракия. С., 2000.
Цончев 1963: Цончев Д. Археологически
паметници по южните склонове на Панагюрска
Средна гора. С., 1963.

93
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94
 ROCK SANCTUARIES IN THE STRUMA VALLEY

ROCK SANCTUARIES IN THE STRUMA VALLEY

Philip Mihailov
Regional Historical Museum – Pernik
philip.mihaylov@gmail.com

A principle feature of the rock sanctuaries in

the Struma Valley and the Western Rhodopes is their
location on a prominent slope, overhanging a deep
valley, and with excellent and extensive line of sight.
To the present date the number of excavated assumed
rock sanctuaries in the Struma Valley is very low (fig.
1). The largest one occupies the hill in the Sandan-
ski-Petrich valley – the rock sanctuary by the village
Levounovo1. It is situated at the near-exact geometric
center of the valley, on the southern hilltop perimeter
(fig. 2, 3). During the archaeological investigations,
researchers detected a wall around the temenos2.
During the LIA, an altar is raised on the site, faced
with stone slabs and red, likely fired, clay core3. The
deposit adjoining the altar is gray – likely ash. Near
the temenos wall is discovered a large, broken in situ
container
The approach to the sanctuary was likely from
the west – here investigations investigations exposed
holes in the holes in the rock face – for the fixing of
the door jambs. The cult place operated during the
LBA (14th – 12th c. BCE), EIA (12th – 6th c. BCE), and
until the 4th – 3rd c. BCE.
In all likelihood created there because of the per-
fect exposure of the peak and the abundance of min-
eral springs and ores in the region.
Another EIA site cluster within a region with
high concentration of ore deposits is identified in the
Breznik region – the Bardoto hill. The function of the
site, with cut-in the rock surface disks (fig. 4) on the
northeastern slope of the same elevation is unclear.
The site has been published as a “rock cult feature”4.

1
Domaradzki 1986, 99, fig. 8
2
Domaradzki 1986, 98, fig. 7
3
Domaradzki 1986, 99, fig. 8 Fig. 1 – Map of the rock sanctuaries in the
4
Митова-Джонова 1983: 30, No 49 Struma Valley

95
 Philip Mihailov

However, interpretations must await archaeological sionally classified into two parts – “Northern Ter-
investigations (despite published petrographic anal- race” (fig. 8, 9) and “Northern Slope” (fig. 10). The
yses)5. On the one hand, most disks are of standard- usage of the terrace has been much more intensive
ized dimensions – ca. 86 cm, typical to grindstones. and the archaeological finds are much more numer-
On the other hand, several rock outcrops, crowned by ous. In the adjacent slope, pottery sherds and metal
stone disks, preserve traces of platforms, and in the trinkets are discovered placed on small platforms,
case of a large broken-off rock – from a terrace and a likely intentionally levelled. Common to both areas,
channel – marks, characteristics of a cult site. Sup- however, are excellent visibility – to and from them,
port to the interpretation lend also the nearby mining near identical finds, similar manner of deposition,
shafts (fig. 4). The closest (and best preserved) one is lack of a cultural stratum, and the extremely thin hu-
a two-step vertical shaft, now measuring 1.70х1.50 mus and soil layer – 0.10 to 0.30 m.
m (N-S x E-W). Local informants report, 20 years Due to enthusiastic looting interventions more
ago that it was more than 2 m deep – compared to ca. than half of the territory of the site is destroyed, thus
1 m today. precluding categorical conclusions regarding the
On the Lyubash peak – a place abounding in- manner of artifact deposition. In the better preserved
springs and ores, there is another unexplored site be- structures artifacts are found placed either direct-
lieved to be a rock sanctuary. (fig. 1). ly upon the rock or in the upper portion of natural
The famous sanctuary Duralinco, near Babinska crevices, holes, fissures, or pores. Occasionally, what
reka village, is also located near a river in a rich in could be imitation of rock pores are detected – finds
ores area. (fig. 1, 5). deposited beneath one or several stones, on the face
Another similar cult place is detected around of it part of the bedrock. Less commonly (strictly cor-
the springs of one of the chief tributaries of Struma related with Roman Age materials), the bottom parts
River which drains the Breznik plain – Svetlya Riv- of the karst hollows are also utilized, or the eroded
er6. The Sveti Petar (St. Petar) peak (fig. 6) is part of rock is hollowed.
the southern branch of Erulska Mountain. The abun- There is no special arrangement of the pottery
dance of water, captivating deep gorges and rich ore concentrations. Neither do metal artifacts betray spe-
and clay deposits render these parts of the mountain cial attention or preference for the site of deposition.
attractive. The site, occupying the northern slope of At the terrace, in terms of use there is no distinc-
St. Petar and framed by two steep river gorges, was tion between eroded and relatively solid rock. Only
excavated over the course of three consecutive sea- on the slope, where the rocky outcrops are better ex-
sons between 2006 and 2008. It has excellent vista posed and the gradient notable, there is noted Early
towards the prominent relief forms in its proximity, Iron Age preference for the rock crevices or cut in
as well as over the entire Upper Struma region – Ly- the rock level platforms (fig. 10). A correlation worth
ubash peak, the Svevtlya and Konska River valleys, mentioning for the EIA slope deposits is placement
the Penkyovska, Cherna Gora, Rudini, Konyavska, of a pottery handle in a narrow rock crevice.
Golo Bardo mountain chains – all the way up to Vi- Most common are pottery sherds with rich im-
tosha Mountain. presso/ stamped decoration (fig. 11). The next most
The highest point of St. Petar, 1160 m a.s.l., is at common are plastic elements. Among those best rep-
the greatest rock exposure of the peak. In the western resented are applied bands, followed by lugs, “mas-
face on the rock are cut “rock thrones” (fig. 7). The toid” elements, and buttons. Curious and important
peak itself there is a long-known archaeological site, peculiarity is the practice of distribution of parts
associated with metal extraction, processing, and of the same vessel into several different locations,
protection of the activities and profit of Late Antiqui- sometimes as far as 5 m apart. Unfortunately, the nu-
ty date. Investigations in 2006 and 2007 focused on merous Roman, and modern (looting) disturbances
the North slope – in particular the 0.5 ha wide natural make impossible the restoration of this interesting
terrace. It is comparatively level, with slight incline ritual, in which the vessel was obviously broken first,
in its southern periphery, and is the only capacious before its parts were discarded in several locations.
flat terrain on the north slope of that peak. One of the most typical practices of the Roman
During the second phase of the Early Iron Age Age is the deposition of a coin, usually in combina-
(7th – 6th c. BCE), and during the Roman Age (from tion with another coin or with two to three hobnails.
the mid-first to the mid-fifth c. BCE), the peak of St. There are two principle contexts of coin deposition
Petar is the site where various rituals were performed. – upon the ancient terrain (between several small
Based on its geomorphology, the site is provi- stones, or covered by 1-2 larger pieces or rock), or
inserted in a cutout. The second practice is especially
5
Митова-Джонова 1983: 30 interesting – the coins are found inserted into cutouts
in the rock, at the bottom of a pit.
6
Mihaylov 2008, 7-28

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 ROCK SANCTUARIES IN THE STRUMA VALLEY

At St. Petar peak the Early Iron Age pottery is exposure. The importance of both the peak and the
decorated in the distinctive so called “Basarabi” style, rock in the sacred performances is ingrained in lo-
which during the second half of the second phase of cal custom to such an extent that despite the fact that
the EIA becomes fashionable over a vast territory. the festive meal was consumed within the village, the
The best analogies for the artifacts from the site sacrificial animal (a lamb) was carried to the peak, to
is identified in the sanctuaries in the Valley of Gor- be slaughtered upon the precise hollow, which rum-
na Pcinja River, District Kumanovo, Northeastern bles mysteriously on quiet days. Perhaps the rumble
R.Macedonia. Affinities are evident in terms of ar- originates from the underground river, the source of
chaeological finds and geomorphology – topography, which is tapped at the foot of the peak – in the Kloko-
natural resources, site type. There is also partial re- talo locality. The endurance of this rite is confirmed
semblance to a group of sites from the South Morava by observations from the 1950s and the early 21st c.
Valley. The memories of the ritual lamb sacrifice still live
Similar cult places: associated with rock expo- among the villagers of Dolna Sekirna. The locals are
sure and, excellent visibility, are partially excavated unanimous that this is a rite observed only by one
in the Upper Mesta Valley. Such sites are detected on neighborhood (Pejni) of the Dolna Sekirna village –
the peaks by the villages Satovcha, Osina, Fargovo, namely the one located at the foot of the peak. The
and particularly – Tsrancha and Babyak. various residents of that neighborhood preserve dis-
In conclusion I will summarize the more distinc- parate memories of the rite’s performance (which is
tive features, of the gift deposition and place selec- also the feast day of the neighborhood – distinct from
tion for the site on St. Petar peak during the Early the village’s feast day, which is on Virgin Mary’s
Iron and Roman ages. day). Unfortunately, depopulation of the inaccessible
The archaeological finds are placed upon the Pejni neighborhood has resulted in the fading of this
rock surface, between/underneath stones, or in the tradition. It is not forgotten yet, but has been discon-
upper part of the rock sinkholes, crevices, hollows tinued for a number of years now.
(fig. 8-10). Typically, those consist of pottery concen- Perhaps the St. Petar, Golemi Vrah (Great Peak)
trations (during the Early Iron Age) or coins (during and Lyubash peaks formed a group of “cult sites”
the Roman Age). Likely, the rocks did not have soil with visual communication. The large territory of
cover in the past. the site at St. Petar and its excellent exposure – from
A distinct trait is the relatively high percentage Kraishte and Ruj mountains to Vitosha Mountain and
of metal objects. This is one of the richest in met- Kopitoto (the Hoof) substantiate my conjecture that
al Early Iron Age sites within the region. A possible it had an important place in the religious life of the
explanation to this might be the abundance of metal inhabitants of the region.
ores and the several discovered iron melts, at least
one – from ore smelting.
The affinity of Thracian religion to the religion Bibliography
of the people of the Eastern Mediterranean (Aegean,
Mycenaean, Creatan) is indisputable. The absence Domaradzki, M. 1986: Sanctuares Thraces du
of some of the most important traits of a sanctuary IIe – Ie millenaire av.n.e. In: Acta archaeologicaca
(walled area, altar, a designated building for the per- Carpathica, XXV, pp. 89-104.
formance of rituals, the absence of bones) leads me to Михайлов, Ф. 2008: Обредни практики и
define the site as a “cult place”. места на връх Свети Петър, село Долна Секира,
The memory of the sacred function of St. Petar област Перник. – В: Известия на Регионалния
peak among the locals is preserved to this day. The исторически музей, Перник, т. 1. 7-28.
lamb sacrifice on St. George’s patron day is offered Митова-Джонова, Д. 1983: Археологически
precisely at the peak’s summit – the greatest rock паметници в Пернишки окръг. София.

97
 Philip Mihailov

Fig. 2 – Satellite photography of the sanctuary near Levunovo.

Fig. 3 – Location of the sanctuary near Levunovo.

98
 ROCK SANCTUARIES IN THE STRUMA VALLEY

Fig. 4 – Bardoto hill, Breznik. A rock disk and the nearby located mining shaft.

Fig. 5 – Picture of the rock sanctuary Duralinko

99
 Philip Mihailov

Fig. 6 – View from East to St. Petar peak

Fig. 7 – Rock thrones on St. Petar peak

100
 ROCK SANCTUARIES IN THE STRUMA VALLEY

Fig. 8 – “Northern Terrace” – North – South section of the context № 1

Fig. 9 – “Northern Terrace” – East – West section of the context № 1

101
 Philip Mihailov

Fig. 10 – “Northern Slope” – an aligned rock with deposited gifts

Fig. 11 – Offerings from the Sanctuary on St. Petar peak

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 „TUMBA” BRVENICA, NECROPOLIS: A CONTRIBUTION TO THE BRONZE AGE IN POLOG

„TUMBA” BRVENICA, NECROPOLIS: A CONTRIBUTION

TO THE BRONZE AGE IN POLOG

LjuljetaAbazi
Museum of Tetovo region–Tetovo
Igor Tolevski
Foundation “KirilTrajkovski”–Skopje

Abstract: Many of geological, geo–tectonic and modern influences of man had an influence over the
recent look of the valley of Polog which is one of the numerous valleys on the area of the Macedonia. The
valley of Polog is located in the northwestern part of Macedonia, stretching from northeast to southwest. The
unfailing wellspring of the Vardar River which flows through the valley in the same direction is situated in the
southwestern part, on one of the slopes of the mountain Ničpur. It is connecting Polog to the Skopje valley as
well as some parts of the Upper Vardar region.
In the Polog valley, the first manifestations of culture have been connected to the existence and the transition
of a great number of Neolithic communities. The randomly gathered data about the life in the period of the Bronze
and Iron Age are modest and in a small number. For the first time in this valley, through archaeological excava-
tions started by the Museum of Tetovo region on “Tumba” near the village of Brvenica, there will be discovered
four graves, through which we will be able to see the burial rituals in the period of the Late Bronze Age.

Key words: Polog valley, Tumba, necropolis, ceramics, Late Bronze Age.

Geological and geographical characteristics The source of Vardar River is on the parts of the
of the Polog valley mountains Ničpur and Vlainica, which are southeast-
The present look of the Polog valley1 was shaped ern branch lines of Šara. It has a silent and curviline-
in the long geological history through the time of the ar flow passing from southwest-northeast through the
great orogenic changes that were happening through- eastern side of the valley, pushed towards east by the
out the whole Planet Earth during the Tertiary period. great number of fast and alluvial rivers and streams
The range of the valley is formed by the mountains (fluvial phase) which flow in from the steeply slopes
Šara2 and its branch lines from the northwestern side. of Šara.4
On the eastern side are Suva Gora and Žeden. The The above mentioned geo-morphological and
mountains Vlainica and Bukovik are on the south- hydrological characteristics of the plain have con-
western side and on the northeast are the peaks, tributed towards the formation of favorable climate
Kapčinovec and Šišmanovec3 (Fig.1). conditions in Polog. The three climate types which
can be separated and act over the creation of the nat-
ural living conditions from time to time or actively
1
The Polog Valley is comprised of two parts which are the result of the Mediterranean, continental and
are divided along the bank of the VarderRiver into Upper mountain influences.5
Polog and Lower Polog. In the Upper Polog region, the The existance of some mineral resources and
administrative, economic and cultural center is the town raw material in the valley have enabled a longer hab-
Gostivar which comprises 718km2 or 45% of the valley. itation and maintaining of certain Prehistoric settle-
The center of the Lower Polog region is the town Teto-
ments which were exploited in the primary phase.6
vo which lays on an area of 855km2 and takes up 55%
The appearance of copper ore was asserted on two
of the valley. We’d like to take this opportunity to thank
professorMitjaGuštin from the University Primorska in Pi- locations in Polog. One of them is near the village
ran, Slovenia for the suggestions, technical support and his of Čelopek, where it had appeared as a string among
help during the preparation of this paper.
2
The Šaramountain is characterized with numerous
peaks that reach over 2000m above sea level. The most
4
Цвијић 1911, 1065; Кировски 1982, 18;
imposing peaks include Turčin (2.748), GolemaVraca Колчаковски 2004, 175-176.
(2.582) and Ljuboten (2.499) (Колчаковски 2004, 175). 5
Трифуноски 1976, 18–21; Кировски 1982, 15.
3
Трифуноски 1976, 3. 6
Цвијић 1911, 1068; Керамидчиев 1977, 103–104.

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 LjuljetaAbazi / Igor Tolevski

Fig.1 Map of the Balkan Peninsula and the Polog valley, as well as the three locations with discovered
findings from the Bronze Age: 1. Tetovo, 2. Debreše and 3. Brvenica.

the shale,7and the second one is near the village of do not allow us to discover the life in the past of these
Padalište where it had been discovered along with the areas in whole. At the Antique historians, the region
sericitized shale with the minerals pyrite and chal- of Polog can only be noticed through the events about
copyrite.8 Copper as a metal that dominantly partici- the occupation of the town Oaeneum by the Macedo-
pates in the preparation of the bronze will enable this nian king Perseus.9
region e.g. Polog to develop a local culture that will Several scientific-research projects and archae-
be included in the zone of interest of the Mycenaean ological field surveys resulted with the location of
world. several important settlements, in the lowest part of
the valley as well as on the higher dominant terraces
Chronological review of the Prehistoric and hills in the bottom of the mountains and canyons
researches in Polog that are connecting the Polog with the surrounding
regions.
There are almost no archeological papers that
The oldest Neolithic settlements in Polog were
are published concerning the Prehistoric period of
Polog. The small number of archaeological research-
es and thus, the small number of discovered artifacts 9
Oaeneum is mentioned as the town of the Penestae
which during the third Macedonian-Roman war was con-
quered by the Macedonian king Perseus, and according to
7
Цвијић 1911, 1068; Трифуноски 1976, 119. N. Vulić could have been located somewhere in the vicini-
8
Несторовски 1970, 48. ty of present–day Tetovo (Папазоглу 1957, 66-67).

104
 „TUMBA” BRVENICA, NECROPOLIS: A CONTRIBUTION TO THE BRONZE AGE IN POLOG

Fig. 2 Stray finds from the areas of Tetovo and Gostivar: 1. Bronze Mycenaean sword M=1:4 (according
to:Микулчиќ1982, 54, Fig.2)and2. Bronze axe celt M=1:2 (according to: Микулчиќ 1970, 76, Fig.2)

researched with the research project The oldest ag- with so called “schnur” (corde) technique and incrus-
ricultural agglomerations in Macedonia from an as- tation.16 Mikulčić informs as about the archaeolog-
pect of the chronological and cultural appropriation, ical locality “Gradište” Želino with a material that
conducted by D. Srejović, V. Sanev and S. Saržoski belongs to the culture of the wider Danube-Balkan
on the territory of Tetovo in 1975.10 The Neolithic group from Bubanje–Salkuca–Krivodol complex.17
settlement near the village of Stenče was discovered The evidences from the Bronze Age in Polog as
through a micro-terrain prospection performed by D. well as from other periods in prehistory are scarcely
Mitrevski.11 There have been conducted archaeolog- preserved. One of the examples comes from the ar-
ical researches and excavations on three Neolithic chaeological excavations on “Tumba” DolnoPalčište,
sites: “Tumba” DolnoPalčište,12 „Pod selo–Tumba” where the researchers noticed smaller quantity of the
Stenče13 and “Tumba” Brvenica.14 These archaeolog- Bronze Age pottery.18The urns from Debreše and
ical excavations have discovered plenty of artifacts the bronze sword from Tetovo were discovered by
belonging to the Neolithic communities that existed chance by the locals (Fig. 2.1).
in the region, using the achivements of the great cul- The position of the Polog valley, somewhere
tures from the Balkan-Anatolian, Mediterranean and between the Danube upper Balkan region and the
Central Balkan complex. In the valley, among the Aegean south, helped in preserving elements of the
dry meanders, the old riverbeds (vardarišta) and the material culture of the bearers of the new civiliza-
swamps in the lowest part of the plain, there are few tion changes which will be happening during the
more Neolithic settlements which are located on the great migrations and the early Iron Age. Dated in
field, but there have not been any further researches.15 the pointed period, there is a chance find of a Bronze
The existence of the layers from the follow- axe celt discovered near Gostivar19 (Fig.2. 2). The
ing period i.e. the Eneolithic or the Copper Age, is archaeological researches of the Iron Age sites in
confirmed with the excavations on “Tumba” Dolno Polog have been conducted minimally, but from the
Palčište, by discovered pottery fragments decorated field surveys we know for several settlements which
were raised on safely and well protected hills on the
mountain bottoms.20 The first data about this period
10
Саржоски–Здравковски 1991, 131. were gained from the protective archaeological exca-
11
Здравковски 2005, 25. vation performed by the Museum of Tetovo region.
12
Здравковски и Саржоски 1989, 43; Саржоски–
Здравковски 1991, 131–144.
13
Здравковски 2005, 25–31.
16
Здравковски и Саржоски 1989, 43; Саржоски -
Здравковски 1991, 143.
14
Abazi and Tolevski 2017, 99–118. 17
Микулчиќ 1982, 38.
15
According to the Archeological map of the Repu-
blic of Macedonia 2 and other publications, in the regi-
18
Здравковски - Саржоски 1989, 43; Саржоски -
on of the Polog valley, aside from the abovementioned Здравковски 1991, 143.
and researched settlements from the Neolithic, there are
19
Микулчиќ 1970, 75–76, Fig.2; Микулчиќ 1982,
mentions of “Tumba” DolnoSedlarce, “Belo Pole” Želi- 39.
no, “Tri Tumbi” Preljubište, “Tumba” Sarakino, “Gra- 20
Established sites are located in “Gradište” Že-
dište” StaroSelo, “PandilovaTumba–Podlak” Zubovce, lino, “Kuka” Rogle, “Hisar” Tetovo, “Gradište” Le-
(Микулчиќ 1982, 37–38; Винчиќ, Ивановски1996, 111, šok, “Kale–Kalja” Debreše, “Gradište” GornaBanjica,
Костадиновски 1996, 419, 420, 422, 424, 425; Толевски “Gradište–Kalja” Čajle (Микулчиќ 1982, 39; Винчиќ,
2009, 21). Ивановски1996, 108, 109, 117).

105
 LjuljetaAbazi / Igor Tolevski

Fig.3 Topographic map with a position of Fig.4 The middle part of “Tumba”,
the archaeological site “Tumba” a view from the northern side

Namely, in the village of Larce on the archaeological high-ranking member of the local tribal leaders.22 The
site “Lozje” there have been discovered seven con- places of discovery of few types and variants of My-
tainer vessels (pithoi) for preserving grains and these cenaean swords drew the several paths on the Balkan
vessels belong to the Iron Age. They date from the through which the Mycenaean influences passed (the
period of VIII-VI century B.C.21 rivers Haliacmon, Devol, Vardar and Struma) and
Through this review about the Prehistoric re- they represent Polog as a road station of one of the
searches in the Polog region, we can obtain the pri- paths towards north.23
mary image which simply represents the valley as The second discovery comes from the area of the
one of the least researched areas in Macedonia. It town Gostivar e.g. the village of Debreše which is
may be because of its geographic position, the dis- situated one kilometer northwest of the town. There
tance from the seas and the road Vardar-Morava, as have been discovered three ceramic vessels – urns,
well as the containment with high mountain ranges, on the northern edge of the village, in the vineyard by
this region preserved its conservative nature, but still the toponym of “Stražnik”. They were found in 1965
it did not remain immune to the variable civilization by the locals in their fieldworks. The urns were dug
flows which left their traces in different periods. inside the hard clay. According to the typology, they
are deep globular vessels with small handles which
Evidence for the Bronze Age in Polog are positioned on the widest part of the vessel and ac-
cording to Mikulčić, they are similar to the urns from
The first discoveries are connected to the period
Kosovo and the region south of Morava. Chronolog-
before the World War II when near the town of Teto-
ically, they were widely dated in the period between
vo, people found a bronze sword of the type “Rapi-
1700–1200 B.C.24
er”. The sword was then taken to Skopje and it is now
a part of the Bronze Age collection of the Museum
of Archaeology of Macedonia. The sword belongs to
the Late Mycenaean period and represents a luxuri-
ous import from the Mycenaean centers. It dates from 22
According to N.Sandras division, the bronze sword
the period between XIV and XIII centuries B.C. The belongs to type C i (Sandras 1963, 120). Similar swords in
sword is long and thin. It was made in a technique the region were discovered in the necropolis in Iglarevo,
“cast in bronze” and it was not intended for offen- Kosovo, datedXIV BC and Shtoda, Albania, which belong
sive use, but as a symbol of dignity and power of a to the same type (Ljuci 1998, 134). On the sword, see:
Sandras 1963, 120; Микулчиќ 1970, 75; Микулчиќ 1982,
38–39; Настева–Колиштркова и Видески 1996, 39–40.
23
Mikulčić 1966, 2; Микулчиќ 1970, 75; Микулчиќ
1982, 39; Бонев 1988, 17; Китаноски 1994, 56; Митрев-
ски 2013, 181–182.
24
Микулчиќ 1970, 74; Винчиќ, Ивановски 1996,
21
Абази 2002, 81–85. 110; Митревски 1997, 20–21.

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 „TUMBA” BRVENICA, NECROPOLIS: A CONTRIBUTION TO THE BRONZE AGE IN POLOG

Pl. I Archaeological site “Tumba” near the vil- Pl. II Cadastral Municipality 579 Strimnica, Ca-
lage Brvenica, Tetovo region: grey color is eroded dastral Plot 63, М=1:100 (draw: Igor Tolevski)
riverbank;I and II Sectors excavated 2012; III–V Pl. III Cross-section at the southern part of the
Sectors excavated 2013 and VI–VIII Sectors exca- excavated sectors on the site “Tumba” near the vil-
vated 2014 (completed by Igor Tolevski) lage of Brvenica, М=1:75 (draw: Igor Tolevski)

Archaeological site “Tumba” near the village absolute landmark from which all of the altitudinal
of Brvenica (Necropolis of the Late Bronze Age) changes were measured and noticed all of the archae-
The archaeological site “Tumba” is situated on ological situations is on an altitude of 393.00 m.
the margins of the villages of Brvenica, Fališe and With the end of the existence of the Late Ne-
Strimnica near Tetovo and is on 7 km southeast of olithic settlement, the area around “Tumba” will be
Tetovo25 (Fig. 3, 4).Its position is on the left bank of in use again in the Late Bronze Age, as a necropolis
the Vardar River, on an old dried-up meander which with bi-ritual types of burials. During the archaeo-
enclosed the locality of three sides (south, east and logical excavations from 2013, 3 graves were discov-
north). The archaeological excavations were per- ered - Grave 1 and Grave 4 are with inhumation and
formed on limited area e.g. on the field which is in line Grave 2 represents a ceramic urn with a cremation.27
In the following archaeological campaign from 2014,
of the bank of Vardar in direction east-west (Cadastral
the position of Grave 6 was partially marked and re-
plot 63, Cadastral Municipality of Strimnica).26
The middle part of the Tumba is about 50 m from searched. It contained the remaining of a deceased
the excavated section. That is why the researching person buried with inhumation (Pl. II).28 The stra-
sectors were located on the eastern part of the field. tigraphy of the southern profile of researched sectors
In a period of three campaigns (2012–2014) there (III, IIIA, IV, IVA, IVB and VII) points the vertical
were 7 sectors opened and they had dimensions of spacing of the levels on which the burials are located.
5х2 m., complemented by 4 widening, 1 sector with The urn that was buried uppermost was the one from
7х2.5 m.,and another control profile 5х1 m. between the Grave 2. It was probably dug in the topsoil. Just
the sectors VII–VIII. Only the sector V is on 60 m.
from the rest of the sectors towards west (Pl. I). All
of the sectors are oriented in direction east–west and
27
Because of the proximity between the ampho-
ra–like vessel from Grave 2 and the next ceramic vessel
are marked with Latin numbers (I–VIII). The control
which was gradually discovered it was believed that it’s
another urn, or Grave 3, but it was later determined that
25
Трифуноски 1976, 426–427; Микулчиќ 1982, 38. that amphora–like vessel belongs to Grave 4. Hence, the
26
The archeological team from the Museum of Te- numeration of Grave 3 is available and will serve for the
tovo region is deeply grateful to MisterIsa Alili from the next discovered burial site in “Tumba”.
village Strimnica, the owner of the explored field, for his 28
In 2014, Sector VIIA a skeleton burial (Grave 5)
excellent cooperation and warm welcome. was discovered, dated IV-VI century AD.

107
 LjuljetaAbazi / Igor Tolevski

Fig. 5 Sector III and IIIA with Grave 1

Pl. IV Archaeological site “Tumba” near the village Brvenica, Tetovo region, Sectors III and IIIA:1.
Grave 1; 2. Ceramic vessel M=1:3(draw: Igor Tolevski)
below the level of the urn we can see Grave 4 with ton, the missing handles were not found. The ceramic
an interesting grave construction of arranged amor- vessel is handmade, with very precise work. Its color
phous stones. Grave 1 and Grave 6 were buried the is dark grey towards black with smooth and in certain
deepest, under the level of the hard clay (Pl. III). areas polished outer surface.29 The rim of the vessel
is slightly inverted with a nearly vertical neck and
Grave 1 (Pl. IV) emphasized shoulders on which the two strap handles
Sector III is characterized with two contexts were positioned which were connected to its highest
from the Neolithic period: the stonewall of roughly part. The body is emphasized and pressed towards the
arranged amorphous limestone in direction south- bottom, so it forms a bi-conical profile. The bottom
west–northeast and the trench located under the of the vessel is very small and mildly concave. The
stonewall with the same direction. These two cuts are walls of the vessel are pretty thin and its main char-
located in the eastern half of the sector and on the op- acteristic is the horizontal groove which separates the
posite side, on the west half of the sector next to the neck from the shoulder carved on the outer side (Pl.
southwestern profile is Grave 1 (Fig. 5).On the level IV. 2, Pl. VIII. 1).
of the hard clay, there were several amorphous stones
of white limestone. They formed the tomb construc- Grave 2 (Pl. V)
tion which is shallowly dug into the hard clay itself. Parts of the amphora–type vessel which was
The dimensions of the tomb are 1.75х0.75 m., with meant to preserve the remains of the cremated de-
direction west–east. The skeleton is with arms which
are bent in the elbows and the hands posed under the
skull which faces south. The legs are slightly bent in 29
Dimensions of the vessel: Height: 12.0cm;
the knees. The single grave offering is by the right Width: 16.4cm; Wall thickness:0.35 – 0.4cm; Rim diam-
tibia: a ceramic vessel with approximately preserved eter: 12.4cm; Bottom diameter: 4,5cm. The conservation
greater part of the elements. Only the handles are – restauration activities as well as the reconstruction of
missing. We can question this: Was the vessel added most of the discovered ceramic vessels was done by m-r
ŽaklinaPetrovska, while the technical preparation (wash-
with broken helves during the burial itself?
ing and cleaning) of the ceramic material fragments was
During the excavation of the grave and the skele-
done by BiljanaS.Tolevska.

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 „TUMBA” BRVENICA, NECROPOLIS: A CONTRIBUTION TO THE BRONZE AGE IN POLOG

Fig. 6 Sector IV and IVA with Grave 2

Pl. V Archaeological site “Tumba” near the village Brvenica, Tetovo region, Sectors III and IIIA:1. Grave
2; 2. Ceramic vessel M=1:4, 3-5. M=1:2 (drаw: Igor Tolevski)

Fig. 7 Segment of Grave 4 during uncovering Fig. 8 The west side of the construction of Grave 4

ceased were discovered in the southeast corner of The urn was hand-made30 and grayish-brown on
Sector IV (Fig.6). The urn was buried very shallow, the outside, the rim is slightly curved to the outside
in the contemporary layer which was ploughed, and with the neck gradually curling and expanding. On
therefore it was damaged in the upper part, the rim the widest area of the shoulders there are 4 handles, 2
and the neck. But luckily, the lower part, the belly of which are preserved. Between the vertically posi-
of the amphora-like vessel along with the remains of tioned handles there are 4 finely shaped nipples. The
the burnished bones and ashes was completely pre- bottom of the vessel is flat (Pl. V. 2, Pl. VIII. 4).
served. During the excavation process it was not pos- The amphora–like vessel belongs to the group of
sible to discover elements which would suggest the vessels used as urns discovered in the Kosovo region,
dimensions of the pit dug for the urn. The elements Skopje region and South Morava region, as well as
that belong to the amphora-like vessel, discovered in a few instances within some necropolis or settle-
around it, were fragments of the rim as well as one ments in the regions around Struma and Lower Var-
circular flat stone which probably served as a lid for dar. The role of these vessels is linked, culturally, to
the urn (Pl. V. 5, Pl. VIII. 2). Inside the urn, aside the Central Balkan region, that is to the culture Don-
from the remains of small burnt bones, was one tip
of a deer horn, decorated with carved ornaments and 30
Dimensions of the vessel: Height: 44.0cm;
a few bronze applications with small bolts and studs Width: 34.0cm; Width with the handles: 41.0; Wall thick-
(Pl. V. 3, 4; Pl. VIII. 3, 5). ness: 1.0 – 1,1cm; Rim diameter: 15.0cm; Bottom diame-
ter: 11.0cm.

109
 LjuljetaAbazi / Igor Tolevski

Fig. 9 Sector IV, IVA and IVB with Grave4

Pl. VI Archaeological site “Tumba” near the village Brvenica, Tetovo region, Sectors IV, IVA and IVB: 1.
Grave 4; 2. Ceramic vessel М=1:4; 3. Ceramic vessel M=1:2; 4. Bronze dagger M=1:2 (draw: Igor Tolevski)

jaBrnjica–GornjaStražava, dated towards the end of There were few animal bones in the vessel, which
the Bronze Age or the transitional period and early probably indicate its character, so it is presumed that
Iron Age. it served as a container for a certain amount of meat
which was supposed to be used by the deceased in
Grave 4 (Pl. VI) the afterlife. The amphora–like vessel has a slight-
Grave 4 was discovered just underneath the ce- ly flattened and curved rim towards the outside, four
ramic amphora–like vessel urn (Fig.7, 9). The grave vertical handles on the widest part of the belly and a
has an impressive stone construction with an approx- flat bottom and differs from the urn because of the
imate rectangular shape, dimensions 2.50x1.5 meters horizontal groove above the handles. On the vertical
and stretches in the direction west–east. The grave neck of the amphora–like vessel we can see an at-
construction was built from white formless limestone, tempt for another shallow groove. It is gray–brown
which in some areas was stacked in two or more lay- on the outside, smooth and evened in some places, so
ers. From the west, frontal side of the construction, due to these characteristics it can be grouped in the
a massive stone was revealed, which was probably fine production of hand-made ceramic vessels.
first positioned vertically and served as a headstone The second vessel discovered in Tomb 4 is
which marked the grave (fig. 8). The skeletal remains smaller in size and belongs to the group of kantha-
of the deceased are well preserved, as well as the ros–like vessels with two handles which extend over
items placed in the grave. The skeleton had bended the rim and was located next to the right shinbone
arms in the elbows and palms placed under the scalp (Pl. VI. 3, Pl. IX. 1).32 The kantharos–like vessel is
which faced the south and the legs are slightly bent consisted of a slightly curved rim to the outside, with
at the knees. The amphora–like vessel that resembles two sharp–edged handles extended over it. The wid-
the urn from Grave 2, was found almost completely est part of the vessel is slightly bi–conical and there
preserved and was placed beside the left shinbone of are two plastic applications between the handles. The
the deceased (Pl. VI. 2, Pl. IX. 4). The vessel belongs vessel has a small, narrow, flat bottom. The outside
to the group of amphora–like vessels used in the Bal- surface is brown, smooth, with polished areas.
kans as storage vessels.31 The third object is a dagger cast in bronze (Pl.

31
Dimensions of the vessel: Height: 36.0cm;
Width: 31.0cm; Width with the handles: 38.0; Wall thick- 32
Dimensions of the vessel: Height: 7.5cm; Height
ness: 0.12-0.14cm; Rim diameter: 13.0cm; Bottom diame- with handles: 10.0; Wall thickness: 0.5-0,11cm; Rim diam-
ter: 13.0cm. eter: 15.0cm; Bottom diameter: 4.0cm.

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 „TUMBA” BRVENICA, NECROPOLIS: A CONTRIBUTION TO THE BRONZE AGE IN POLOG

Figure 10 Sector VII with Grave 6

Pl. VII Archaeological site “Tumba” near the village Brvenica, Tetovo region, Sectors VII and VIIA: 1.
Grave 6; 2. Ceramic vessels M=1:4 (drаw: Igor Tolevski)

VIII. 7).33 The dagger is consisted of a single blade, say is that the orientation of Grave 6 is west–east and
with an expanded and flattened upper side (triangu- this was an inhumed burial and the skeleton was po-
lar cut). The handle is thorn–like with three normal sitioned with slightly bent legs at the knees (Fig. 10).
short extensions. Towards the end of the handle of The ceramic amphora–like vessel discovered
the dagger, between the second and the third normal near the left shinbone has a slightly curved rim to the
extension, there is a circular opening with a simple outside and a tall cylindrical neck which gradually
solution. Across the surface of the dagger (the blade lowers to the accentuated bi–conical part between the
and the handle) we can see attempts to decorate the shoulder and the belly, the lower part of the vessel
dagger with simple carved lines. The dagger has not (Pl. VII. 2, Pl. IX. 3).34 The bottom is small and nar-
been compleatly cleaned, conserved and chemically row, thin and concave. Over the base of the handles,
analyzed but the initial findings reveal its function. on one part of the neck there is a horizontal groove
It is very probable that the dagger served as a status which is typical for almost every ceramic vessel dis-
symbol for the deceased within his tribal community. covered in the necropolis within the burial grounds.
On the accentuated shoulders there are remains of
Grave 6 (Pl. VII) the two handles. On the upper part of the neck, the
In the southwest corner of Sector VII, shallowly remains of one of the handles is preserved, which at
buried in the yellow clay, a segment of Grave 6 is the intersection looks like a half–moon. Unfortunate-
discovered. Excavations revealed parts of the lower ly, both handles have not been recovered completely,
part of the skeleton and the ceramic vessel which was so the following question arises: Did they use new,
placed there as a gift in the burial ceremony. The great intact ceramic vessels during the burial ritual or were
part of this burial ground has not been researched and they, at the moment of burial, partially damaged and
is located west of Sector VII. The only thing we can left beside the deceased as such?

Final observations
33
The bronze dagger was discovered in the upper part
of the grave construction, near the head of the deceased. This initial presentation of the few researched
The dagger’s dimensions are: Total length: 20.0cm; Blade burials from the archeological site “Tumba” at the
length 14.6cm; Blade width: 2.8cm; Upper blade part
thickness: 0.25-0.30cm; Length of the handle: 5,8cm;
Length of the extensions on the handle: 2.3-2.6cm; Circu- 34
Dimensions of the vessel: Height: 26.0cm; Width:
lar opening diameter: 0.4cm; Thickness of the third normal 28.6cm; Wall thickness: 0.6-0.8cm; Rim diameter: 13.0cm;
extension:0.4-0.5cm. Bottom diameter: 6.5cm.

111
 LjuljetaAbazi / Igor Tolevski

Fig. 11 the river Vardar in the village Strimnica Fig. 12 Fragment from a topographic map with
the position of the archeological site “Tumba” and
the location of the possible prehistoric settlement
village Brvenica allows us to complete the image of “Krasta”
the Bronze Age as well as the new changes that will
arise in the era of the great migrations and the begin- and the newer DonjaBrnjica–GornjaStražava), and
ning of the Iron Age. According to our previous find- alongside this, during the transitional period in the
ings, there were quite a few Bronze Age settlements area of the Republic of Macedonia inhumation will
in the area of the towns Gostivar and Tetovo, in the be practiced at the same time, albeit for a short pe-
Polog Valley, founded on the surrounding hills which riod of time.36 Analog to this burial, in the northern
dominated over the Vardar River. The deceased from regions of Macedonia we find the urns from the ne-
the necropolis were probably from a settlement locat- cropolis “Klučka–Hipodrom” and Orešani, Skopje
ed on the dominating hill which rises over the Vardar Region, which are dated XII–XI BC.37
River halfway between the Čelopek and Strimnica The amphora–like vessel from Grave 4 (Pl.
villages (fig. 11, 12).35 IX. 4), according to the typological characteristics,
The four burials presented above, their ritual, as is similar to the urn from Grave 2, but in context of
well as the burial items, speak of the local marks and the find it was meant as a grave gift with a storage
characteristics of the people of the Late Bronze Age character. The same vessels were part of the everyday
and the transitional period in Polog. Still, there are life in the Late Bronze Age and similar items were
some similarities with the surrounding cultures that discovered within the settlements. Similar ampho-
can be noticed in some of the burial items. ra–like storage vessels were discovered in Kamenska
First, we have to mention the ceramic ampho- Čuka near Blagoevgrad, Struma region, dated XIV–
ra–like vessel which was secondary used as an urn XII century BC,38 Kastanas dated XII century BC,39
(Grave 2) (Pl. VIII. 4), which contained the remains Vardarovca during the Bronze Age.40 In Sandanski,
of the cremation ritual of the deceased, who was Struma region, on the other hand, a similar ampho-
cremated along with his jewelry (bronze circular ap- ra–like vessel was found in a grave with a skeleton
plications and the deer horn amulet Pl. VIII. 3, 5).
The urn was closed with a spherical quartzite stone
(Pl. VIII. 2). This cremation ritual of the deceased
and placing their remains in a ceramic vessel–urn is
typical for the Central Balkans (the culture Paraćin

35
This hypothetical settlement “Krasta” isn’t re-
searched in the field but because of the good strategic 36
Гарашанин 1973, 438-444; Garašanin 1983,
position and control it probably had over that part of the 773-778; Митревски 1995b, 58; Срејовић 2002, 104-
river Vardar can be considered as an important prehistor- 144; Срејовић 2002, 228-233; Митревски 2013, 194.
ic outpost. From the findings so far which speak of the 37
Митревски 1995a, 84; Митревски 2003, 12;
village Čelopek’s surroundings, the toponyms “Kale”
Митревски 2013, 192–193.
or “Gradište” or “Kukul” are listed, with material re-
mains from the Late Roman and Early Byzantine period.
38
Stefanovich and Bankoff 1998, 278.
(Трифуноски 1976, 415; Костадиновски 1996, 427;
39
Hochstetter 1984, 47, Tf. 10, 1; Митревски 1995, 76.
Лилчиќ 1996, 70, 72, 84). 40
Heurtley 1939, 98, 214.

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 „TUMBA” BRVENICA, NECROPOLIS: A CONTRIBUTION TO THE BRONZE AGE IN POLOG

burial, dated towards the end of Bronze Age.41 These initial discoveries made after examining
The smaller kantharos–like vessel from grave 4 the findings from the “Tumba” necropolis point to the
according to the typological characteristics is a typ- presence of local ceramic production from the Late
ical example of local ceramic ware from the Late Bronze Age with certain influences from the Central
Bronze Age and the transitional period in Macedonia Balkans but from the southern part of the peninsula as
(Pl. IX. 1). There are similarities with a kantharos– well. The non–existence of typical Iron Age ceram-
like vessel with two handles which extend over the ic ware decorated with cannelure in the closed grave
rim (type 26 handles with a triangular ending) from areas, allows us, chronologically to classify them as
the settlement Bay of Bones in Ohrid Lake, dated to- material that belongs to the last period of the Late
wards the end of Late Bronze Age.42 Bronze Age, chronologically similar to Sandanski,
The amphora–like vessel from Grave 6 is one Thasos IB, Kamenska Čuka, Kastanas (14b–14a–13),
of the most distinctive items found in the necropolis Assiros.44
(Pl. IX. 3). The shallow bi–conical part of the belly The cultural manifestations from ‘Tumba”
where one of the handles extended from is especially Brvenica that belong to the skeletal burials can
interesting. The root and the upper part of the handle chronologically be linked to the Late Bronze Age and
where it connected with the neck of the amphora–like the transitional period, XIII–XII BC. The newer in-
vessel are preserved. A cross section of that part re- fluences from the north, on the other hand, manifest-
veals that it had a half–moon shape (Pl. IX. 3). This ed through burning the remains of the deceased and
type of half–moon handles (ansa lunata) are typical burying them in urns are present in the one cremation
for the Vatin culture in the region of South Pannonia. burial which chronologically can be linked to the pe-
These appear for the first time in the Middle Moravi- riod after the XII century BC, that is, to the beginning
an region within the culture Mediana, in the layer of of the early Iron Age.
Mediana II from the eponymous archeological site
near Niš, dated according to the P. Reinecke chronol-
ogy as part of the transition of Bronze Age D to Iron
Age A1, and according to M.Garashanin Iron Age I
1b.43
The ceramic vessel from Grave 1 is also typi-
cal, characterized with thin walls and finely polished
outside surfaces (Pl. VIII. 1). This ceramic vessel as
well, according to certain form elements, can be said
it belongs to the oldest Middle Bronze Age examples
from the Central Balkans.
Out of all the metal objects excavated from the
necropolis, the cast bronze dagger holds special im-
portance (Pl. IX. 2). Its unique handle makes it a one
of a kind item according to the typological charac-
teristics. There are no similarities found yet to any
other item and it’s the second bronze example includ-
ing the Mycenae ceremonial sword recovered in the
vicinity of Tetovo, breathing off dignity and power,
which most likely adorned its carrier (the dimensions
of the Grave 4 confirm this opinion).

41
Alexandrovet all 2007, 383. The amphora – like
vessel from Sandanski (Grave 3) is similar to the vessel
from Grave 4, and has approximately similar dimensions –
Height: 36.0cm; Rim diameter: 13.5cm; Bottom diameter:
10.8cm (according to:Alexandrov et all 2007, 386). But it
differs in shape in the part around the neck and the shoul-
der of the vessel, the neck is shorter and the shoulders are
more accentuated and there’s no horizontal groove above
the handles.
42
Кузман 2013, 373, Т.XVIII, 2.
43
Гарашанин 1973, 308–309, 392, Table IV; Garaša-
nin 1983, 728, 762, 764, 768. 44
Иванов 2007, 255–256.

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 LjuljetaAbazi / Igor Tolevski

Pl. VIII

Pl. VIII Archaeological site “Tumba” near the village Brvenica: 1and 4. Ceramic vessels M=1:4; 2, 3 and 5. M=1:2
(draw: Igor Tolevski)

114
 „TUMBA” BRVENICA, NECROPOLIS: A CONTRIBUTION TO THE BRONZE AGE IN POLOG

Pl. IX

Pl. IX Archaeological site “Tumba” near the village Brvenica: 1. Ceramic vessel M= 1:2; 2. The bronze dagger
M=1:2; 3 and 4. Ceramic vessels M=1:4 (draw: Igor Tolevski

115
 LjuljetaAbazi / Igor Tolevski

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Ljubljana: Savez arheoloških društava Jugoslavije.
Гостивар.
Здравковски, Д. 2005. Неолитска населба
Папазоглу, Ф. 1957. Македонски градови у
„Под село–Тумба“ с. Стенче. Зборник Археологија
римско доба. Скопје: Жива антика.
2: 25–31. Скопје: Музеј на Македонија.

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LjuljetaAbazi / Igor Tolevski

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 DOUBLE AXE OR LABRYS IN THE GRAVE CONTEXT – RITUAL OBJECT OR CEREMONIAL SYMBOL?

DOUBLE AXE OR LABRYS IN THE GRAVE CONTEXT

– RITUAL OBJECT OR CEREMONIAL SYMBOL?

Aleksandra Papazovska
Archaeological Museum of Macedonia
papazsan@hotmail.com

Discussion about the double axe or labrys as a

cult or ritual object would not be complete without a
brief overview of its frequent use in the Bronze Age
civilizations of the Eastern Mediterranean, where it
is known as a main symbol of Minoan-Mycenaean
religion. An etymological link between the Lydian
word for double axe - labrys and the Greek word lab-
yrinthos was suggested by Mayer, after Evans’ ex-
cavations at Crete. The frequent appearance of this
symbol raised many questions about Minoan reli-
gion. The well-known myth of the labyrinth of Minos
and the Minotaur on Crete led Evans toward the sug-
gestion that the labyrinth, in origin, was the House of
the Double Axe.1 The double axe was a widely spread
symbol on Crete, as an attribute of the primary Cre-
tan goddess often equated with the Mother Goddess2.
Therefore the double axe became the central element
in Evans’ hypothesis that Minoan culture was asso-
ciated with civilization in the Eastern Mediterranean
and a solid manifestation of the connection between
the Bronze Age cultures of Anatolia and Crete. The
cultural link with Anatolia can be noticed as early as
the second millennium BC and the relationship with
Fig.1 Gold sheets – Shaft Grave IV, Mycenae
Caria drew particular attention. The only attestation
of the double axe in western Anatolia during the
Bronze Age is a fragment of Mycenaean pot decorat- different from Minoan?”3 He found the two religions
ed with a double axe that was found in Miletus and a almost identical, although with certain differences.
Mycenaean double axe found in the temple courtyard What is very important to emphasize is the possibil-
at Ephesus. It seems that both are the result of Myce- ity that the religious significance of the double axe
naean influence. conveyed by Minoans might not have had the same
One of the pioneer researchers of the Mino- meaning for Mycenaeans, or maybe it had no reli-
an-Mycenaean religion, Martin P. Nilsson, posed gious significance at all. Therefore one very impor-
the main questions: “What was the relation between tant question arises: Were these objects found on My-
Mycenaean and Minoan religion, and is Mycenaean cenaean territory or in the neighboring area funda-
mentally based on the Mycenaean religious concept
1
Nilsson, 1927, 72
2
Dickinson, 1966, 264-293; Taylour, 1983, 45 3
Mylonas, 1966, 136; Nilsson, 1950, 5-7

119
 Aleksandra Papazovska

Fig.2 Periform jar, Mycenae Grave Circle A, Shaft

Grave I, LH I (second half of 16 cent. BC)

and have religious significance, or they were simply

reflections of an idea?
At the beginning of the Bronze Age, large sanc-
tuaries appeared under the open sky where gods were
worshipped and votive gifts were presented. Early
Minoan sanctuaries were found on mountains tops or
in caves, confirmed by votive statuettes and rituals
involving fire. In the final phase of the Minoan civili-
zation, numerous field altars appeared in connection
with sacred trees4.
On the other hand, in the Mycenaean world
mountain shrines played a less significant role. Here,
built structures appeared that served as sanctuaries.
They were incorporated into the architecture of hous- Fig.3 Pyxis – cemetery at Kalami, Apokoronou
es, and were distinguished mainly by the number of (photo by Makis Skiadaressis, cat.105)
votive figurines and objects deposited on a bench in
the megaron.5 Examples can be found in Tiryns, at were not suitable for usage and were associated with
the shrine at Phylakopi on the island of Melos and religion, or both. The following examples discovered
the so-called “Shrine of the Double-Axes” in Knos- on Crete and Mycenae, organized by chronological
sos. In the description of the religious concept used order, can be separated for illustration.
by Minoans, the double axe represents a religious The earliest examples dated in the LMI period,
symbol. But was it “a real sign” in the Mycenaean in the 15th century BC on Crete, are votive objects dis-
religion?6 covered in the sanctuaries. In the cave Arkalochori,
There is a significant difference between the Marinatos found a small gold votive axe decorated
double axes used as tools and those used as religious with incised parallel lines along with an impressive
symbols, especially in the shape and materials of quantity of various bronze objects7. He considered
which they were made, possibly because the latter these finds as evidence for the worship of a war-like
deity. A fine example of a beaked jug of the so-called
Alternating Style, decorated in dark-on-light with a
4
Dickinson, 1966, 268-278, fig.8.3, 8.4, 8.5
5
Dickinson, 1966, 286-293
6
Mylonas, 1966, 169; Nilsson, 1950,486-487 7
Marinatos - Hirmer, 1960

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 DOUBLE AXE OR LABRYS IN THE GRAVE CONTEXT – RITUAL OBJECT OR CEREMONIAL SYMBOL?

Fig.5 Bronze axe – Katamachi in Epirus

(photo by George Fafalis, cat.90)

religious symbols such as the double axe and horns

of consecration is notable on a hydria-rhyton from
Ialysos, Rhodes (fig.4). This vase probably was used
for funerary libations before the grave offerings were
placed in a tomb.11 The latest depiction is probably on
the vase from Thorikos, while on the amphorae of the
palatial style this motif was already abandoned.
Fig.4 Hydria –rhyton– Ialysos, Rhodes The gold rings with engraved double axe motif
(photo by Makis Skiadaressis, cat.118) are of particular interest. Images of the ceremonial
double axes on rings, such as the examples from the
double axe combined with a sacral knot motif, fo- treasury in Drosinos in the citadel of Mycenae, in the
liate band and stars, possibly was used for a ritual tholos tomb in Vaheio and gemstones from chamber
purpose8. tomb 515 in Kalkani, illustrate an enigmatic ritual
Several samples of miniature double axes made practiced bya special order of priestesses.12 The hori-
of gold sheets from the same period (LHI) were dis- zontal perforations on these gemstones show that
covered in one of the chambers of Shaft Grave IV, they were parts of necklaces, most probably imported
along with horns of consecration (fig.1). In this pe- from Crete. They are rare examples where the double
riod the double axe is frequently painted on ceramic axe represented a religious symbol. Double axes in-
vases, especially on amphorae (fig.2). Evans inter- cised on the façade of the tholos tomb of Peristeria
preted its appearance as degeneration of the motif of in Triphylia are also interesting in appearance, inter-
the double axe; while Nilsson points out that the real preted by Marinatos as masons’ marks13.
meaning of the double axe as an emblem was lost9. Examples of the double axe in LH III are almost
In the beginning of LHII, the double axe was non existent. A double axe was found incised on a
continuously used as a decorative motif on painted stone block in the wall of Room 7 in the Palace of Py-
vases. Massive productions of vases decorated with los,which could be also interpreted as a mason’s mark.
motifs of labrys were found in LMIII, such as exam- Several examples of double axes from the same peri-
ples from Crete and Rhodes. It is interesting to point od were discovered on Crete, offered as votive gifts
to a pyxis found in a tomb at the cemetery at Kalami in rooms defined as shrines. In the Treasure Chamber
Apokoronou, dated in LMIIIB or the first half of the near the shrine of the Palace of Minos, a small double
13th cen. BC (fig.3). The decoration on the vase is axe made of steatite was discovered along with two
matt painted with flying birds in the upper part; be- sets of horns of consecration and a miniature gilded
low the horizontal handle is a narrow panel with two bronze axe. A household shrine of similar type was
horns of consecration with double axes, one above discovered in Asine on Mycenaean territory, where
the other, and a stylized figure wearing a sleeveless instead of a double axe a celt was found among the
chiton with head in profile and body rendered fron- cult objects. A single example of a double axe was
tally, holding a branch in one hand and with the other found in the sanctuary at Delphi, dated earlier, and
touching a large seven-stringed musical instrument, only one bronze example in the sanctuary of Artemis
like a cithara or lyre. The vase is a representative ex- in Delos was found along with other bone and gold
ample of the post-palatial pottery workshop of Cha- objects. Examples of votive double axes are missing
nia. This scene is known from the Mycenaean world in the well-known Mycenaean cities such asMyce-
on the mainland, and interpreted as a special ritual of nae, Tiryns, Pylosand Athens. The double axe from
religious nature.10 Another example with the image of
11
Papazoglou-Manioudaki, 1988, 158, cat.118
12
Mylonas, 1966, 170, fig.1 23 - ring 15; Thomas,
8
Nilsson, 1927, 167 1938-1939, 86
9
Mylonas, 1966, 169 13
Mylonas, 1966, 170; Marinatos - Hirmer, 1960;
10
Vlasaki, 1988, 149, cat.105 Nilsson, 1927, 181

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 Aleksandra Papazovska

the hoard discovered on the Athenian acropolis was

used as a tool, not as a votive object.14
Similar examples were found at the Katamachi
site in Epirus15, in a hoard of five bronze axes, a chis-
el and a small anvil, which had been hidden in the
Souli mountains (fig.5). Perhaps the absence of the
votive double axes made of precious metal is a re-
sult of looting of the Mycenaean palaces and cities
by the invaders. The objects painted in white color on
the fragment of wall painting in Circle A in the area
of the Ramp House are identified as double axes by
Rodenwaldt and Evans, although these rooms are not
yet identified as shrines.
North of the Mycenaean world, the double axe
is a rare find. There are several isolated examples in
Hagias Mamas, Olynthus, and Kastanas, etc.16
Further to the north, the double axe appeared in
graves no. 13, 54 and 80 at the cemetery of Dimov
Grob near Ulanci. Two belts made of labryses and
glass beads were found as grave offerings in graves
no. 54 and 80, and one more labrys was discovered
in a disturbed grave. Both belts belong to two rich
female burials17. On this occasion, I would like to
pay attention to their position in the graves, as well
as to the other accompanying offerings. Namely, in
grave no. 54 (fig.6, T.I-1), in which an adult female
was buried, there were also two gold spiral earrings;
a necklace made of circular bone, bronze, amber and
glass beads placed near the head; two large bronze
pins crossed on the chest; and two bone beads for
bracelets on both wrists.18 The belt was made of 14
labryses arranged by size, and 14 glass beads in be-
tween (fig.7). Besides this one, there was another belt
made of 13 sea snails and glass beads in between. Fig.6 Grave 54 – Dimov Grob, Ulanci
The position of the ceramic finds is quite intriguing: (after Zlatko Videski)
the alabastron was placed near the face and hands of
the deceased, while the deep bowl was placed above An adult female, buried in grave no. 80 (fig.8,
the covering slab of the cist. T.I-2), was accompanied by two bronze spiral ear-
rings, a necklace of three four-sided glass beads
placed near the head, two long bronze pins crossed
14
Mylonas, 1966, 170-186 on the chest, and a belt made of 26 bronze labryses
15
Papazoglou-Manioudaki, 1988, 138, cat.90 with glass beads in between, placed in the pelvic
16
www.archaeology.wiki/blog/2013/03/26/cul- area19 (fig.7). Next to the forearm of the deceased,
tures-of-8000-years-and-four-lakes/ a matt-painted kantharos was placed. Based on the
New research in the region of the “four lakes” gave finds, we can conclude that the two burials are the
new data for the Iron Age in Northern Greece. Especial- richest in the whole cemetery, while the jewelry in-
ly the finds from the necropolis Aghios Panteleimon and dicates that both women enjoyed high position in the
Amyntaion gave a new picture of burial costumes with 148 community.
excavated graves. We found interesting one female burial The choice of the ceramic vessels in the graves is
with luxurious findings: a diadem and composite jewel- also interesting. In general, many established rules in
ry, among which are several representations of labyrinths. burial rites can be observed within the cemetery, and
This burial demonstrates the existence of social stratifica- among them is the choice of ceramic vessel select-
tion and possibly a kind of priesthood. Not all the finds
ed for grave offerings. For example, a matt-painted
have yet been published.
kantharos and an alabastron (fig.9), usually placed
17
Видески, 2006, 14, 26, 34; T.VI-2; T.XXX, T.
XXXI-1; T. XLVI, T.XLVII-1
18
Videski, 2007, 317, Fig.7 19
Videski, 2007, 317, fig.8

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 DOUBLE AXE OR LABRYS IN THE GRAVE CONTEXT – RITUAL OBJECT OR CEREMONIAL SYMBOL?

Fig.7 Belt labryses from grave 54 and 80– Dimov Grob, Ulanci (photo by Papazovska A.)

between the face and hands of the deceased, are ex- ses discovered in the female graves at the cemetery in
clusive finds in female burials.20 The above mentioned Ulanci are already identified as cult belts in the scien-
monochrome deep bowl placed above the covering tific publications.24 It was mentioned before that the
slab, on its west side, above the head of the deceased, labrys or double axe was a cult object deeply imple-
is also a frequent find in female graves. The plate is mented in Aegean beliefs as an attribute of the female
probably related to libation, a ritual that took place deity. It was also suggested that it represented a sym-
after the actual burial of the deceased was complet- bol of the Household Goddess and, as her attribute, it
ed. Both the kantharos and the alabastron discovered was the focus of Minoan religion.
in graves no. 54 and 80 are vessels for liquids, which The labryses discovered in the cemetery of Di-
possibly played a role in the ritual of libation. The mov Grob at Ulanci, which are exclusively found
reason why I pay attention to libation is that a num- in rich female burials, point to their high rank in
ber of inscriptions in Linear A script were discovered the society. Their presence in female graves, uni-
in the Minoan sanctuaries, where a libation formula formity and their number confirms the relationship
mentioning names of several deities is written. On two of these communities with the Aegean world in the
votive axes from Arkalochorion Crete the word I-DA- Bronze Age and with the Minoan religion, where the
MA-TE is inscribed, interpreted as “the mother Ida”.21 labrys was the symbol of the goddess - protector of
Therefore, it is quite possible that libation continued to the house. Both researchers of the cemetery Dimov
be used as an idea and was associated with community Grob, Mitrevski and Videski, agree that these buri-
members who practiced certain rituals. als belong to priestesses who practiced rituals that
It is also worth noting that the large bronze pins were deeply spiritually related to the Aegean world.25
found in the three rich female burials in Ulanci (in Therefore the labrys belts, in addition to their deco-
graves no. 54, 73, 80 and one in grave no. 97) were rative purpose, had religious meaning as well. Their
always placed crossed on the chest of the deceased.22 religious significance in this period is without doubt,
They appeared in Sub-Mycenaean, exclusively fe- but the question is whether these objects were used
male graves in Vergina, where they are associated in the rituals or they were just part of the ceremonial
with the Doric peplos, although they originated from garment of the priestesses.
earlier Mycenaean shapes made of bone.23 The labry- If we take into consideration all elements of the
burial practices of these communities, we can con-
clude that there are many elements that are related
20
Видески, 2006, 67-70
21
Tomas, 2014, 78-79 24
Videski, 2007, 317
22
Видески, 2006, 75-76, сл. 29,30 25
Videski, 2007, 315-319; Митревски, 2013, 186,
23
Andronikos, 1969, 233-236 Сл.65

123
 Aleksandra Papazovska

Fig.9 Kantharos and alabastron – Dimov Grob,

Ulanci (after Zlatko Videski)

Fig.8 Grave 80 – Dimov Grob, Ulanci

(after Zlatko Videski)
Fig.9a
to the Mycenaean world, such are the cist grave,
matt-painted pottery, jewelry and weapons. On the
other hand, the labrys is known only as a grave gift The importance of the labrys in the spiritual and
associated with the burial rites of the community, and religious life of the communities in the Lower Var-
not as a votive offering in the sanctuaries or other dar Valley is confirmed by its continuous use in the
cult places, which is common for the whole LHIII Early Iron Age. Its presence is again attested in a fu-
period in the Mycenaean world. Their appearance nereal context: the labrys from the central grave in
in graves of the late Bronze Age communities along the tumulus at Visoi-Beranci (fig.10), in the tumulus
the Vardar River, in the so-called Ulanci group, is of Vojnik near Kumanovo (fig.11) and at Tremnik-Ne-
great importance for determination of its character. gotino. We cannot discuss with certainty the exact
We can notice that burial and ritual practices used at position of both labryses in the graves at Vojnik and
the cemeteries in the so-called Ulanci group, hardly Tremnik, because of lack of information.26 Also there
accepts foreign influences. Therefore, the appearance is no data on the gender of the deceased or their po-
of these objects in the region far north of the Myce- sition in the graves. Beside the labryses, a vessel on
naean world points to a strong manifestation of Ae- a high foot (fig.12) is found in the tumulus at Vojnik,
gean values of the late Bronze Age. Another question which originates from the Mycenaean alabastron, but
arises: Was trade between these communities and the is decorated with ribs.27 A few buckles are found in
Mycenaean world sufficient to create new social and the grave, suggesting that this may be a female burial.
spiritual circumstances, which would be reflected in
the material culture of the Late Bronze Age commu-
nities? The question regarding the foundation of these 26
Георгиевски, 1987; Mитревски, 1997, 316, ката-
communities, which were in contact with the Myce- лог на некрополи бр.66; Митревски, 2013, 221, сл.76
naean world and transferred the most sensitive ideas 27
Папазовска Санев, 2009, 89-90, кат.бр.139;
related to religious beliefs, remains open as well. Papazovska Sanev, 2012, 28, сл.12

124
 DOUBLE AXE OR LABRYS IN THE GRAVE CONTEXT – RITUAL OBJECT OR CEREMONIAL SYMBOL?

Fig.10 Labrys – Beranci, Bitola

(photo by Papazovska A.)
On the other hand, the presence of a bronze amulet
shaped as a labrys in the central grave at Visoi-Be-
ranci (fig.10) is intriguing, since along with the iron
sword of type Neue II and a sub-Mycenaean skyphos
are offerings for the tribal leader.28 The presence of
labrys in this grave refers to its religious significance
for the community, the reason why it was placed in
the grave. The labrys pendant and the sword date to
LHIIIB-C, i.e. in the 13th -12th centuries BC, almost
more than a century earlier than the sub-Mycenaean
skyphos which dates to the 11th century BC.29
I would also like to draw attention to the labryses
found in four graves at Vergina, one of the best ex-
plored cemeteries of the Early Iron Age. These finds
confirmed the important role of the double axe in the
Early Iron Age communities. In four different tumu-
li, in four separate graves, triple double axes (fig.13) Fig.11 Labrys – Vojnik, Kumanovo
were found.30 The grave offerings, mainly jewelry, (photo by Papazovska A.)
e.g., salteleon, necklaces of glass and amber beads, and in Greek sanctuaries of the Geometric period.31
earrings, spectacle fibulae, spiral bracelets and button Their appearance has drawn special attention and in-
belts, point to rich female burials. In all four graves, a terest. First thoughts for their origin inevitably leads
triple double axe and a single jug were placed next to to Minoan Crete,and to places of worship. Milojčić in
the face of the deceased (T.II). Only one of the graves 1948 considered that these objects were of northern
contained a kantharos as well. All these vessels are origin and were used as razors, rejecting their rela-
for liquids (jug, kantharos and alabastron), and most tion with Crete.32 This theory was abandoned, espe-
probably they were used for libation. cially on the territory of Northern Greece, very soon
The triple double axe is cast in bronze as a sin- after the labryses were discovered in sanctuaries,and
gle object, and obviously was part of the jewelry particularly with the discovery by Andronikos of the
of the deceased and had no practical use. They are labryses exclusively in female burials at Vergina. He
decorated with geometric motifs, and their signifi- considered the labryses as objects of special symbol-
cance imposed a unified shape (fig.14). They were ic significance and emblems associated with a priest-
unknown before the excavations of the cemetery at ly order with powerful social position in the society.33
Vergina, and they are quite different than the widely In the cultural circle of the Late Bronze and
distributed miniature double axes known in Europe Early Iron Age in western Macedonia, labryses were
found in a rich female burial no. 113 in the ceme-
28
Mikulčić, 1966, 15-17, T.IV-8b,8c
29
Mikulčić, 1966, 16-17, T.IV-8a; Papazovska, 2007,
31
Andronikoς, 1969, 283-286
487-492 32
Andronikoς,1969, 251
30
Andronikoς, 1969, 248-251 33
Andronikoς,1969, 179-182

125
 Aleksandra Papazovska

Fig.12 Vessel on foot – Vojnik, Kumanovo

(photo by Papazovska A.)

tery of Vitsa, along with jewelry of the Vergina type,

amphoriskos and amphykipela.34 Another labrys was Fig.13 Labrys – Vergina
discovered out of grave context in tumulus I in the (photo by Andronikos M.)
cemetery at Kuc i Zi. The labryses sudenly disap-
peared from this territory after the 9th century BC35,
on Crete even earlier, in the 10th century BC, while in
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Fig.14 Labrys – Vergina (drawing by Andronikos M.)

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in the Iron Age pottery production in Skopje – Ku- Bokoutopouloυ I. 1986. Bitsα − Tα nekrotafeiα
manovo region, Muzejski glasnik br. 11, Kumanovo: miaς molossikhς kwmhς, Tomoς Β, Aqhnα:Upourgeiο
Nacionalna ustanova Muzej - Kumanovo. politismoυ, Dhmosieumatα toυ arcaiologikoυ Del-
Taylor L.W. 1983. The Mycenaeans, revised tioυ Aρ.33
edition, London: Thames & Hudson.
Tomas H. 2014. U potrazi za pisanim izvorima
o minojskoj Pontiji, Radovi 46, Zagreb: Zavod za
hrvatsku povjest Filozofskog fakulteta Sveucilista u
Zagrebu.

127
 Aleksandra Papazovska

T.I-1a (drawings by Zlatko Videski)

T.I-1 (drawings by Zlatko Videski)

T.I-2 (drawings by Zlatko Videski)

128
DOUBLE AXE OR LABRYS IN THE GRAVE CONTEXT – RITUAL OBJECT OR CEREMONIAL SYMBOL?

T.I-3 T.I-4

T.I-5

T.I-6

129
 Aleksandra Papazovska

T.II-1 (drawings by M. Andronikos)

T.II-2 (drawings by M. Andronikos)

T.II-3 (drawings by M. Andronikos)

T.II-4 (drawings by M. Andronikos)

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 ANTIQUE CULT BUILDINGS FROM STARO BONČE

ANTIQUE CULT BUILDINGS FROM STARO BONČE

Antonio Jakimovski
Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of Archaeology
antonio@fzf.ukim.edu.mk

1. Area of Staro Bonce and Visoka

Staro Bonče is an area extending to the North- der the leadership of prof. Nikola Vulić.1 Of course,
east edge of the Pelagonia plain between the villages the tomb was already discovered before this exca-
Podmol and Bonče (Fig. 1) . In this area there are vation, and according to the large number of stone
more than twenty archaeological sites, most of them blocks that are missing, it can be assumed that it was
belonging to early antique period. Prof. Viktor Lilčić used as a quarry by the local inhabitants of the villag-
and prof. Antonio Jakimovski conducted an exten- es Podmol and Bonče .2
sive archaeological research in the past ten years
and suggested that the ancient city of Pelagonia, the 1
Vulic, N., 1937, 611-612. Despite extremely scarce
capital of the Fourth Macedonian Merid, should be
information in the preliminary report of N. Vulic, we find
located in the area. out that the vaulted dromos and the chamber were first
Among the most imposing archaeological fea- discovered, and because part of the stone blocks and the
tures is the tomb of Macedonian type located in the grave inventory were missing, he assumed that the tomb
site of Pavla Čuka. The tomb became known in the was unfinished.
archeological science since 1936, when archaeologi- 2
Some of these stone blocks were found in the im-
cal excavations were conducted for the first time un- mediate vicinity of the tomb used as a sub-wall for the
boundary between two fields.

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 Antonio Jakimovski

2. The Macedonian type of tomb at Staro Bonce

the wider area of Staro Bonče , after analyzing great

number of stray archaeological findings,5 it became
clear that there was a city located in this area in the
early antique period. In 2006, fragments of three
shields from the Hellenistic period, which belong to
the personal guard of the Macedonian king Deme-
trius,6 were discovered by chance in the area called
Staro Bonče .
The obvious importance of the sites, initiated
the project of systematic archaeological research on
Visoka and Staro Bonče in 2006. In the frames of
the project in 2007, stimulated by the monumental
appearance of the tomb on the site of Pavla Čuka,
archaeological excavations started.7
The purpose of this archaeological campaign
was to further explore and properly document the
tomb, but after the fascinating discovery of the mon-
3. Plan of the tomb at Staro Bonce
umental circular wall - an element of the tomb that
was then unknown, these excavations became sys-
Later, in his doctoral dissertation, Ivan Mikulčić tematic archaeological researches, leading to many
first publishes the plan for the visible constructional new discoveries and findings on the site Pavla Čuka.8
elements of the tomb, for which he presented anal- Within years of archaeological research, we
ogies, as well as a brief overview of the method of
construction and its date.3 The description of the 5
Many of the archaeological artifacts from Staro
tomb was once again published in the monograph,4 Bonče are kept in the Museum of Prilep.
after which this extremely important monument re- 6
Bitrakova Grozdanova В., 2007, 863-873.; Te-
mained completely forgotten until the archaeological melkoski D., Juhel P., 2007.
excavations in 2006. 7
The project was implemented by the Faculty of Phi-
In the framework of the initial archaeological re-
losophy - Skopje, under the leadership of prof. Viktor Lil-
search at the site Visoka in 2005, and the surveys of cic and prof. Antonio Jakimovski.
8
Jakimovski A., 2009.; Jakimovski A., 2011.; Jaki-
3
Mikulčić I., 1966, 62-63,73. movski A., 2012, 165-180.; Lilcikj Adams V, Jakimovski
4
Kepeski K., 1971, 42. A., 2015

132
 ANTIQUE CULT BUILDINGS FROM STARO BONČE

4. Vaulted dromos of the tomb

discovered several more constructional parts of the 5. The grave chamber in the tomb
tomb (Fig. 2,3). Thus, apart from the previously
known vaulted dromos and grave chamber (Fig. 4,5), clude that in the period of the construction of the
the dromos cut in the rock was discovered that leads Tomb/Kenotaf and the Heroon (325 -300 BC), they
to the vaulted dromos, as well as an antechamber served as a cult buildings, but their sacral character
marked with a threshold that had a double-leaf door was preserved much later – even in the second half
which was coming through the chamber. The greatest of the 4th century AD. The site was in use as a place
surprise was the discovery of a circular wall with a for burial almost 800 years later.
diameter of 32 meters, which surrounded the tomb as
a ring, and the cult building attached to this wall - He- The second cult object is located on a hill Kolkot
roon (Ancient Greek - ἡρῷον, Latin heroum). It is a in the immediate vicinity of about 300 meters south-
building devoted to the hero, most often placed where east of the tomb of Pavla Čuka (Fig. 6).
the tomb or the kenotaph of the hero was found. An
analogy can be found in the Heroon in Vergina next Archaeological excavations were carried out
to the so-called Philip’s tomb.9 at this site only in 1985, when a circular wall with
During the excavations, a total of 11 children’s dimensions of about 30 meters in diameter and a
graves were discovered, all of them concentrated in 1.20 meter preserved height was discovered, built of
the front of the tomb – the largest concentration of crushed stone and mud . Four rock – cut rectangular
the tombs is around the Heroon. Here, the gaps be- chambers were found inside the circle (the researcher
tween destroyed blocks of the Heroon were used as assumed they were graves), as well as some other in-
funerary pits. These burials, as well as grave no.3, terventions in the rock for which no explanation was
which is placed on site of one of the blocks removed given11
from the circular wall, confirms with certainty that Preliminary and extremely scant information of
the Tomb and the Heroon were discovered and de- these researches are given in Archaeological review.12
stroyed before the burials, which are dated after the The presented material is defined as late antique,
year 362, according to the movable archaeological but from the only saved/published photograph it can
material and the coin of Julian II Apostate10
All of the above stated gives us the right to con- 11
The archaeological excavations were carried out by
the Institute and Museum of Prilep, under the leadership of
9
Andronicos M., 1977, 40-72. B. Kitanoski; Kitanovski B., 1984, 128.
10
Sutherland J. W. E., 1981. 12
Kitanovski B., 1984, 128

133
 Antonio Jakimovski

6. Aerial photo of the site Kolkot

7. Entry in the site of Visoka

be noted that is very similar to the material found at early antiquity, which were reused, that is, respected
the tomb of Pavla Čuka.13 Knowing that there were much later in the late antiquity. Towards this con-
burials around the tomb from the late antique peri- clusion is also the almost identical diameter of the
od and almost all the material (coins and fragment- circular walls of the tomb and Kolkot, as well as the
ed pottery ceramics) around it is late antiquity, there dromos which perceived on the surface and connects
were probably two simultaneous objects from the these two objects. According to the proximity of
Pavla Čuka and the surroundings with a large num-
ber of early antique necropolis, in combination with
13
Technical documentation of the excavations is the elements that the object of the archaeological
missing, as well as the movable archaeological artifacts.

134
 ANTIQUE CULT BUILDINGS FROM STARO BONČE

8. Masonry of the walls at Visoka

site Kolkot possesses, and in the absence of excava- ological findings were discovered, and together with
tion, material and technical documentation, we can stratigraphy of the site tell us that this space was used
only assume that it is a cult object associated with in the early antiquity (earliest coins of Philip II and
the procession of burials or may be a local variant of Alexander III, but according to the ceramic material
a cult of earth and fertility, i.e. –something similar we have imports from the 5th and 4th centuries BC),
to the Tesmoforion (Tesmophoria) a circular sanc- through the entire antique period to the Middle Ages
tuary-temple, in honor of Demeter and Persephone, (the latest –skifat is from 13th century).17 Except as
especially respected in early antiquity.14 a dominant strategic position that controls a larger
The third cult object - peak sanctuary - is the site area, Visoka also represents a cult building - a peak
Visoka. It has been known for a long time in archeol- sanctuary of the city of Staro Bonče , (possibly the
ogy, but archaeological excavations were carried out ancient city of Pelagonia), and the surrounding area,
for the first time in 2005.15 The site, or as it was pre- as well as the wider region of Pelagonia, Mariovo
viously called the sanctuary16, acropolis or castle, was and Tikvesh region.
erected on the highest rock of Visoka known as Kave This conclusion arrives from many factors. The
or Cuculot, at an altitude of 1742 meters. Around the first one is that inhabiting conditions at this height
highest part of the natural rock which occupies the and in this locality (as we felt in the periods of exca-
western central area, in form of a pentagon, a mon- vations), except in the summer (two to three months),
umental wall was build in the early antique period are extremely difficult, or even impossible.18 Even in
(Fig. 7), surrounding it from three sides. The wall the summer there is a great danger from thunderbolt,
has a preserved height of over 2 meters and was built since Visoka as the highest point attracts thunders.
with monumental stone blocks longer than 2.5 me- Apart from this, a monumental wall on such an in-
ters, by a technique of combination of isodumum and accessible location is almost unknown and unneces-
pseudoisodomum (Fig.8, 9). In a decade of excava- sary, because even in current conditions, climbing to
tion (2005-2015), a large number of movable arche- Visoka lasts from two and a half to three and a half
hours, which would certainly be increased with mil-
14
We hope that these questions will be answered with itary equipment.
the revisional archeological researches on the site Kolkot
and on the places where the land from the previous archae- 17
Lilčić V., 2006.; Лилчиќ В., Кебакоски Д., 2006,
ological excavations has been thrown. 22.; Lilcikj Adams V., Jakimovski A., 2015.
15
Project director is prof. Viktor Lilcic. 18
In 2013 and 2014, some 20-30 archaeologists par-
16
Lilcik V., 2006, 62-67 (he is connecting the site ticipated in archaeological campus and felt the incredible
with the cult of Dioscures) conditions in the period of July / August.

135
 Antonio Jakimovski

9. Masonry of the walls at Visoka

The third fact is that in the space inhabited by Kniga I, Glava II, Elinistički period. Prilep 1971.
Macedonians, Paionians and Pelagonians, unlike the Kitanovski B., Kolkot, Podmol. – Arheološki
areas inhabited by the Hellenes, no early antique tem- pregled 28, 1984, 128.
ples were found, but there are several peak sanctuar- Лилчиќ В., Потрага по градот Пелагонија,
ies that are particularly respected, and as analogies on центарот на Македонија Четврта, Македонско на-
our territory we can point out Klepa,19 Treskavec,20 следство / Macedonian heritage, бр. 1, Скопје 1996.
Pletvar and many other examples. These high moun- Лилчиќ В., Македонскиот камен за боговите,
tain peaks, represented places of ritual activities from христијаните и за животот по животот: античка
the ancient times till present.21 камена архитектонска пластика во Република Ма-
кедонија, Скопје 2001.
Lilčić V., An attempt at reconnaissance of the
BIBLIOGRAPHY town of Pelagonia. – Homage to Milutin Garašanin,
Chausidis N., Mythologization of the Mountain Beograd 2006.
(A Diachronic Survey of Examples from Macedonia Лилчиќ В., Кебакоски Д., Историјат на ис-
and the wider Balkan region), Folia II, 2012, 263-282. тражување и убицирање на античкиот и средно-
Andronicos M., Vergina: The Royal Graves in вековен град Пелагонија. – Македонско Наслед-
the Great Tumulus. – Athens Annals of Archaeology ство / Macedonian heritage 27, 2006, 22-28.
X/1, 1977, 40-72. V. Lilcik, Dioscuri and the town of Pelagonia,
Bitrakova Grozdanova V., Macedonian shield Macedonian Heritage no 28, Skopje 2006, 62-67.
from Bonče. – Scripta Praehistorica. Situla 44, Lilcikj Adams V., Jakimovski A., Visoka and
Ljubljana 2007, 863-873 Staro Bonce, Skopje 2015.
Jakimovski A., Macedonian Royal Tomb at Staro Mikulčić I., Pelagonija u svetlosti arheoloških
Bonče . Macedonian Heritage 38-39, 2011. nalaza. Skopje 1966.
Jakimovski A., Das königliche makedonische Микулчиќ И., 1983. Античко светилиште и
Grab in der Nähe von Bonče. – Folia archaeologica тврдина на Клепа, Годишен зборник на Филозоф-
Balcanica 2, 2012, 165-180. скиот факултет. 10 (36). Скопје, 193-210.
Kepeski K., Prilep i prilepsko niz istorijata, Sutherland J. W. E., The Roman imperial
coinage, vol. VIII: The Family of Constantine I (A.D.
337-364). London 1981.
19
Микулчиќ. И., 1983, 193-210.; Лилчиќ В., 2001, Temelkoski D., Juhel P., Ancient Macedonian
392 – 395.
Shields from Pelagonia, 2007.
20
Микулчиќ И., 1999, 89- 90; Лилчиќ 2001, 392 Vulić N., Arheološka istraživanja u Južnoj Srbiji. –
– 395.
Jugoslovenski istorijski časopis III/1-4, 1937, 611- 612.
21
Chausidis N, 2012,263 – 282

136
 THE THOLOS ROOM IN THE ROYAL PALACE IN BYLAZORA

THE THOLOS ROOM IN THE ROYAL PALACE IN BYLAZORA

Jovica Iliev
Abstract: This paper is concentrate on the use of one of the most significant rooms in the largest and most
representative building in the acropolis of the ancient city of Bylazora. The building has been recognized as a
royal palace of the Paeonian kings, and one of the rooms inside, because of its circular shape is called Tholos
room. Its position in the palace and the findings uncovered in situ is what gives the room its significant char-
acteristics. These findings (small sacrificial pits and animal remains) were discovered under the clay floor. The
artifacts consists various types of early antique pottery, an oil lamp, a zoomorphic figurine as well as numerous
animal remains which indicate the basic role of the tholos room and its purpose, to serve for religious needs
of the palace residents. The coin of the Paeoninan king Leonn and the arrows that burn down the palace and
destroyed it can give as very close dating of the last days of the royal palace.
Key words: Bylazora, palace, tholos, vestibule, Leonn

Figure 1: Location of the Bylazora site

The ancient city of Bylazora is located on the ar- tion. The first remnants of the palace were uncovered
cheological site Gradishte, a dominant hill in the mid- in 2011, and later research uncovered more than 60%
dle of the Ovche Pole plain, near the village of Knezje, of the building (Figure 3). Although the palace hasn’t
3 km. southwest of the town of Sveti Nikole (Figure 1). been fully explored, we can see that conceptually it
It covers an area of 20 hectares and still is the largest is very similar to the Royal palace in the earlier Mac-
archeological site of the early antique period in Repub- edonian metropolis of Aigai3, in Vergina near Veria4.
lic of Macedonia1 (Figure 2). It achieved its peak in (Figure 4).
the second half of the V and IV century B.C. when the In archaeological point of view, several rooms
most of the representative buildings were constructed, have been completely explored and documented,
including the so-called Royal palace2. with a few of them having specific architectural and
The royal palace is a complex structure excavat- structural solutions as well as different dimensions,
ed in the most dominant part of the acropolis, posi- use and inventory. Among them are the central en-
tioned in the southern area next to the western and try-vestibule with its significant entrance from the
eastern walls, and has a northeast-southwest orienta- western side and the secondary entrance from the

1
Микулчиќ, 1976, 149-164; 1999, 150-152 3
Митревски, 2016, 38.
2
Митревски, 2016, 37 4
Nelsen, 2001, 201-207

137
 Jovica Iliev

eastern side; the northeastern corridor, the tholos

room and its vestibule, the kitchen and dining room
as well as the eastern, northern and western portico
from the central open atrium.
This paper, however, focuses on the tholos room
and its vestibule which form a separate ensemble that
deserves special elaboration. The other rooms in the
royal palace are not a subject of this paper. It should
be noted that these rooms have their own frescoes
on the walls as well as stone doorsills with carved
bezels for the doors. These two main structural char-
acteristics of the royal palace are only absent from
the tholos room.
The room and its vestibule are located in the
northern wing of the palace between the northeastern
corridor and the kitchen.
The term tholos suggests a circular structure
which either served as a hall (Athens), a place for
sacrifice (Epidaurus) or a sanctuary (Olympia)5. The
room found in the palace of Aigai is architecturally
closest to the tholos room in Bylazora. They differ
only in the notion that the Aigai tholos does not have
a vestibule but it is open towards the atrium. Re-
searchers from the palace of Aigai are not sure about
the exact dedication of the tholos6. Some of them
support the theory that it is a room with a throne and
a reception area, while others think it is a ritual din-
ing room7.
The vestibule of the tholos in the royal palace in Figure 2: The plan of Bylazora and the
Bylazora is an almost square structure (9.75x9.50m.) excavated parts
which communicates directly with the tholos and the
northern gallery through which the central open ar- tor for the violent act of destruction in this area and
ea-atrium can be reached and is separated from the the whole palace which was destroyed in a fire.
kitchen with a mud-brick wall. The doorsill between The vestibule lies north of the tholos and is also
the northern gallery of the atrium and the central functionally related to it. We can posit two of its uses
room-vestibule of the tholos is decorated with two – that it served either as an open passage that con-
stone Doric columns8 and a pilaster adjacent to the nected the tholos and atrium, or that it had some kind
tholos wall with an anta capital. Part of the architrave of cult-ritual dedication. The second hypothesize can
beam and the veil are not present which points to the be supported with the discovery of the stone vessel
fact that they were most likely made out of wood. with a sink, which is sometimes arbitrary called mor-
The vestibule floor was made of dense earth tarium.
coated with clay, where aside from the metal arrow The stone vessel (mortarium) 10 may have been in
heads found all over the royal palace, researchers dis- use for libation, the ritual offering of a liquid sacrifice
covered a mortarium, fibula od “Phrygian” type, two to the gods, but it is more probable that it was used
coins; one drachma of Alexander III and a Leonn of to pour water that would cleanse the tenants before
Paionia coin9. These few findings testified about the they entered the tholos. If the mortarium was used for
chronology of the use of this room and its purpose as libation, then the vestibule may have been used for
an antechamber for the tholos, but also as an indica- ritual sacrifice of animals whose blood was collected
in the mortarium and then spilled in the tholos. How-
ever, there are many depictions on antique painted
5
Matthews; Neidinger, 2008-2013, 104 vases showing vessels on high foot such as the so-
6
Eidem, 104. called louterions which were used for ritual washing.
7
Nielsen, 2001, 203. The tholos has a circular shape (9 m. in diam-
8
The preserved elements of the column eter) built in approximately square structure (9.55
(Shaft+Drum+Capital) are 2,33 м in heights
9
Cf. the Catalogue entries. 10
Cf. Cath. n.11

138
 THE THOLOS ROOM IN THE ROYAL PALACE IN BYLAZORA

Figure 3: excavated parts of the royal palace in 2016

m. x 9.35 m. measured from the inside of the walls)

(Figure 5). The reason why the tholos was built as a
square structure from the outside was primarily prac-
tical; it was easier to cover the tholos with a dou-
ble-sided roof and the north wing as well instead of
making an arch or a special coned roof for that part of
the wing only, then integrating it with the gable roof.
In the center of the tholos, a stone basis was found
that probably carried a wooden pillar which was part
of the roof.
The walls forming this room were founded on
shallow, crushed rocks foundations, hand-modeled
and clay-bound. The same technique and material
was used to make the lower parts of the walls up to a
certain height depending on the configuration of the
terrain. The walls have a flat ending after which the
masonry continued with raw bricks.
The most interesting findings were uncovered in
the tholos room, usually in the form of small sacri-
ficial pits along with animal bones dug in the clay
floor (Figure 6), but also left on the floor everywhere
in the tholos (Figure 7). The most interesting find is Figure 4: the royal palace in Aegae
the so-called “terracotta pit” which differs from the
other findings in its contents (Figure 8). There were
many animal bones inside, as well as one lekanys11 er or a migratory bird, is a solar symbol typical for
and a terracotta zoomorphic figurine which resem- the Bronze and Iron Age in Europe. Among the find-
bles a bird12. The depiction of bird, especially a wad- ings on the Paeonian necropolises from the Iron Age
in Republic of Macedonia, this kind of depiction is
widely spread in the form of bronze pendants or as
11
Cf. Cath. n.3 finishers or protomes of cult items such as bracelets
12
Cf. Cath. n..9

139
 Jovica Iliev

Figure 5: (а, б, в, г, д ) A view of the tholos from various angles and different phases of excavations

140
 THE THOLOS ROOM IN THE ROYAL PALACE IN BYLAZORA

Figure 6: the pits in the northern half of the tholos

or poppy cups13. A common part of the solar symbol- glazed Attic import, most of the pottery was locally
ism which appears along migrating birds is the holy produced and can be separated into two groups - lo-
carriage that has been associated with Apollo through cal painted and local monochrome pottery. The local
the legend of Hyperborea14. When writing about the painted pottery was made under the influence of the
Hyperboreans, Herodotus said they wrapped their Attic painted pottery from the V and VI century B.C
votive gifts in wheat straw and sent them to Delos and comes in two types: full glazed - echinus, an
where there was a temple dedicated to Apollo which oil lamp and painted - skyphos, lekanys and two
was also the center of the Hyperborean cult. Thra- bowls17. The Type III lantern (special lanterns from
cian and Paeonian wives did the same, wrapping the classical period according to the typology of A.
their votive gifts in wheat straw and offering them Jakimovski) holds a significant meaning. This type
to the queen Artemis15, adding that “they never of- can be dated back to the V century B.C., specifically
fer a sacrifice without wheat straw”16. The offerings the last quarter of the V century B.C, and was used
to queen Artemis were closely related to the cult of in the first half of IV century B.C, and no later than
the sun which should not come as a surprise, consid- the middle of IV century B.C.18. This item may have
ering that Artemis and Apollo are brother and sister been used during the whole IV century B.C. to light
and divine siblings. Maybe the “terracotta pit” con- up the cult area of the palace.
tained a votive gift to the queen Artemis herself or it The monochrome pottery is also represented in
was meant for her brother Apollo. There is no other two types. The most common is the grey pottery:
logical explanation why the habitants of the palace (the kantharos filter and crater), but ochre pottery
would leave luxurious pottery in pits accompanied have also been found (pitcher)19 .
by animal bones, unless they were votive gifts and The most interesting shape from the mono-
offerings for the gods. chrome pottery found in the tholos is a so-called
Those facts, combined with the circular shape column crater which was modeled after the Attica
of the tholos and its position define it as a clear cult kraters, but in an austere local manner. The krater is
area. Of course, it was also a common room, but it darker grey, slipped in the liquid from the same clay.
certainly held a special importance in the palace for The most intriguing moment on this vessel are the
satisfying the religious needs of the residents. two symbols ornamented on the shoulder, neck and
Besides a few tiny fragments from a black- the rim which were made with stamps on a wet clay.

13
Петрова, 1992, 125-138.
14
Apolo, as solar god, travels to North in winter, and
arrives again at spring bringing the light and heat. 17
Cf. Cath.
15
Herod. 4, 33. 18
Јакимовски, 2012, 30-43.
16
Биртакова, 1999, 150. 19
Cf. Cath.

141
 Jovica Iliev

Figure 7: findings from the tholos floor Figure 8: “Terracotta pit” detail

Figure 9: A cult pendant in the form of a sun disk, Figure 10: A detail from the symbol on the
found in one of the Iron Age graves on the Skupi Krater handles
archeological site

guments, that this pendant resembles the Sun’s rays

The symbol20 on the shoulder, neck and rim is too or a representation of a divine figure worshiped by
much stylized, and therefore very difficult for inter- the Paeonians, it can be said that it’s a totem sign
pretation, although the symbol over the handles re- which hasn’t developed in a figural representation.
sembles the solar symbols through which the Paeoni- However, over time, under the influence of the Hel-
ans worshiped the sun. The most common depiction lenic culture which entered through the Greek colo-
of the solar cult is the representation of the circle21. nies in Paeonian territory, we can accept this kind of
The symbol on the crater is not a full circle, but still manifestation as an expression of the local and lead-
has many analogies with an example of a bronze cult ing cult of the Sun in Paeionia.
pendant from the Iron Age discovered in Scupi (Fig-
ure 9). The stamp presents 4 concentric half-circles * * *
and a radial ending which connects them (Figure 10).
The palace was in use during two phases, By-
If we accept the thesis, which is not without ar-
lazora II (second half of the V – middle of the IV
century B.C.) and III (second half of the IV century
20
F. Mege, E. Matthews, and W. Neidinger; interpret- – 279 B.C.), while on the floor of the ruined palace
ing it as a Celtic Column Krater decorated with representation there were findings (ceramic vessels, tools, small
of goose or swan or some mythological creature. metal items, colored roof tiles, coins, etc.) which are
21
In the 2nd century BC, Maxim of Tyre speaks on typical for the period from the second half of the V
Paeonians as worshipers of the Sun, representing him with
circular, small disk, attached on a tall shaft.

142
 THE THOLOS ROOM IN THE ROYAL PALACE IN BYLAZORA

century to the first decades of the III century B.C.22. On the other hand, the statement of professor
The palace was obviously suddenly and violent- Mitrevski that the palace was destroyed by the Celts
ly destroyed somewhere around the first few decades is also unquestionable. We are talking about a time
of the III century B.C., apparently without being when most early antique settlements along the Var-
rebuilt. The arrowheads found in the palace prove dar valley are beginning to disappear. In the upper
this, as they have often been used as a special type path of the river, all the established settlements in
of projectiles that can start a fire. Their discovery in the Skopje valley (Gradište-Nerezi, Gradište -Braz-
the burnt areas of the palace document the moment da- Gradište -Bucinci, Isar-Studeničani, Kale Varvara
of destruction very clear, probably during the Gaelic etc.) which had a rich and intensive life during the
invasion around 280/79 B.C.23 It is fair to mention 5-4 B.C. decline in the III century B.C., and life was
that identical iron, pyramidal arrowheads were found not reestablished there as far as the II B.C. The me-
in the archeological site of Gloska Čuka-Grčište near tropolis of the free Paeonians in Bylazora with the
Valandovo, which is a clear indication that the arrows so-called royal palace were just another early antique
were of Celtic origin. The arrowheads from that site center destroyed by the Celts somewhere around the
were discovered in context with spearhead, a few first few decades of the III century B.C.
bronze and iron belt buckles from a male military
costume and two spurs, from which one was made
of iron and had specific button tops which can be at-
tributed to the Scordisci24. This kind of interpretation
leads to a conclusion that the arrows were of Celtic
origin.
This conclusion would be much more reliable if Bibliography
there was not the finding of the coin of Leonn. In Митревски Д., Античка Билазора -
order for the palace to be ruined by the Celts, Leonn престолнина на независните Пајонци, Св. Николе
should have come to power before it, more specif- 2016г.
ically before the 280/79 B.C. invasion. Otherwise, Matthews E. and Neidinger W. (editors), Ex-
we should be looking at other destroyers. However, cavation at Bilazora, Republic of Macedonia, Re-
history is not very precise on this question, because ports 2008-2013, The Texas Foundations for Archeo-
there is really no data in narrative sources for this logical and Historical Research, Canyon Lake, Texas
Paeonian ruler, although his name can be seen on an USA
inscription in Olympia, a base at Delphi and on his Inge Nielsen, The Royal Palace Institution in
bronze coins. The base from Delphi gives us a clear the First Millennium BC, Regional Development and
view of the Paeonian dynasty. Because up until then, Cultural Interchange between East and West, Athens
Leonn was considered the last Paeonian ruler. This is 2001.
why the scholars are placing Leonn enthroning after Микулчиќ И., Антички градови во
the Celtic invasion without an apparent reason and Македонија, Ману кн.8, Скопје 1999г.
based solely on the coins. Микулчиќ И.,Скопје со околните тврдини,
This kind of vagueness related to Leon is why Скопје 1982г.
we’re suggested to date the beginnings of Leon’s Битракова Грозданова В., Религија и
reign somewhere between the battle of Corupedium Уметност во Антиката во Македонија, Скопје
in 281 B.C. of the last two generals and the Celtic 1999г.
invasion in Delphi in 279 B.C.25 Петрова Е., Култовите и симболизмот кај
пајонските племиња компарирани со илирските
и тракиските, Maced. Acta Archeol. No.13, 1992г.
Јакимовски А., Антички светилки од
Република Македонија, Скопје 2012г.
Блажевска С., Акрополата на глоска чука,
Maced. Acta Archeol. No.19
Илиев Ј., Леон и Келтската наезда, текст во
печат.

22
Митревски, 2016, 43.
23
Митревски, 2016, 48.
24
Блажевска, 2010, 193-206.
25
Илиев in print

143
Jovica Iliev

144
THE THOLOS ROOM IN THE ROYAL PALACE IN BYLAZORA

145
Jovica Iliev

146
 THE THOLOS ROOM IN THE ROYAL PALACE IN BYLAZORA

Tholos, square: O27, 2013

Dimensions: Ro 24,3 cm;
Rd 9,5 cm; h 11,2 cm
Date: IV century B.C.

Tholos, square: O27, 2013

Date: 425-350 B.C.

147
Jovica Iliev

148
THE THOLOS ROOM IN THE ROYAL PALACE IN BYLAZORA

149
Jovica Iliev

150
 SCUPI - AUGUSTALES AND SEVIRI AUGUSTALES

SCUPI - AUGUSTALES AND SEVIRI AUGUSTALES

Lenče Jovanova
Museum of the city of Skopje, Skopje

The Roman city of Scupi, as a military colony Roman merchants and craftsmen had a special con-
with self-governing status and ius Italicum, had a tribution to the rapid economic progress of the city.
western model of administrative and social order.1 In Later, the process of romanization was accelerated by
the initial period, the Romans strengthen their power the granting of citizenship to members of the local
mainly by settling a Roman or Romanized population aristocracy which, wanting to retain the privileges,
with Roman or Italic citizenship. Thereby dominat- power and influence in their own environment, in re-
ing the organized settlement of veterans (deductio), turn firstly accepted the changes and way of life of
who after finishing their army service, other than the new rulers. Certainly the population structure was
money as a reward received a property in the newly dominated by the Romanized indigenous population.
acquired area, in this case the fertile land in the re- Regarding social structure, the population mainly be-
gion of Skopje basin, which coincides with the wider longed to several categories: Roman citizens (cives
city territory of Scupi.2 Other than military veterans, Romani) with full Roman citizenship, peregrine (free
domestic and settled population with or without lim-
ited citizenship), freedmen and slaves.3
1
IMS VI, p. 25-29. Names and most of the data on epigraphic mon-
2
The founding of the colony is associated with the uments do not allow making reliable conclusions
organized settlement of veterans (deductio) of legions: VII about the social status, the structure and the number
Claudia, V Macedonica, V Alaudae and IV Macedonica of certain categories of population in Scupi. On the
(Mócsy 1970, p. , 67-69, No. 40, 42; IMS VI, pp. 23-24, top of the social pyramid were the members of the
pp. 1-14, pp. 25-26, n. 4-16, nos 46, 48, 49, 51, 52, 53 ,
senatorial aristocracy4, as well as bearers of the mu-
54, 56, 55, 57, 216 (Leg. VII Claudiae), 41 (Leg. V Alau-
dae), 43 (Leg. V Macedonica), 39 (Leg. IV Macedonica);
nicipal magistratures, such as high civilian (decuri-
Móscy 1970, p. 68, n. 42, Ферјанчић 2002, pp. 70-78, ones, duumviri, duumviri quinquennales, aediles,
188-189; The views on when the colony was founded are questores)5 and priestly functions (auguri, pontific-
separated, i.e. whether it happened in the time of Vespa- es)6, commonly chosen among the bearers of Roman
sian (RE IV 547, sv (E. Kornemann), RE XII.1 -2, 1247, citizenschip, primarily veterans and members of the
1621, S. Legio (E. Ritterling), IMS VI, pp. 25-26, No. 1-9; local aristocracy. In contrast to free-born Roman
Dušanić 1 996, p. 42, 43, n. 20-21, the founding of the col- citizens (ingenui) with Roman citizenship, to the so-
ony is places in the time of Vespasian, exactly in year 72), cially lower category belonged the freedmen (liberti)
or later in the time of Domitian, exactly in the 84/85 (IMS
VI, 26, n. 4-16; Вулић 1909, p. 146, leaves the possibility
that Domitian only renewed the colony founded by Ves- 3
IMS VI, p. 32-27.
pasian; Móscy 1970, p. 67-69, n. 40, 42, believes that the
first settlement of veterans was carried out by Vespasian
4
 IMS VI, p. 34, Nos. 10, 27, 28, 75; Sasel 1992, p.
with veterans from Leg. VII Claudia, until later, in the time 198-200; Dušanić 2006, p. 91-99; Jованова 2010, p. 209-
of Domitian or Traian, soldiers from the legions V Mace- 224; Jованова 2015, p. 45-70.
donica, I Italica and V Alaudae were settled; Ферјанчић
5 
 IMS VI, p. 27, nos 6, 7, 12, 15, 31, 30, 42, 45, 46,
2002, p. 72-77, 188-189, the veterans settlement from le- 49, 62-68; Jovanova 2009, p. 181-192; Jованова 2015, p.
gions VII Claudia, V Macedonica, V Alaudae and IV Mac- 71-88; Basotova 2012, p. 359-366.
edonica is connected to the time of Flavians. 6
  IMS VI, p. 27, Nos. 6, 75, 42, 64.

151
 Lenče Jovanova

with limited citizenship, without the right to obtain level.12 Most often, the richest freedman in the city,
magistratures (ius honorum) and entering the city who did not have other opportunities for status ad-
council of decuriones.7 On an even lower social scale vancement, became Augustales, that is, supporters of
were the members of numerous domestic (coloni) the imperial cult, as the only way their descendants
and settled free population (incolae, hospes, advenae, would receive certain municipal functions or exer-
consistentes) with certain citizenship, as well as free cise a military career.13 The augustalis function is the
population (domestic or settled) without citizenship highest quasi-magistracy that the freedmen were able
(peregrini).8 The lowest social category were the to obtain, that is, the highest social level on which
slaves (servi) without almost any rights.9 they could climb.14 They in some way played the role
On this occasion, the focus of our interest is the of a kind of middle class among the privileged carri-
category of freedmen. After released from slavery, ers of city magistrates and the rest of the population.
they were granted the status of liberti / status liberta- Hence the opinion that the the augustales service was
tis and they became Roman citizens entitled to: con- primarily intended for social and political recogni-
clude a marriage with free or freedmen (ius conubii), tion and advancement of the well-off freedmen as a
the right to deal with trade and assembly contracts counterweight to the city aristocracy.15
(ius comercii) and the right to commit civic duties,
i.e. the right to vote (ius sufragii). However, the Institution, duty and title of the Augustales
freedmen had numerous legal restrictions and were The appearance of the duty and title of Augus-
therefore not completely equated to the rights of the tales, as the term itself points out, is related to the
free-born Roman citizens (ingenui).10 name of Augustus, that is, the introduction of the em-
Even though they had certain (basic) civil rights, peror’s cult institution and it occurs for the first time
the freedmen were considered to be insufficiently in the period between 14-12 BC.16
valuable, a lower category of citizens (humiliores), The very term Augustales derived from the
therefore they were completely excluded from the king’s divine name, following the reputation of the
military service (except in unusual, emergency sit- names of similar priestly offices, derived from the
uations), as well as the right (ius honorum ) to ob- names of other deities (Dialis, Martialis, Mercurialis,
tain civilian functions / magistrates and to enter the Herculanei).17 The function of augustalis, sevir au-
city council of decuriones (ordo decurionum), whose gustalis, magister augustalis and sevir are common
members were considered part of a privileged, elite in developed Roman provincial cities during the im-
class of citizens (honestiores). Almost the only way
for social proofing and advancement of the low-
er-class citizens, primarily the freedmen, was mem- 12
On this occasion we will not rely on the emergence,
bership in numerous voluntary professional or reli-
development, distribution, role and other aspects of the
gious associations (collegia).11 imperial cult. The following literature was used on this
On the other hand, the choice of wealthy freed- subject: Taylor 1931, p. 1-296; Fishwick 1978, p. 1201-
men for social establishment and advancement was 1253; Fishwick 1990, p. 121-130; Fishwick 1991; Fish-
the Augustales service related to the affirmation and wick 1993; Fishwick 2002a; Fishwick 2002b; Fishwick
nurturing of the imperial cult on a local, municipal 2004; Fishwick 2007, p. 247-255; Clauss 1996, p. 400-
433; Clauss 2001.
13
Literature used for the institution / function “Au-
gustales”: Neumann 1896, p. 2340-2360; Wissowa 1896,
p. 2349-2361; Taylor 1914, p. 231-253; Veyne 1966, p.
141-156; Premerstain 1895, p. 824-877; Duthoy 1978, p.
7
  IMS VI, p, 35-36. Mócsy 1970, p. 183-184. 1254-1309; Abramenko, 1993, p. 13-37; Linderski 2007,
8
  IMS VI p. 35-37; Mócsy 1970, p. 179-180; The sta- p. 179-183; Fishwick 1991, p. 609-616.
tus and rights of peregrine are defined by ancient authors: 14
Duthoy, 1974, p. 134-154, the statistical analysis
Cic. De leg. 11. 94; Amm. Marc. XIV. 6. 7-26; XXVIIL shows that nine of ten Augustales were freedmen, or 85-
4. 6-35. 95% of the total known have liberated origin; Ostrow,
9
  IMS VI, Nos. 10, 28; The following literature was 1990, p. 364-365, n. 2.
used for the status and rights of slaves: Alföldy 1972, p. 15
Vandevorde 2012, p. 404-423, with quoted litera-
97-129. Buckland 1908; Bradley 1994, p. 1-183; Scheidel ture.
2012, p. 89-113; Liu 2013, p. 2759-2762. 16
Taylor, 1914, p. 235-236, n. 13-17, the oldest ep-
10
Used literature for the category of "freedmen": Tay- igraphic monument (ara Lares Augusti) mentions the title
lor 1961, p. 113-132; Mouritsen 2005, p. 38-63; Mouritsen Augustalis and originates from the town of Nepet in Etru-
2011, p. 10-344; Verboven 2011, p. 88-109; Starac 1991, p. ria (CIL XI 3200 = ILS 89, dated 13/12 BC). On it the title
91-107; Starac 2000, p. 127-131; Vermote 2014, p. 113-130. magistri Augustales primi is mentioned for the first time.
11
Vandevorde 2012, p. 408, n. 30. 17
Fishwick, 1991, p. 609.

152
 SCUPI - AUGUSTALES AND SEVIRI AUGUSTALES

perial period.18 In science it is generally accepted that role in the celebration of the imperial cult.22 The insti-
the service of seviri does not belong to the same cat- tutions of the augustales, seviri augustales and mag-
egory as the services: augustales, seviri augustales istri augustales are common to the cities of the west,
and magistri augustales. The service of seviri is older they are rarely found in the centers of the eastern part
than the other three services, known since the Repub- of the Empire, and completely absent from Rome.23
lican period, and is considered to have a completely Such unspecified nature of the services: seviri au-
different status, nature and essence, which are not gustales, augustales, and magistri augustales, is large-
related to the imperial cult. Although the duties of ly due to the scanty data of ancient sources, but also
the seviri are not completely determined, there are to the present data on epigraphic inscriptions which,
indications that most of their responsibilities are from despite the large number, do not contain sufficient in-
the secular sphere, as opposed to the religious one. formation about the nature and essence of these func-
As a social category, the seviri oppose the members tions.24 The Augustales in the sources are mentioned
of the city council and the magistrates, and, unlike lapidary, only in several places, from which the most
them, they have placed statues and altars of various striking are several fragments in the Satyricon of
deities more often from their own finances, suggest- Petronius, where the main character, the rich freedman
ing that they had certain official duties related to Trimalchio, prides himself on the function / title of
the religious life of the city or some of its aspects. sevir augustalis and the privileges that enabled him.25
In addition, they are associated with organizing cult Augustalitas represents honor and function,
processions, public spectacles and games of different whose bearers have been granted the right to take
kind, as well as other municipal activities, especially care of maintaining the imperial cult on a munici-
in the field of urbanism and construction.19 There are pal level. The Augustales were organized within the
opinions that the older service of seviri served as a framework of special associations (collegium Au-
paradigm in the organization of the augustales, cre- gustalium), which acted more as administrative than
ated as a result of Augustus’s policy of harmonizing religious organizations dedicated to maintaining the
the various social categories within a complex struc- imperial cult.26 Apart from the six-member (seviri =
ture of the imperial cult and the ideology of power, sexviri avgustales), there are known three-member
whose purpose was the enthronement of the new so- (tresviri augustales) and eighth-member collegiates
cial order and manner of governance (Principate).20 (octoviri augustales), among which the difference
On the other hand, decades-long discussions on is only in the number of members, not in the func-
similarities and differences between duties: augus- tion of the service.27 The augustales were, by rule,
tales, seviri augustales and magistri augustales are selected from among the relatively wealthy freed-
present in science. It is generally accepted the exist-
ence of three different organizations: augustales, sev- 22
Premerstein 1895, p. 852, considers that these are
iri augustales, and magistri augustales, who co-ex- separate institutions that functioned independently until
isted in parallel, independently of one another, and the 2nd century when they were united; Taylor 1914, pp.
each of them had a certain role in the maintenance of 233-243, believes that seviri augustales after the year-long
the imperial cult (genius Augusti / numen Augusti).21 service went to the augustales category. In the middle of
However, there is still insufficient knowledge to the second century there is a reorganization of the augus-
help define more clearly the differences in the ranks be- tales service, so that only the institution of augustales with
tween these three services, as well as the nature of their lifelong membership function.
23
Taylor, 1914, p. 231; Duthoy, 1978, p. 1258, n. 30,
mentions a number of about 2500 inscriptions that men-
tion the title augustalis related to the AD 11 up to AD 270.
4
Hereinafter, the term augustalis will be used in both
cases, that is, in the case of augustalis and as an abbrevia-
tion for sevir augustalis.
18
Taylor 1914, 231-253; Duthoy, 1978, p.1254-1309; 25
Petronius, Sat. 30, 57, 65, 71; In addition to to Satyr-
Vandervoorte 2014, p. 34-35. icon of Petronius, lapidary data for augustales are also found
19
Taylor 1914, p. 239; Fishwick 1991, p. 609; Šašel in Tacitus (Tac, Ann.154; 2.83; Hist. 2.95); More detailed
Kos 1999, p. 173-175, n. 2-4, the author provides a de- information about augustales among ancient authors in:
tailed overview of the nature, functions, and differences Neumman 1896, p. 2349-2361; Duthoy 1978, p. 1307-1309.
between the seviri and the seviri augustales in the area of 26
Premerstein 1895, p. 824-877; Duthoy 1978, p.
the Northeast Adriatic. 1254-1309, Ostrow 1990, p. 1, 373-379; Fishwick 1991, p.
20
Fears 1981, p. 55-66. 609-616; Šašel Kos 1999, p. 173-175, n. 5-7; Vandervoorte
21
Taylor 1914, p. 231-253; Duthoy 1978, p. 1255- 2012, p. 410-411.
1257, 1260-1293; Premerstein 1895, p. 824-877; Ostrow, 27
Premerstein 1895, p. 829; Taylor 1914, p. 234, n.
1990, p. 1, 364-379. 12, p. 241.

153
 Lenče Jovanova

Fig.2. Tombstone dedicated to augustalis C.

Lib(..) Crescens, Bardovci (IMS VI, no 75).

vice (ob honorem sevitatus), along with the mainte-

nance of the imperial cult with the religious duties
(offering sacrifices in honor of the emperor and his
family), the members of the association of augustales
were obliged to participate with charitable contribu-
Fig.1. Tombstone dedicated to augustalis Marus tions in the organization of certain manifestations,
Ellius Phoebus, Aračinovo (IMS VI, no 74). spectacles and games, as well as to share free meals.
In addition, they set statues and altars dedicated to
men, although even the free-born (ingenui) could the emperor and invested their own funds to cover
become augustales.28 At proposition of the city de- the costs of carrying out public works related to ur-
curiones they were given a one-year term of mem- banism of the city (road construction, profane and
bership in the official city association responsible for sacred public buildings).30 That was the investment
maintaining the imperial cult, although they could they had to pay to get a higher social status, but they
be elected for the second and third time. The choice could never receive and pursue magistrates’ func-
of membership in the associations of augustales was tions, priesthood duties, or to become members of
approved by a decree of the city council of decuri- the city council, such as free-born Roman citizens.31
ones (decretum decurionum).29 Having been elected The position of augustalis, sevir augustalis, en-
and inscribed on the list of augustales (album augus- abled wealthy and ambitious freedmen who sought
talium), they had to pay a certain amount of money alternative pathways for social advancement in a le-
(summa honoraria) in the city treasury for member- gal way to overcome the limiting factor caused by
ship in the association of augustales (collegium au- the previous slave status. Thus, through the augus-
gustalium), after which they received certain duties tales service, which had the function of a quasi-mag-
(munera) and honors (honores). In honor of the ser-
30
Mourlot 1895, 91-112, the author gives a detailed
28
Duthoy, 1974, p. 134-154; Duthoy, 1978, p.1254- overview of the austalis duty and honors; Duthoy 1978, p.
1309; Vandevorde 2012, p. 409-410. 1294, 1301-1305; Fishwick 1991, p. 609, 616, n. 36-37;
29
Premerstein 1895, p. 831; Taylor 1914, p. 232; Tu- Vandevorde 2012, p. 411-412.
dor 1962, p. 200-201; Duthoy 1978, p. 1266, 1277-1279.. 31
Duthoy 1978, p. 1254-1309.

154
 SCUPI - AUGUSTALES AND SEVIRI AUGUSTALES

Fig.4. Tombstone dedicated to augustalis M. Ulpius

Iulius, M. Andonov Čento (IMS VI, no 76).
rionalia), such as: the right to sit in front of the curia
during public events and attend sessions of the city
council, but without the right to active participation;
Fig.3. Tombstone dedicated to augustalis C. Valerius
the right to sit on magistrates chairs (sellae curules);
Maximus, Dobri Dol (IMS VI, no 34).
the right to a double honorary seat (bisellium) during
performances in the theater or various public festiv-
istracy, the freedmen were given the opportunity to
ities and games; the right to donations in money or
achieve some kind of surrogate public career, which
food (sportulae); the right to wear a magistrate toga
enabled them to advance not only within the local
with a purple border (toga praetexta) and an honorary
community, but also throughout the Empire. Within
crown (corona), as well as the right to public funerals
the city administration, the position of augustales is
(funus publicum).33
placed on a level of special ordo versus the ordo of
The The associations of augustales associations
decuriones compatible like the ordo of equester was
had their own seat (aedes augustalium) and a treas-
to the ordo of senators.32
ury (aerarium) and had a similar internal organiza-
In return, the augustales were entitled to certain
tion and hierarchical structure of functions/duties
distinctive features (insignia), which served as the
as a voluntary professional and sacral associations
formal marking of the official position in the city,
with administration (ordo augustalium) consisting
such as: accompaniment of flute players and lictores
of: praefecti, quinquennales, questores, aediles, cu-
with fasces in the hands (a stick of wooden rods as
ratores, and other duties: scribae, viatores, as well
an expression of power), as well as some other hon-
ors and positions. By decree of the decurions’ coun-
cil (ordo decurionum), the esteemed augustales could
receive certain rights or could be distinguished with 33
Petronius, Sat. 30, 65; Tac. Ann. II 83; Mourlot
features inherent to the decuriones (ornamenta decu-
1895, 91-112; Duthoy 1978, p. 1268 -1269; Tudor 1962,
p. 208; Fishwick 1991, p. 609; Šašel Kos 1999, p. 177, n.
32
Taylor 1914, p. 243; Vandevorde 2012, p. 411-419, 30; Vandevoorde 2012, p. 411-418, n. 54-55; Vandevoorde
n. 57-61. 2014, p. 38-40.

155
 Lenče Jovanova

Fig.6a. Tombstone dedicated to augustalis L. Iulius

Fig.5. Tombstone dedicated to augustalis Iulius Argaeus, Kučeviška Bara (Јovanova 2005, fig. 1)
Sy[m]ahus, Doberce-Tetovo (Dobruna Salihu 2005,
no 99, fig. 91).
Augustales and seviri augustales in Scupi
as ordinary members (plebs/populus).34 Similarly to
It is quite expected that Scupi, as the oldest colo-
the voluntary associations they had a list of magis-
ny in the province of Moesia Superior, has developed
trates (fasti augustalium) and a list of members (al-
association of augustales. Of the wider city territory
bum augustalium).35 Unlike other similar religious
of Scupi there are eleven inscriptions that record the
or professional associations that were organized on a
augustalis, six of which bear the title of augustales
voluntary basis, the augustales had the status of state
and five the title of sevir augustalis.
institutions.36
In science, opinions about the religious nature of
Catalog of inscriptions:
the augustales were divided, because generally they
were never official priestley collegia.37 It is consid- I. Inscriptions that mention people with the title
ered that in the augustales should be recognized the of augustalis:
missing link between the city elite and the lower so-
cial classes.38 I / 1. Aračinovo: M. Ellius Phoebus, aug (ustalis)
col (oniae) Scup (inorum). Fig. 1.
Marus │ Elliu [s M. l (ibertus) ?] │Phoe [bus]
aug (ustalis) col (oniae) │Scup (inorum) vix (it) an
(nis) LXXV│h (ic) s (itus) e [st] │her (edes) f (acien-
dum) [c (uraverunt)]Surus │ Ianuar (ius) N [..] eus.
34
Taylor 1914, p. 242; Premerstein 1895, p. 848, 856; Translation: Marius Ellius Phoebus, a freedman
Tudor 1962, p. 200-212; Duthoy 1978, p. 1266, 1277, of Marius, augustalis of the colony of Scupi, who
1281; Starac 2000, p. 134; Vandervoorte 2013, p. 134-151. lived for 75 years, is buried here. His heirs, Surus,
35
Vandervoorte 2013, pp. 129-151. Ianuarius, Nereus ?, had this (monument) erected.
36
Duthoy 1978, p. 1266-1267. References: Трухелка. 1929, p. 70, n. 1, fig. 8-9;
37
Vandevoorde 2012, p. 411, n. 52; Vandevoorde Вулић 1931, p. 201, no. 528; IMS VI, no 74.
2013, p. 136; Linderski 2007, p. 179, n. 2. Dating: the middle of the 2nd century.
38
Šašel Kos 1999, p. 177-178; Vandevoorde 2012, p.
407-423;Vandevoorde 2013, p. 140-143.

156
 SCUPI - AUGUSTALES AND SEVIRI AUGUSTALES

Fig.6b. Tombstone dedicated to augustalis L. Iulius

Argaeus, detail with the name and function.

I / 2. Bardovci: C. Lib. Cr [es] cens, au [g (....)]. Fig. 2.

.....] │Lib [...] │Cresse [n] tilla v [ix (it)]│an
(nis) XV [...]│h(ic) s(ita) e(st)│C. Lib (....) Cr [es]
│cens au [g (....)] │filiae p (iae) │f (aciendum) [c
(uravit)].
Translation: .... Lib (onia) Cressentilla, who has
lived for 15 (?) years, is buried here. Augustalis G.
Libonius Crescens to the beloved daughter, had this
(monument) erected. Fig.7. Tombstone dedicated to sevir augustalis L.
References: Вулић 1931, p. 205, no. 538; IMS Atilius Hilarus, Bardovci (IMS VI, no 70).
VI, no. 75.
Dating: the middle of the 2nd century.

I / 3. Dobri Dol: C. Val (erius) Maximus, aug

(ustali) col (oniae) S <c> up (inorum). Fig. 3.
I / 4. Singelić (Čento): M. Ulpius Iulius, aug (us-
D (is) M (anibus) │Iulia Victorina│viva sibi
talis) colon (iae) Sc [up (inorum)]. Fig. 4.
et│C. Val (erio) Pudinti (!) │vet (erano) ex praet
D (is) M (anibus) │M. Ulpius Iu │lius aug (us-
(orio) │et C. Iul (io) Celeri│q (ui) militat praetor
talis) co│lon (iae) Sc [up (inorum)] │vix (it) an (nis)
(ianus) │filis b (ene) m (erentibus) et│C . Val (erio)
LXX [VI] │ [h (ic) s(itus) e (est)] │SVI I ... [F] ir │m
Maximo aug (ustali) │col (oniae) S <c> up (inorum)
[ina] marito │be [ne] m [e] r [en] │ti pos [ui] t.
generi (!) B (ene) m (erenti) │f (aciendum) c (uravit).
Translation: To the gods Mani of M. Ulpius
Translation: To the gods Mani, Iulia Victorina,
Iulius, augustalis of the colony of Scupi, who has
while she was alive, to herself and in memory of the
lived for 76 years, is buried here. Sui .... Firmi-
sons (while they were alive?), C. Valerius Pudentus,
na, in good memory, had this (monument) erected.
a veteran and former pretorian and C. Iulius Celerus,
References: Evans 1885, pp. 102, 111,
in the service of a pretorian, as well as a relative (son
Fig. 50; CIL III, 8204; IMS VI, no. 76.
in law?) G. Valeriy Maxim, augustalis of the colony
Dating: 1st century
of Scupi, In a good memory set up this (monument).
for a good memory.
References: Vuckovic-Todorović 1956-57, p.
294-295, Fig. 8; ILIug., No. 36; IMS VI, no. 34.
Dating: late 2nd / early 3rd century.

157
 Lenče Jovanova

Fig.8. Tombstone dedicated to sevir augustalis T. Fig.9. Tombstone dedicated to unknown sevir
Iulius Servandus, Bardovci (IMS VI, no 71). augustalis ?, Dolno Vodno (IMS VI, no 73).
I / 5. Dobarce-Tetovo: Iul (ius) Sy [m] ahus Literature: Dobruna Salihu E., 2005, no. 99, fig. 91.
augusta [lis] col (oniae) Scup (inorum).39 Fig. 5. Dating: late 1st / early 2nd century.
Cassandr [a] │h (ic) s (ita) e (st) │vix (it) ann
(is) [..] │Iul(ius) Sym│machus│augusta [lis] I / 6. Kučeviška Bara: L. Iul (ius) Argaeus aug
col (oniae) Scup (inorum ) │matri et collegiu [m] (ustalis) col (oniae) Scup (inorum). Fig. 6a-b.
Herculis│idem [i] │b (ene) m (erenti) p (osuit). D (is) ♥ M (anibus) │L (ucius) Iul (ius) Argae-
Translation: Cassandra is buried here, who us│aug (ustalis) Col (oniae) Scup (inorum) │vix
lived? years. Iulius Symmachus, augustalis of the (it) an (nis) LXX Vita│les coniux eius vix ) an (nis)
colony of Scupi, to his mother (who was), also the LV│Maxima filia│eorum vixit (it) an (nis) │XXX-
mother of the association of worshipers of Her- VII Iul (ius) In│genus mil (es) │leg (ionis) IIII Fl
cules, In a good memory made this (monument). (aviae) fil (ius) │eorum parent(ibus) │piis (simis) ♥
posuit.
39
The monument was erected by Iulius Symahus, Translation: To the gods Mani of Lucius Iulius
who was an augustalis in the Scupi colony. It suggests Argaeus, augustalis of the colony of Scupi, who has
that the region of the village of Doberce-Tetovo, where lived for 70 years, to his wife Vitales, who has lived
the monument was found, probably belonged to the wid- for 55 years, (and) to their daughter Maxima, who
er Scupi’s city area, Mikulčić 1971, 467-469, the author has lived for 37 years. Their son Iulius Ingenus, a sol-
thinks that the Tetovo-Polog region did not belong to Scu- dier in the IV Fl. Legion, set up (a monument) to the
pi’s city territory, which may indicate that the augustalis most pious parents.
had properties outside the borders of the territory of the References: Jovanova 2005, 69-84, figs. 1-2;
city where he was performing his office. However, since Јованова 2015, 89-106, Figs. 1-3.
it is a border region, one should not exclude the possibil- Dating: late 2nd / early 3rd century..
ity that the region of the village Doberce belonged to the
Moesia Superior, and hence the Scupi’s city area.

158
 SCUPI - AUGUSTALES AND SEVIRI AUGUSTALES

Fig.10. Votive inscription dedicated by sevir augustalis

C. Sentius Primus, Bardovci (IMS VI, no 3).

II. Inscriptions that mention people with the

title of sevir augustalis:
II / 1. Bardovci: L. Atilius Hilarus, sevir aug (us-
talis) col (oniae) Scup (inorum). Fig. 7.
D (is) M (anibus) │L. Atilius Hilarus se│vir aug
(ustalis) col (oniae) │Scup (inorum) vix (it) an (nis)
│XXXV h (ic) s (itus) e (st) │L. Atil (ius) Euha│ris-
tus pater.
Translation: To the gods Mani of L. Atilius Hila-
rus, sevir augustalis of the colony of Scupi, who has
lived for 35 years, is buried here. L. Atilius Euharis-
tus, his father.
Fig.11.Tombstone dedicated to sevir augustalis C.
References: Vulić 1934, pp. 58, 64, no. 63; IMS
Publicius Tertius, Kale-Skopje (IMS VI, no 72).
VI, no 70.
Dating: the middle of the 2nd century.
is buried here. Valeria Asclepiodote, Caius daughter,
II / 2. Bardovci: T. Iulius Servand (us), se│vir while she was alive at age 50, had this (monument)
aug (ustalis) col (oniae) Scup (inorum). Fig. 8. made for herself and the unhappy husband.
D (is) M (anibus) │T. Iul (ius) Ser│vand (us) References: Вулић 1941-48, p. 218, no 431; IL-
seocvir aug (ustalis) col (oniae) │Scup (inorum) qui- Iug, no. 50; IMS VI no 73.
vixit an (nis) │LXX h (ic) s (itus) d (efunctus) │T. Dating: the middle of the 2nd century
Iul (ius) Servan│dus filius│f (aciendum) c (uravit).
Translation: To the gods Mani by T. Iulius Serv- II / 4. Zlokućani / Bardovci: C. Sentius Primus,
andus, sevir augustalis of the colony of Scupi, who sevir augustalis. Fig. 10.
lived for 70 years, is buried here. His son, T. Iulius D (is) et D (eabus) sacrum│C. Sentius Prim-
Servandus, had this (monument) made. us│sevir│augustalis│v (otum) s (olvit) l (ibens) m
References: Вулић 1909, p. 147, no. 70; Vulić (erito).
1910, Beibl. 219, no. 32; Трухелка 1929, p. 69-70, Translation: To the holy gods and goddesses, C.
Fig. 7; Вулић 1931, p. 205, no. 541; IMS VI no. 71. Sentius Primus, sevir augustalis, willingly and de-
Dating: the middle of the 2nd century. servedly fulfilled his vow.
References: Evans 1885, p. 87, 119, Fig. 56; CIL
II / 3. Dolno Vodno - Skopje: ......, IIIIII [vir] au- III, 8186; IMS VI no. 3.
gust (alis) col (oniae) Scup (inorum). Fig. 9. Dating: end of the 2nd century.
D(is) M(anibus)│[......]│[......]│IIIIII [vir]│au-
gust(alis)│col(oniae) Scup(inorum)│vix(it) II / 5. Kale - Skopje: C. Publicius Tertius, sevir
an(nis)│L h(ic) s(itus) e(st)│Valeri│a C(ai) f(ilia) august (alis). Fig. 11.
A│[s]clepio│[do]te│ann(orum) L│viva se│sibi et D (is) M (anibus) │C. Publicius Tertius│sevir
[in]│felici│marito│f(aciendum) c(uravit). august (alis) │se vivo sibi│et Statuleae│Placidae
Translation: To the gods Mani of ............ .., sevir co│iugi (!) bene me│renti posuit.
augustalis of the colony of Scupi, who lived 50 years, Translation: To the gods Mani, C. Publius Ter-
tius, sevir augustalis, while he was alive for himself

159
 Lenče Jovanova

and his wife Statuleae Placidiae, in a good memory, case (I / 3) one of the most common non-imperial
had this (monument) made. gentile names appear (Valerius)48, in four cases (I
References: Dragojević-Josifovska 1977, pp. / 2, II / 1, II / 4, II / 5) are used rare gentile names
461-466, no. 1; IMS VI no 72. (Libonius, Atilius, Sentius, Publicius)49, while in one
Dating: end of 2nd - beginning of 3rd century. case the name of the augustalis was not saved (II / 3).
In two examples (I / 1, II / 1) there is a combination
Analysis of the inscriptions of a rare gentile name with a Greek cognomen (M.
In the area of province Moesia Superior, where Ellius Phoebus and L. Atilius Hilarus), while on the
the city of Scupi belonged administratively, the as- inscriptions (I / 5, I / 6) from Dobarce-Tetovo (Iulius
sociations of augustales are known in almost all de- Symahus) and Kučeviška Bara (L. Iulius Argaeus),
veloped city centers, such as Ratiaria40, Margum41, a royal gentle name appears in combination with a
Viminacium42, Singidunum43 and Timacum Minus.44 Greek cognomen. Almost equally are represented the
The association of seviri augustales operated Latin cognomina: Crecens, Maximus, Iulius, Servan-
only in Scupi, while in the other cities only the as- dus, Primus, Tertius (I / 2-4, II / 2 II / 4-5)50, versus
sociations of augustales were known. Such phenom- Greek cognomina: Phoebus, Hilarus, Argaeus, Syma-
enon suggests that this imperial institution in the ter- hus (I / 1, I / 5-6, II / 1).51
ritory of Moesia Superior probably started to act in In addition, there is a presence of Latin and
Scupi, which is not surprising knowning that Scupi is Greek cognomina in the same family, that is, the au-
the oldest colony in the province, founded at the time gustalis can have a Latin cognomen, and the mem-
of the Flavian Dynasty.45 bers of his family can carry Greek cognomina or vice
Most of the Scupi inscriptions that mention versa (I / 1, I / 6). The emergence of equal representa-
augustales or seviri augustales are dated in the 2nd tion, as well as the mixed presence of Greek and Lat-
century, with the exception of four, one of which is in cognomina in the same family, is not surprising
chronologically determined at the end at the 1st cen- at all when it comes to freedmen, to whom the use
tury (I / 4), and the other three of the transition from of the cognomina is most often not ethnic but social
the late 2nd to the early 3rd century (I / 3, I / 6, II / 5). predecessor.52
Apart from one of the inscriptions (I / 2), the rest are Interestingly, among the Scupi augustales none
not particularly emphasized that that the mentioned was a imperial freedman, which is probably due to
augustales are freedmen, although in most cases it is the fact that they had more opportunities for social
not difficult to determine on the basis of the onomas- advancement against other well-off freedmen (pri-
tics of their names.46 A typical Roman name formula vate and public) whose choice of progress was re-
is applied using the tria nomina, with a prenomen, stricted to the augustales service only.53
gentile name and cognomen (nickname). In five cas- A common feature of all inscriptions is the ab-
es (I / 1, I / 4, I / 5, I / 6, II / 2) are used common im- sence of personal information about the social status
perial gentile names (Iulius, Ulpius, Ellius)47, in one or profession of the freedmen before obtaining the
status augustalis or sevir augustalis. There is no ex-
plicit information, but indirectly almost everyone can
40
CIL III, 1641, 6294; Ferri 1990, p. 597-606; Iliev be assumed to be Scupi residents because they are in
2010, p. 152-153, n. 20-36. some way connected with close or distant members
41
IMS II, no 315. of their families. Namely, the majority of monuments
42
IMS II, nos 63, 76, 78, 84. (eight) are set by close family members of the augus-
43
IMS I, no 47. tales, or they are dedicants of a close family member.
44
IMS III/2, no 24 (the monument is found in Ti-
macum Minus, but it mentioned persons who were augus-
tales in Ratiaria.
48
IMS VI, p. 34 (more than 30 people carry the gen-
tilename Valerius); Jovanova 2009, p. 183-186, n. 15.
45
See n. 2. 49
IMS VI, p. 33-35, nos 27, 75, 224
46
Dutroy 1970, p. 88-105; Móscy 1970, p. 165; Ferri
1990, p. 599.
50
IMS VI, nos 75 (Crecens), 34 (Maximus), 76 (Iu-
lius), 71 (Servandus), 3 (Primus), 72 (Tertius).
47
The gentile name Iulius is known from many in-
scriptions (26) in Scupi (Mócsy 1970, 73; IMS VI, p. 36,
51
IMS VI, No. 74 (Phoebus), 70 (Hilarus); Dobru-
nos 1, 34, 35, 41, 47, 52, 53, 59, 71, 92, 102, 110, 111, na 2005, p. 687-688, no 99 (the author does not enter the
118, 123-128, 136, 144, 153, 180; Јованова 2005, p. 69- onomastic analysis of the name Symmachus); Pape W.
84, Jovanova 2015, p. 143-146, n. 45), the gentile name Benseler G. 1911, p. 1487 (Σύμμαχος); Nomenclator 279
Ulpius appears on six inscriptions (IMS VI, p. 36, nos 11, (Symmachus); Јованова 2015, p. 97, n. 20 (Argaeus).
69, 76, 158, 159, 178), while the gentile name Aellius is
52
IMS VI, p. 36; Duthoy 1970, p. 88-105.
known from nine inscriptions (IMS VI, p. 36, nos 38, 80, 53
Ferri 1990, p. 601; Starac 1991, p. 96; Starac 200,
81, 117, 148, 155; CIL VI, nos 533, 32640, 37184). p. 129-131, with quoted literature.

160
 SCUPI - AUGUSTALES AND SEVIRI AUGUSTALES

Most often, that is in three cases, the monuments are end of the 2nd and the first half of 3rd century stayed
set by the wives (I / 4, II / 3, II / 5), in two cases by and acted in Scupi.57 Among them, especially prom-
the sons (I / 6, II / 2) and in one case by the father (II inent persons were: Libonius Severus, a senator and
/ 1). In one case the augustalis set up a monument to former consul (consularis), and possibly a patron of
the daughter (I / 2) or mother (I / 5). In only one case the Scupi colony58, and the eminent Rufrius Iustus,
(I / 3) the augustalis is a member of the wider family, proconsul of the province of Macedonia in one of the
with an undetermined degree of relashionship (son in years between 220 and 235, whose function and role
law?) of the dedicant, while in another case (I / 1), the in the Scupi colony are non certainly determined.59
heirs of the augustalis, who are probably not in fam- The family union Rufrius - Libonius on the terri-
ily relationship with him appear as dedicants. One of tory of Scupi and further in Moesia Superor, as well
the monuments is votive (II / 4), placed by augustalis as in the surrounding provinces, owned or had under
C. Sentius Primus to all gods and goddesses, with- their control a large properties - latifundia with villas
out data for members of his family. In this context, it and other associated infrastructure.60 Although there
should be mentioned that the same person is noted on is no direct evidence, there are some indications that
the inscription from a sarcophagus found in Belimbe- the Dardanian sources of wealth of the Libonius and
govo, where his wife Ulpia Marcia was buried54, con- Rufrius families, apart from the agriculture, should
firming that he and his family lived in Scupi. also be in the profit of some non-agrarian activities,
The inscriptions allow us to conclude that the such as metal manufacturing or rent of parts of the
augustalis title was not inherited within the family, state-owned mining territories.61 Their power and in-
that is, from father to son, which can be seen from fluence in various spheres of the economic and social
the inscription from Bardovci (II / 1), dedicated to life of Scupi and the province of Macedonia were
Aaugustalis L. Atilius Hilarus who died at the age of due to the connectivity of the members of the Scupi’s
35 and his father L. Atilius Euharistus, who was not group with the Thessalonian branch of the Rufrius
augustalis, appears as a dedicant. That fact is con- family, which were in close affinity with the Claudius
firmed by another inscription from Scupi, where the
same person is mentioned, but as a dedicant.55 This 57
  Apart from the inscription of the augustalis C. Li-
suggests that in Scupi, the augustalis title was grant- bonius Crescens (I / 2) from the wider Scupi’s territory,
ed only to one generation of freedmen, because their region of Kumanovo and South Morava valley are known
descendants could directly obtain a municipal magis- several other inscriptions on which are mentioned people
tratures or enter the council of decuriones.56 who were probably heirs, freedmen, descendants of freed-
There is no data that someone of the augustales men or clients of the senatorial families Libonius and Ru-
or seviri augustales, that is, sevir augustales was frius. The emergence of more persons with the same, rare
awarded with the highest honors, privileges and fea- gentile name in a limited region indicates their family or
tures (ornamenta decurationalia), which were award- clientelistic connection (Šašel 1992, p. 198-200, IMS VI,
pp. 34, 46, Nos. 27, 75, 167, 224; IMS IV, Nos. 120-121
ed by a decree of the city council (ordo decurionum)
Душаниħ 2006, pp. 95-99, pp. 104-120; Јованова 2010,
of Scupi. p. 209-224; Јованова 2015, pp. 47-60, 67-70, with the ref-
The augustalis duty was most often received and erences).
executed by the wealthier freedmen which in Scu- 58
  IMS VI, 27, the author is considering the possi-
pi is confirmed at the monument of Bardovci (I / 2) bility that Libonius Severus, apart from the function of
set by augustalis C. Libonius Crescens. He was the Scupi’s patron, performed the duty of curator rei publica;
freedman of noble aristocratic family Libonius, who Šašel 1992, p. 198-200, n. 12-15, with the literature about
had close family relations with the senatorial fami- the patronus and curator rei publicae. The author concludes
ly Rufrius. Eminent members, bearers of senatorial that it is more likely that Libonius Severus was patron of
functions of the Libonius and Rufrius families at the Scupi in the first half of the 3rd century.
59
IG X 2. 1. Nos. 143-144, 173; Aichinger 1979, p. 643,
no 40; Šašel 1992, p. 198-200, n. 4-6, 11; Јованова 2010, p.
54
IMS VI, no 159. 212-213, n. 16-25; Јованова 2015, p. 49-60, n. 16-26.
55
IMS VI, No. 90, L. Atilius Euharistus dedicated the 60 
 Јованова 2015, p. 47, 58, 69, n. 4, 51-51. The loca-
monument to his wife Atilia Veneria, which had the same tion of the properties is determined according to the places
gentile name, that proves they both were freedmen's of the where the monuments were found – inscriptions that men-
same patron. (Thylander 1952, p. 85). The assumption that tion members or persons who were somehow connected to
on these two monuments (IMS VI, Nos. 70 and 90) is men- these families. One property probably stretched to the area
tioned the same person is based on the fact that the gentil of ​​today’s villages N.Selo -Zelenikovo, the second one
name Atilius is rare in the area of ​​Moesia Superior, there- was in the vicinity of village Lipkovo-Kumanovo, and the
fore it is difficult in Scupi to have two different persons third one was in the valley of South Morava in the vicinity
with completly same name. of Bujanovac.
56 
 Móscy 1970, p. 165-166. 61 
 IMS VI, no. 167; Душаниħ 2006, p. 95-99.

161
 Lenče Jovanova

family, one of the most influential and powerful in the right to obtain magistratures.66 Therefore, the
Thessalonica.62 The Claudius family also had a close only chance of advancement for him was a military
relationship with the local aristocratic family Silvani career, and in his case the service in the legion
of Styberra, whose eminent members occupied high IV Flavia, which was stationed in Singidunum.67
civil and priestly offices in Styberra, Stobi, Thessa- After completing his military career, he was able
lonica and Beroia.63 to return to Scupi from where he originated68, or to
It appears that the great financial power, the prof- stay in Singidunum where he served in the legion
its and wealth of these families were due to their joint IV Flavia.69 Regardless of where he decided to
synchronous activities throughout the region. If is settle, he could count on rapid social advancement
known that the propagation of the imperial cult was by obtaining the highest municipal magistratures.
one of the main tasks of city patrons, such as Lib- We should mention in the same context the mon-
onius Severus, then we should not be surprised by ument from Dobri Dod (I / 3), where the augusta-
the choice of the augustalis duty by his freedman C. lis C. Valerius Maximus, related (son il law) to the
Libonius Crescens. Thus, it is easy to conclude that brothers C. Valerius Pudentus (praetorian veteran)
augustalis C. Libonius Crescens, as a freedman and and C. Iulius Celerus (an active praetorian) and to
under the patronage of the extremely rich and pow- their mother Iulia Victorina, which appears on the
erful senatorial family Libonius, probably himself
possessed a great wealth and was part of the client’s
network of the Libonius-Rufrius family union. In
this regard, obtaining and carrying out the augustales
duty, except for the purpose of personal affirmation
and social progress, it certainly contributed to the in-
crease of power and wealth of the Libonius family,
because C. Libonius Crescens had the opportunity
within the competencies of the augustales associa- 66 
The children of freedman and woman born in legal
tion, but also in the city administration, to act, protect marriage enjoyed all the rights of the free born Roman
and lobby for the benefit of his patron.64 citizens, except the right of magistratures. It is thought
The privilege for the children or descendants that even their grandchildren could exercise the right
of the augustales to have a military career is to become members of the city council and to choose
confirmed on the inscription from Kučeviška Bara magistrate functions (Starac 2000, pp. 128-129 with quoted
(I / 6). Augustalis L. Iulius Argaeus belonged to literature); However there were also exceptions from these
the level of property freedmen who climbed higher rules, especially when it behaves to imperial freedmen; The
on the social scale by becoming a member of the exeprions were present in the provinces, cause the second
augustales association of the Scupi colony. After the generation, that is, the sons of the augustales could become
liberation, among other rights, ius conubii (right to decurions (Móscy 1970, p. 165-166; Ferri 1990., p. 602;
legal marriage), ius comercii (right to trade) and ius IMS III/2, no 24, From Timacum Minus at Moesia Superior,
today’s Ravna in Serbia, are known two Ratiarian decurions,
suffragii (right to vote), he acquired the right of origo
whose father was augustalis in the same colony). Hence, it
and domicile (place of origin and residence). He could is obvious that the honor of respecting and honoring the
not achieve a military career, but his descendants imperial cult was not the only motive for membership in the
gained the right to be recruited in military service.65 association of augustales, but more often were the practical
His son, L. Iulius Ingenus, who appears as a dedicant reasons and interests. In this regard, one of the benefits of
on the monument, although born in legal marriage the augustales service is the right for their sons to actively
as a child of freedman, probably did not yet have engage in the political life of the cities (Vandevoorde 2012,
p. 412, n. 62).
67 
 IMS I, p. 27-30 (with quoted literature), the author
62 
 IG X 2.1. Nos. 168, 173, 177, 209-211, 183-185; gives detailed information on the arrival, accommodation
Nigdelis 1996, p. 134-138; Јованова 2010, p. 213-214, n. and action of the IV Flavia Legion in Singidunum and
26-35; Јованова 2015, p. 51-54, n. 27-39, with relevant Moesia Superior.
literature. 68
  IMS VI, No. 38, the inscription is dedicated to
63 
 IG X 2.1. Nos. 168, 172, 177; Papazoglu 1982, p. veteran M. Aurelius Mestrianus, from Scupi, who after
49-52; Nigdelis 1996, p. 134-138, Wiseman 1984, p. 576- completing the military term in the legion IV Flavia
577; Бабамова 2005, p. 40-42, 96, 98-99, no. 22, 25; Јова- returned to Scupi.
нова 2010, p. 213-214, n. 28; Јованова 2015, p. 51-54, n. 69
  Ферјанчић 2002, p. 183-185, 198-202, the largest
28-30, with relevant literature. number of veterans of the Moesian legions remained in the
64
Јованова 2005, p. 69-84; Јованова 2015, p. 89-106. place they served, a smaller number returned to the place
65
Gordon 1931, p. 65-77; Starac 1991, p. 95-96; of origin, and only an insignificant number settled in one
Starac 2000, p. 128. of the city centers of the province.

162
 SCUPI - AUGUSTALES AND SEVIRI AUGUSTALES

inscription as the dedicant.70 Although their mutual mother (mater).74

relationship is not quite clear (genero / / son in law ?), Hence, it can be concluded that her son, the au-
however, the very mention of C. Valerius Maximus gustalis Iulius Symmachus, was also a member of the
and the insistence on his function as augustalis in the association for respecting the cult of Hercules. Such
context of members from the wider family to whom a phenomena is not surprising, cause membership in
he himself was not blood related, in some way sug- one or more different voluntary associations (profes-
gests that it had an impact on the social advancement sional, religious), as well as concurrent membership
of all family members. in the association of augustales was a common prac-
From a totally different perspective, the exam- tice in the imperial period. Such practice of simulta-
ple of augustalis Iulius Symmachus found in the vil- neous occupancy of more prestigious positions has
lage Doberce, Tetovo (I / 5) is quite interesting.71Al- increased the possibility of faster advancement and
though it is not explicitly stated in the inscription, its climbing higher on the social hierarchical level.75
content suggests that Iulius Symmachus, apart from That way, members of the lower social categories,
being a member of the augustales association, prob- through membership in different kinds of associa-
ably at the same time belonged to the association for tions (augustales or voluntary), could transfer in a
respecting the cult of Hercules in Scupi (collegium legal way their economic capital into social.76
Heculis).72 Namely, his mother Cassandra, to whom
he dedicated the monument, was a member of the Final conclusions
same association73, which also had the function of a The analysis of the inscriptions mentioning au-
gustales and seviri augustales contributed to clarify
some aspects of the Scupi social life at the time of the
principate. The existence and operation of the asso-
ciations of augustales and seviri augustales in Scupi
has been already confirmed at the end of the 1st cen-
tury, which indicates they were formed shortly after
the colony foundation during the time of Flavian Di-
nasty. In the province of Moesia Superior, the associ-
ation of seviri augustales acted only in Scupi, while
the associations of augustales were present in the oth-
er cities as well. According to preserved inscriptions
this state institution was most active in Scupi during
70
Ferjančić 2009, p. 107-108, n. 1, with relevant the 2nd century and the early 3rd century, when it
literature. The praetorian were elite units, which till the time gradually began to diminish, as in other parts of the
of the Severan Dynasty were mainly recruited from Italy
Empire.
and in a smaller number from well-militarized provinces.
Even in the 3rd century they were mostly recruited from
The onomastics of the names is characterized by
the Danubian provinces. After serving the military term, almost equal representation of imperial and non-im-
they often returned to their place of origin. Such is the case perial gentile names, as well as greek and latin cogno-
with the pretorians mentioned in our monument I / 5 (IMS mina, which indicates that all augustales / seviri au-
VI, no 34; Ferjančić 2009, p. 107-108). gustales belonged to the freedmen class. A common
71
Dobruna Salihu 2005, p. 687, no. 99, fig. 91 feature of all inscriptions is the absence of personal
72
Except on the monument of Doberce-Tetovo, the information about the social position or occupation
existence of a Hercules temple and a religious association before receiving the augustalis or sevir augustalis
of the worshipers of its cult (cultores Heculis), is also
mentioned on another monument from Scupi, discovered in
the northwestern necropolis (Јованова 2015 , 107-130). In
74
Within the association, all were equal or colleagues,
addition to these two monuments, Hercules is also mentioned but each association had its own managing authorities,
on another votive monument from the Scupi region (IMS organized in a similar way to the city administration
VI, no. 5, Miladinovci village). About the Hercules cult with electoral magistrates and almost identical titles and
in Scupi (Јованова 2015, 122-124, with references) and hierarchy: curatores, quastores, arcarii, aediles, immunes,
Moesia Superior (Gavrilović 2014, pp. 17-62). decuriones, scribae , matres collegii, patres collegii
73
Regarding the appearance, role, legislation, types, (Kloppenborg 1996, pp. 26-27; Starac 2000, pp. 168-
organization and significance of the voluntary associations 169; Verboven 2007, pp. 871, n. 47, pp. 883-886). For
was used relevant literature: Waltzing 1895, p. 340-406; the function/duty “mater collegii” within the voluntary
Royden 1988; Kloppenborg 1996, p. 16-31; Verboven 2007, associations more at: Kloppenborg 1996, p. 25-26;
p. 863-893; Verboven 2009, p. 159-167; Verboven 2011a, p. Hemelrijk 2008, p. 115-162.
88-109; Verboven 2011b, p. 187-195; Liu 2005, p. 285-310;
75
Verboven, 2009, p. 164; Vandervoorte 2013, p. 136, n. 72.
Bendlin 2011, p. 207-296; Sano 2012, p. 393-414. 76
Verboven K., 2007, p. 884-886.

163
 Lenče Jovanova

function. Regarding the family status, all augustales praetorian units stationed in the province of Moesia
are in some way related to close or distant members Superior, and later on after completing the military
of their families, which can be assumed to have been term they could count on getting the highest munic-
Scupi residents. The augustalis title was not inherited ipal magistratures in their place of residence. It was
within the family, that is, from father to son, which confirmed that the augustales from Scupi, apart from
suggests that in Scupi the augustalis title was granted the association of augustales, were also members of
only to one generation of freedmen, because their de- voluntary associations, which increased the possibil-
scendants could directly obtain a municipal magistra- ity of faster social advancement.
tures or enter the council of decuriones. None of the On the other hand, the presence and activity of
Scupi’s augustales / seviri augustales was honored the well-organized associations of augustales and
with the highest honors and privileges (ornamenta seviri augustales indirectly confirm a high level of
decurationalia) which were awarded by a decree of implementation of the imperial cult in Scupi.
the city council. We expect future findings to bring new insights
Some augustales were the freedmen of eminent into the emergence, organization and action of the
members of the senatorial families, who stayed and augustales and seviri augustales associations. This
acted in Scupi at the end of the 2nd and the frst half should contribute to determine the acceptance and
of the 3rd century, confirming that the augustales ways of practicing the imperial cult, as well as clari-
service was most often received and executed by the fying the relations between different social categories
richest freedmen. The augustales inscriptions from within the complex social structure of the inhabitants
Scupi confirm that augustales’ children and relatives of the Scupi colony.
could exercise a military career in legions or elite

Summary

The text gives a brief review of the social and acquired by joining the augustales. They occupied
hierarchical structure of certain categories of popula- several prestigious positions through simultaneous
tion present in Scupi during the imperial period. The membership in the augustales and voluntary associ-
emphasis is put on the social and religious life of the ations, enabling them to transfer in a legal manner
freedmen, as a specific social category of inhabitants. their economic capital into a social one, and thus to
Particular attention is given to the well-off freedmen, advance faster on the social scale. From position of
who lacking other opportunities for status promotion supporters of the imperial cult at municipal level they
and social establishment, became augustales or sev- lobbied and protected the interests of their patrons,
iri augustales, or supporters of the imperial cult on a which additionally contributed to their enrichment
local, municipal level. It was the only way for their and gaining more power and influence. Their chil-
personal affirmation, but also the opportunity for dren and relatives served in Roman legions and elite
their descendants to receive a city magistratures, to praetorian units, which opened the opportunity after
enter the council of decuriones or to achieve a mili- the end of the military career to receive one of the
tary career. city magistratures or to enter the council of decuri-
The epigraphic analysis of the inscriptions ones in the place they decided to settle. The analysis
from Scupi, where members from the associations of the inscriptions confirmed the presence and activ-
of augustales and seviri augustales were mentioned, ity of well-organized associations of augustales and
shows that these were well-off freedmen who along seviri augustales, which indirectly witnessed the high
with their families were residents of Scupi. The in- level of implementation of the imperial cult in the
scriptions confirm that the augustales and seviri au- Scupi colony.
gustales have used a good deal of the privileges they

164
 SCUPI - AUGUSTALES AND SEVIRI AUGUSTALES

ABREVIATIONS Historiae), 5 volumes, Latin texts and facing English

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/2, Скопље, p. 61-86. Вулиħ Н. 1934, “Антички споменици у Србији”,
Tudor D. 1962, “Le organizzazioni degli Augastales in: Споменик СКА LXXVII, Београд.
in Dacia”, in: Dacia N. S. 6, Bucureşti, p. 200-212. Вулиħ Н. 1941-1948, “Антички споменици наше
Vandevoorde L. 2012, “Augustales and Decuriones. земље”, in: Споменик САНУ (Српске академије наука
Sixteen Inscriptions from Narbonese Gaul”, in: Latomus: и уметности), XCVIII, Београд .
revue d'études latines, 71, 4, Bruxelles, p. 404-423. Вучковић-Тодоровић Д. 1956-57, “Римски двојни
Vandevoorde L. 2013, “Respectability on display. гроб из Доброг дола код Скопља”, in: Старинар н.с.
Alba and fasti of the Augustales in the context of collegial VII-VIII, Београд, p. 289-297.
and magisterial hierarchy”, in: Revue belge de philologie Waltzing J. P. 1895, “Collegium”, in: Diz. Epigrafico,
et d'histoire, tome 91, fasc. 1, 2013. Antiquité - Ouheid. p. vol. II. 1., Roma, p. 340-406.
127-151. Wiseman J. 1984, “A Distinguisched Macedonian
Vandevoorde L. 2014, “Making the Difference. Family of the Roman Imperia Period”, in: The American
Social Positioning of Augustales in Nîmes and Narbonne”, Journal of Archaeology 88/4, Boston, p. 567-582.
UGent (2014), in: Bulletin de l'Ecole Antique de Nîmes. Wissowa G. 1896, ‘Augustales’ in: (eds. G. Wissowa
31. Nîmes, p. 33-45. et al.), RE II, 2, cols 2349-2361.

167
Lenče Jovanova

168
 HE ROMAN CUSTOMS STATIONS IN KUMANOVO IN THE LIGHT OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND EPIGRAPHIC MONUMENTS

THE ROMAN CUSTOMS STATIONS IN KUMANOVO IN THE LIGHT OF

ARCHAEOLOGY AND EPIGRAPHIC MONUMENTS

Zvonimir Nikolovski
University of Goce Delčev – Štip
vizianum@gmail.com

The northeastern part of Macedonia has not been

explored archeologically to a great extent. The area
has favorable climatic, geomorphologic and natural
wealth that have allowed different culture groups to
live in the region. Recent archeological projects show
a clear line of material and spiritual development in
the context of historical events and socioeconomic
processes in the Balkans. However, the data received
is incomplete, so we cannot locate the chronology of
material and cultural developments, the network of
settlements and their genesis, as well as the ethnicity
of the groups of people who lived there and their so-
cioeconomic status for sure.
The area around Kumanovo was a geomorpho-
logic and strategic point located on a historical cross-
ing, one of the biggest on the central Balkans which
connected the Danube and the Moravia-Vardar valley
with Thracia. As such, this region was subjected to
various cultural influences. The Kumanovo area was
a natural borderline between two ethnical groups –
the Thracians in the East and the Ilirs in the West.
Past archeological expeditions can chronologi-
cally be followed through the works of various ex- 1. A map of the Kumanovo region
plorers in the area. Their works are actually the first
written sources of data for the ancient history of this area around the Osogovo mountains. Dr. Jovan Had-
part of Macedonia. zi-Vasiljevikj also conducted a research on his own,
Sir Arthur Evans, the famous British explor- with data about the area collected in the “Kumanovs-
er, talks about a lively visit of Kumanovo in 1885, ka oblast” composition3.
when he found a Roman ara in the courtyard of the One of the main explorers of the Kumanovo area
St. Nicholas city church. 1The first extensive arche- was professor Nikola Vulic, who has left behind pre-
ological expeditions in Kumanovo were mentioned cious data on his research in Macedonia.4 He can be
in the works of Gjorche Petrov at the end of the XIX considered a pioneer in the area of decorative plastics
century.2 Petrov was a passionate explorer who was and epigraphics, and he also conducted several ar-
keen of exploring the area around Kumanovo and the

1
Evans A.J., 1885, 95,154 3
Хаџи - Васиљевиќ Ј., 1909
2
Петров Ѓ., 1896, 80-107 4
Вулиќ Н., 1929;1933;1935;1941-1948

169
 Zvonimir Nikolovski

3. Part of the topographical map – “Derven”,

Biljanovce

2. Border stone from StaroNagoricane

cheological expeditions on several sites.5 He worked

on antique geography on the territory of old Southern
Serbia,6 the northern borders of antique Macedonia7
and the Dardanian problems in this region.8
The cultural and archeological complexity of
this region comes from the late proto-historical stra-
tum to which all antique phases are connected to. The
zenith of their lives is in the Macedonian-Hellenistic
period, which is already stagnant in the first few cen-
turies of the new era as a result of the pacification
of this and the larger part of the Balkans, when the
borders of the Roman Empire are moved towards the
Danube border.
A crucial moment is the line of circulation of
the thoroughfare in the river basins, where the first 4. Layout of the Mitreum, Biljanovce
commercial centers who had walled fortifications
were built. The thing that needs to be followed in the Orientational borders
pre-Roman urbanization is the presence of epichoral
element compared to the weaker cultural influences The Skopje-Kumanovo region in the times of
from the South. the first administrative division fell under the Darda-
nians. The border rock found in the village of Sta-
ro Nagorichane shows that the center between the
5
For exemple, his works at Scupi near Skopje Dardania, Thrace and Macedonia should be looked at
6
Вулиќ Н.,1938. the farthest northern point in the area. The point may
7
Вулиќ Н.,1925. be located at the entry of the KrivaReka river in the
8
Вулиќ Н.,1925. village of Pchinja in the region around Klechovce.

170
 HE ROMAN CUSTOMS STATIONS IN KUMANOVO IN THE LIGHT OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND EPIGRAPHIC MONUMENTS

7. Part of the topographical map of the “Crkviste”

site in Klecovce

5. Sacrificial altar from the Mitreum

8. Part of the inscription from the ara found in the

area of the Klecovce village
6. Stone cult icon from the Mitreum
ern road near Kriva Palanka in the municipality of
There have also been found some similar epigraphic the Krklja village, where remains from the so-called
writings on Greek in the area. “Roman road” were found. In the nearby fields, lo-
cals found a big amount of antique building material
A possible customs station in the region near as well as ceramic fragments meant for everyday use.
by the Biljanovce village Some fragments from the more luxurious terra sigi-
About 6 kilometers southeast from the Biljano- lata type were found as well. This area is still known
vce village there is a significant administrative and as customs by the locals, which corresponds to its
living area that dates back to the early Roman period. position.9
The area is connected to Pautalia from both sides of Fragments of Roman hydro installation elements
the road, which continues southwest to the village of as well as some coins from III century were foundne-
Pchinja and to the villages of Klechovce and Shupli
Kamen to the north. This roadtakes a turn towards the 9
Трифуновски Ј.,1974,57;Mikulċić I.,1976, 26, 27;
town of Kratovo and is further connected to the east- Mikulċić I., 1971, 470.

171
 Zvonimir Nikolovski

9. Monograms ingraved on the side of the ara and a

monogram of the station

11. A fragment from a lead blockdepicting the

Danubian horsemen

existence of a large settlement complex and a necrop-

olis, which according to the material data and the rest
of the researched parameters, is getting closer to the
conclusion that on this area, there was a customs sta-
tion called Vizianum.
The customs station Vizianum as well as the
name of the customs officer is present on the votive
10. A fragment from a tombstone
ara from this area.12 The localities with the prefix
Biza/Viza represent sacred areas e.g. a conjunction of
ar the big village fountain. There are remnants from two different principles. It can be assumed that this
a sacral object known as mitreum about 500 meters settlement can be seen in the inventory made by Pro-
southeast from the village from the left side in the copius in the Late Antique as well as the Early Byz-
direction of the Dobroshane village. 10 antine period, probably under the name Usiana. For
The Derven toponym is not accidental, as there the heterogenous and culturally-ethnical image of the
was a road in the area which was covered by customs settlements, we can find an evidence in a fragment
office. There is a sacrificial altar found in the area of a lead plate which represents scenes from the cult
with the inscription (. . . . ) / DEI whose whereabouts of the Danube horsemen and the stela inscription on
are currently unknown.11 which there is a term Bessus which indicates on a
member of the tribe called Bessi, who worked in the
StatioVizianum in the area of the village surrounding mines13. In the inscription of Procopius
of Klechovce after Usiana, there is Besiana which could represent
At the east of Kumanovo, on a region called vicus metalla, principally populated with Bessi. This
“Sredorek”, where the river Kriva flows into the river settlement is located near the village of Klechovce,
Pchinja, there is an archaeologically confirmed area but it may also be in the area of the village of Ni-
which represents a crossroad of natural borders and kushtak.14 The surface fragments of ceramics from
demarcations. Indirectly, for this locality, we can Klechovce, especially the painted as well as the print-
also connect the termination inscription for the tri- ed one, show a connection with Ulpiana.15
point of the Late Antique provinces Dardania, Med-
iterranean Dacia and Macedonia The Second. From 12
Front: (...) M (ithrae) / Fano Mag (no) / pro sa
the epigraphic inscription on both of the ara, one in
L(vte) Avg (vstorum) nn (ostrorum) / Apollonides /
the area of the village of Klechovce and the other in eorund(em) vect(igalis) / l / (ici) ser(vus)
the area of the village of Lopate, there is one person (contra) sc(criptor) stat(ionis) Vizi(ani) / v(otvm)
mentioned: Apolonides and two customs stations, Vi- S(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). On the right side:
zianum and Lamud. With the archeological research Gentia/ano et Basso(co(n)s(vlibus)
from 2001 to 2004, it was confirmed that there is an On the left side: A(pollo)n(ide)s
Viz(iani)
10
Кокиќ М.,1933,1-10.
13
Stankovska M.,2004,169.
11
Кокиќ.,М.1933,3;Вулиќ Н.,LXXVII,1934,65; Josifo-
14
Јовановиќ А.,2007,17-28
vska-Dragojević B.,1982,168(215). 15
Fidanovski S.,1990, T. I - XXXV

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 HE ROMAN CUSTOMS STATIONS IN KUMANOVO IN THE LIGHT OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND EPIGRAPHIC MONUMENTS

12. Coins from the “Crkviste” archeological site

14. A Roman ara with an inscription from the area

near the Lopate village

tural center, presented by the finding of two ara, one

from Lopate and the other from Klechovce, on which
13. Part of the topographical map from the “Drezga” Apollonides is mentioned as a dedicant. They were
site in the Lopate village raised in honour of his promotion in the customs of-
fice as a scrutator, throughout the period of the con-
We can see a great number of coins from the suls Gentiano and Basso, according to which, we can
locality “Crkvishte” which is not unusual for sacral tell the year of this event precisely e.g. 211, during
objects. It seems that the coins from the end of the III the reign of the emperors Caracala and Geta. It is the
and IV century belong to the horizon of a villa rustica same time when there was a period of the zenith of
which was destroyed around the year 380. The exist- worship of the oriental deity called Mitra which was
ing Early Christian church originated after that. It is passed by the Roman military and whose devotee
interesting that in Klechovce as well as on Drezga, was Apollonides himself.16
there is an extensive layer of life in the last quarter of A crisis in the empire during the reforms of Di-
the III century. ocletian towards the end of the III century was prob-
Was the prosperity of these settlements in the ably the greatest reason why the intensity of life was
mentioned period an outcome of the resettlement of transferred to the east side of the area (also, it may
the people from the abandoned province of Dacia in be because of the mineral resources) where centers
the year 272? like “Vizianum” and the settlement on the locality
The finding of the fragment of a lead plate with “Golemo Gradishte” near the village of Konjuh were
Danube horsemen from the locality “Crkvishte” is developed.
one indication more in that direction of thinking.

Locality “Drezga”, village of Lopate 16

(Deo)inv(i)c(to) (pro)/ sal(ute) Avg[g(us
- StatioLamud… torvm) n[n (ostrorum duorum) templvm/vetv
The locality “Drezga” is situated 10 kilometers state/dilapsvm inpendio(!) / svo restitvit/Apollonides
on the west of Kumanovo and it was very important eor(undem) ser(vus) sc(rvtator) stat(ionis) Lamvd (...)
in the Antique period as a communicational and cul- /Gentiano et Bass(o) co(n)s(ulibus)

173
 Zvonimir Nikolovski

REFERENCES

Васиљевиќ-Хаџи Ј., Кумановска област, Бе- Кокић М., Нови трагови Митриног култа,
оград 1909 ГСНД XII, Скопље 1933
Вулић Н., Северна граница античке Македо- Кондев Т., Осоговија, ГЗ на ПМФ, кн.14 св.2,
није, Булићев зборник (Strena Buliciana), Загреб Скопје 1963
1925 Mikulčić I., Teritorija Skupa, ŽA XXI-2, Skopje
Вулић Н., Дарданци, Глас СКА CXIV(64), Бе- 1971
оград 1925 Mikulčić I., TIR K-34, Ljubljana 1976
Вулић Н., Антички споменици наше земље, Мирковић М., За станицата Lamud..., ЖА
Споменик САН LXXI, Београд, 1929 10, Скопје 1960
Споменик САН LXXV, Београд, 1933 Петров Ѓ., Материали по изучването на Ма-
Споменик САН LXXVII, Београд, 1935 кедония, София 1896
Споменик САН XCVIII, Београд, 1941-1948 Санев В., Извештај од археолошките реког-
Вулић Н., Географија Јужне Србије у антич- носцирања во Источна Македонија, ЗШНМ II,
ко доба, књ. XIX, св.11, Скопље 1938 Штип 1961
Evans A.J., Antiquarian Researches in Iliricum, Stankovska M., Les nouvelles inscriptions pro-
Archaeologia Vol.49/1, London 1885 venant de la Mésie Supérieure, ŽA, 54, Skopje 2004
Јовановиќ А., Римске некрополе на терито- Трифуновски Ј., Кумановска област, Скопје
рији Југославије, Београд 1984 1974
Josifovska – Dragojević B., Inscriptions de la Fidanovski S., Kasnoanticka keramika Ulpiane,
Mésie Supérieure Vol.VI, Scupi et la Région de Ku- Beograd 1990
manovo, Beograd 1982

174
SPACES FOR DEPOSITION OF OFFERINGS IN EARLY BYZANTINE CHURCHES: THE POSSIBLE SACRISTIES AT GOLEMO GRADIŠTE, KONJUH

SPACES FOR DEPOSITION OF OFFERINGS IN EARLY BYZANTINE CHURCHES:

THE POSSIBLE SACRISTIES AT GOLEMO GRADIŠTE, KONJUH

Carolyn S. Snively
Gettysburg College
Gettysburg PA 17325 USA
csnively@gettysburg.edu

This paper is primarily a presentation of two re- Background

cently excavated rooms in the 6th c. Episcopal Basili- The performance of the liturgy in Christian
ca at the site of Golemo Gradište, village of Konjuh. churches developed in various ways across the Ro-
The location and furnishings of the spaces raise the man world. No literary sources can definitely be
possibility that they were used for the deposition of identified as describing the liturgy or the details of
offerings, such as bread and wine for the Eucharist, its performance in Early Byzantine churches in the
by members of the congregation as they entered the Prefecture of Eastern Illyricum, although numerous
church. Gifts of bread and wine immediately move attempts have been made to attach existing texts to
the discussion into issues of liturgy. In order to set the the region.2 Therefore the only certain evidence for
church and these specific rooms in context and to avoid actions connected with liturgy in the provinces of this
entanglement in difficult liturgical issues, some back- prefecture consists of the architecture, furniture, and
ground will be provided and some assumptions stated. decoration of its churches. That evidence does not
The Late Antique city at Golemo Gradište paint a unified picture, within a diocese or even indi-
probably stood near the southeastern boundary of vidual provinces, although patterns may be observed.
the province of Dardania and thus within the Dio- The location of the Prefecture of Eastern Illyri-
cese of Dacia, in the northern half of the Prefec- cum between East and West, between Constantinople
ture of Eastern Illyricum. Thus, after 535 AD, it and Rome, and its ecclesiastical status as subject to
would have fallen under the ecclesiastical juris- the Pope in Rome—at least when he could enforce his
diction of the Archbishop of Justiniana Prima. control over the region—have left open the question
The anonymous city at Golemo Gradište was ap- whether eastern or western religious practices were
parently established in the 5th c. and reconstructed followed here.3 Practices apparently differed between
with strong fortifications, probably during the first East and West at several points in the liturgy. For ex-
quarter of the 6th c. The Episcopal Basilica occupied ample, in Rome at the beginning of the service, the
a central location in the lower city, on the northern people and the members of the minor clergy entered
terrace. Built near the middle of the century, two or the church and took their places before the dramatic
three decades after the urban renewal, it replaced a entrance of the bishop. In Constantinople, however, in
structure, probably a large house, from the early 6th c. the ceremony of the First Entrance the people entered
phase.1 Several unusual features in the basilica have
given rise to a hypothesis that toward the middle of 2
Mailis 2011, p. 5-16 (history of scholarship), 21-24
the 6th c. the city received a new bishop, who was re-
(sources). The author discusses the state of the question
sponsible for the construction of the basilica accord- of diakonika and then provides a catalogue of sacristies
ing to his own idiosyncratic or possibly foreign views. in churches in the provinces of Epirus vetus, Macedonia
Prima, Thessalia, Achaia, and Creta, i.e., the provinces of
Eastern Illyricum within the modern Greek state. See also
Varalis 2008, p. 78-83, and other works cited below.
3
Space does not permit a discussion of the amount of
1
For the site of Golemo Gradište, see most recently influence exerted on church practice through the archbish-
Snively 2017 and Sanev et al. 2012. opric of Justiniana Prima during Justinian’s lifetime.

175
 Carolyn S. Snively
together with or, in fact, probably just after the bishop. 4 however, the deacons brought the bread and wine to
While later sources provide evidence for at least the altar from the skeuophylakion, a separate room
partial reconstruction of the early liturgy in Rome or building outside the church, where presumably
and Constantinople, the situation in Eastern Illyricum they had been deposited by the faithful before the
remains unknown. The Balkan peninsula is often en- service. No evidence has been found for a procession
tirely omitted from discussions of East and West. In of the faithful.8 In the Eastern Orthodox liturgy, this
terms of liturgy, it is frequently lumped in with the practical transfer by the deacons of an appropriate
East, i.e., with Constantinople, Asia Minor, Syria, etc. amount of bread and wine for the Eucharist devel-
And a note of caution is in order here: the post-icono- oped into the Great Entrance or the Entrance of the
clastic sources describe the liturgy in Constantinople Mysteries, probably in the post-Iconoclastic period.
as structured around a series of appearances of the In contrast to the church plans found in Constan-
clergy from the sanctuary behind the iconostasis and tinople and Rome that usually do not have western
their returns to that hidden space. In contrast, a series annexes, church plans in Eastern Illyricum very fre-
of grand processions through the nave and frequently quently include rooms or groups of rooms attached to
through the entire length of the nave had shaped the and accessible from the narthex or occasionally the
Early Byzantine liturgy. As Mathews points out, the atrium. Features such as tables, benches, containers
relatively open basilica plan of the 5th and 6th centu- for liquids, drains, and fireplaces may appear in the
ries and the more closed central plan of Middle Byz- rooms. Thus an argument can be made that mem-
antine times reflect this development of the liturgical bers of the Christian community brought their gifts
performance.5 Furthermore, the arrangement of Early of bread and wine to the church and deposited them
Byzantine churches in Constantinople differs signif- in a designated space near the entrance. During the
icantly from the arrangement of churches in Eastern service an appropriate amount of bread and wine
Illyricum, to such an extent that Mathews, followed from among the gifts was moved to the sanctuary in
by Robert Taft, argues that the performance of the preparation for communion. Recent scholarly opin-
liturgy, not necessarily the spoken words but the ac- ion holds that the evidence is insufficient to call those
tions accompanying them, also differed significant- rooms—if indeed their function can be definitely iden-
ly between Constantinople and Eastern Illyricum.6 tified—diakonika. Jean-Pierre Sodini and more re-
One of the processions through the nave, men- cently Athanassios Mailis refer to them as sacristies.9
tioned above, takes us directly into the issue of dep- The architectural plans of many 5th and 6th centu-
osition of gifts. Christians made all kinds of gifts to ry churches in these regions10 demonstrate the impor-
the church, e.g., alms for the poor, vessels of precious tance of at least one room at the west side of a church,
metal, or stretches of mosaic pavement. Undoubted- accessible from the narthex and without indication of
ly unrestricted gifts of money were the ones most a specific function such as baptism. The Central Ba-
popular with the clergy. Our focus here, however, silica (also known as the Synagogue Basilica) at Stobi
returns to the mundane offerings of wine and bread illustrates the measures taken to create such a room.
by members of the congregation. In the West appar- The basilica was inserted into a narrow space be-
ently such offerings were deposited directly on the tween a street and an existing residence, without pos-
main altar of a church by the members of the con- sibility of an annex to north or south of the narthex.
gregation, although the details and whether or not an The builders reduced the size of the courtyard of the
actual offertory procession occurred remain not only atrium and shifted it from the axis of the basilica
uncertain but much disputed.7 In Constantinople, to the north, in order to make space for a room that
opened to the west from the south part of the narthex.
A few basilicas have no western annexes. Fre-
4
Mathews 1962, p. 75-77; Mathews 1971, p. 140, quently, however, a complex of two or three rooms
143, 145. are found, of which one may have an apse. Annexes
5
Mathews 1971, p. 178-179. may appear on the north or south side of the church,
6
Mathews 1971, p. 5, 107, 108, 111, 120; Taft 1975, often in a roughly symmetrical arrangement. Sodini’s
p. 33-34. detailed discussion of the annexes of Basilicas A, B,
7
Taft 1975, p. 13: “The evidence for such a proces-
sion in the West is indisputable.” Yarnold 1992, p. 231:
“The offertory: In the fourth century the practice of earli-
8
Taft 1975, p. 11, 16-17; Wybrew 1992, p. 154-155.
er times was continued: the bishop ‘offered’ the gifts ‘of-
9
Mailis 2011, p. 128; Sodini, Kolokotsas 1984, p.
fered’ by the faithful. The people themselves brought their 150.
gifts up to the altar, but there is at this time no evidence The provinces probably most relative for compar-
10

whether or not there was a formal offertory procession, or ative material for Golemo Gradište are Macedonia prima,
at what point in the Eucharist (or before it) this offering Macedonia secunda, Epirus nova, Dardania, Moesia, and
took place.” Dacia mediterranea.

176
SPACES FOR DEPOSITION OF OFFERINGS IN EARLY BYZANTINE CHURCHES: THE POSSIBLE SACRISTIES AT GOLEMO GRADIŠTE, KONJUH

C, and D at Byllis shows two examples of symmetri- in use during the final phase of the church. They join
cal rooms at north and south of the narthex (C, D), a numerous annexes whose location at the west end of
two-room complex southwest of the narthex (A), and churches and whose installations suggest but cannot
a fairly large room only indirectly accessible from prove that the annexes were used for the deposition
the south side of the narthex in the episcopal basilica of gifts by the faithful members of the congregation.
(B).11 While the need for an annex or annexes was
clearly an issue in many churches, the choice of loca-
tion may have been ad hoc or practical rather than
dictated by a rigid rule. So far, no clear pattern has
emerged of the existence or arrangement of annexes
according to province, urban or rural location, epis-
copal churches vs. others, etc., although similarities
may be observed in a region or in a particular city.

The western annexes of the Episcopal Basilica Bibliography

In the Episcopal Basilica on the terrace at Go-
lemo Gradište, doorways at the north and south ends Mailis, A., 2011. The Annexes at the Early
of the narthex gave access to rooms that in turn led Christian Basilicas of Greece (4th-6th c.): Architecture
to complexes of annexes along the north and south and Function (BAR, 2312), Oxford.
sides of the basilica. Two doorways in the west wall
of the narthex led into a row of five rooms located Mathews, T. F., 1962. “An Early Roman chancel
west of the narthex and its annexes (Fig. 1).12 The arrangement and its liturgical uses,” in Rivista di Ar-
sole entrance to the basilica from the west in its fi- cheologia Cristiana 38, 71-95.
nal phase was through a narrow doorway into Room
5, a small room serving as a corridor from the outer Mathews, T F., 1971. The Early Churches of
door to the narthex. South of Room 5 and accessible Constantinople: Architecture and Liturgy, University
from it lay Room 4 (Fig. 2), a rectangular space with Park and London.
benches built against all four walls. Near the east
wall two stone blocks were set into the mortar floor; Sanev, G., et al., 2012. “Excavations on the
near them were a ca. 0.70 m long column fragment Northern Terrace at Golemo Gradište, Konjuh, 2007-
and a piece of a stone plaque or table top (Fig. 3).13 2010,” Macedoniae Acta Archaeologica 20, 347-
From the narthex a second doorway in the west 364.
wall led into Room 6, from which one could enter
Room 7 to the north (Fig. 4). The southeast corner Snively, C. S., 2017. “Golemo Gradište at Kon-
of Room 7 was divided off by a narrow wall and two juh: A New City or a Relocated One?” in New Cities
stone slabs (Fig. 5). Within this stone-paved enclosure in Late Antiquity: Documents and Archaeology, E.
(Room 7b), which could have been entered only by Rizos (ed.),Turnhout, Belgium, 205-219.
skinny individuals, parts of a round marble table top
and fragments of a small broken storage vessel were Sodini, J-P., and K. Kolokotsas, 1984. Aliki, 2:
found. A pithos occupied the northwest corner of the La basilique double (Études Thasiennes 10), Athens
larger Room 7a, and a fire pit (or possibly a drain) was and Paris.
located beside the east wall (Fig. 6). A section of the
west wall of the room had been blocked up; in an earlier Sodini, J-P., 1984. “Les dispositifs liturgiques
phase it may have been a doorway from the exterior. des basiliques paléochrétiennes en Grèce et dans les
Although the blocked doorway in Room 7 indi- Balkans,” in Corsi di cultura sull’arte ravennate e
cates some rearrangement of space and possibly also byzantina 31, 441-473.
of function, both Rooms 7 and 4 appear to have been
Sodini, J-P., 2004. “Les annexes liturgiques
des basiliques de Byllis,” in L’Illyrie méridionale et
11
Sodini 2004; more generally Sodini 1984. l’Épire dans l’Antiquité 4, Paris, 432-446.
12
Five rooms have been excavated so far. A sixth
room may be located to the north of Room 7. At present it Taft, R. F., 1975. The Great Entrance. The His-
appears that the west walls of these five or six rooms mark
tory of the Transfer of Gifts and Other Pre-anaphoral
the western extent of the basilica.
Rites of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, Rome
13
A taller, thinner column with a squared top was
1975.
also found nearby; a second column with a squared top
appeared in the northeast corner of the room.

177
 Carolyn S. Snively
Varalis, I., 2008. “Τα προσκτίσματα των
παλαιοχριστιανικών εκκλησίων,” in Προσκτίσματα Yarnold, E. J., 1992. “The Liturgy of the Faith-
των Παλαιοχριστιανικών, Βυζαντινών, και ful in the Fourth and Early Fifth Centuries,” in The
Μεταβυζαντινών Ναών, Thessaloniki, 70-83. Study of Liturgy, revised edition, London & NY, 230-
244.
Wybrew, H., 1992. “The Byzantine Liturgy from
the Apostolic Constitutions to the Present Day,” in
The Study of Liturgy, revised edition, London & NY,
252-263.

Summary

Recent excavations in the Episcopal Basilica certain evidence for actions connected with liturgy
in the anonymous city at Golemo Gradište, Konjuh, in the provinces of this prefecture consists of the ar-
have revealed two annex rooms that might be identi- chitecture, furniture, and decoration of its churches.
fied as sacristies. Both rooms are located at the west One issue has been the identification of annex rooms
side of the church and include installations that could sometimes called diakonika but in more recent schol-
have been used for the deposition of gifts of bread arship known as sacristies. So far, no clear pattern
and wine by members of the congregation, as they has emerged of the existence or arrangement of an-
entered the church. No literary sources can definitely nexes according to province, urban or rural location,
be identified as describing the liturgy or the details of function of churches, or other category, although
its performance in Early Byzantine churches in the similarities may be observed within a region or in a
Prefecture of Eastern Illyricum. Therefore the only particular city.

178
SPACES FOR DEPOSITION OF OFFERINGS IN EARLY BYZANTINE CHURCHES: THE POSSIBLE SACRISTIES AT GOLEMO GRADIŠTE, KONJUH

Fig. 1. Plan of the west end of the Episcopal Basilica at Golemo Gradište, Konjuh,
showing annex Rooms 1 to 7. North is at the top.

179
 Carolyn S. Snively

Fig. 2. Room 4; view from the north.

Fig. 3. Room 4; view from the west. Note the two slabs set into the floor, the column and column fragment,
and the fragment of a stone plaque.

180
SPACES FOR DEPOSITION OF OFFERINGS IN EARLY BYZANTINE CHURCHES: THE POSSIBLE SACRISTIES AT GOLEMO GRADIŠTE, KONJUH

Fig. 4. Plan of Room 7. North is at the top.

Fig. 5. Room 7b and the south part of Room 7a; view from the west.

181
 Carolyn S. Snively

Fig. 6. Room 7 and the other rooms to the south; view from the north.

182
THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION IN SCUPI REPRESENTED THROUGH THE ELEMENTS OF THE LARGE BASILICA WITH ATRIUM

THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION IN SCUPI REPRESENTED THROUGH

THE ELEMENTS OF THE LARGE BASILICA WITH ATRIUM

Marina Oncevska Todorovska

Museum of the city of Skopje, Macedonia

With the revival in the 4th and the first half of munities and several churches simultaneously were
the 5th c. A.D., the Balkan cities gradually achieved built in the coastal cities3. All of this were influenced
their final Late Antique look, which can be observed by development in the eastern Mediterranean region
through the sporadic construction of various luxuri- all the way to North Italy, where Milan was still the
ous public structures in the urban areas and numer- center, and the reciprocal influence between West and
ous settlements of a rural nature. Although the cities East was normal due to continuous intercommunica-
were visibly changed from the Roman period, they tion4. In the provinces to the late 6th c. A.D., by ex-
became prosperous centers with episcopal churches, changing architectural concepts, church engineering
mansions and other churches as well1. acquired its own characteristics, which were repre-
Unlike the 4th c. A.D., when Christianity was sented through a clearly defined style or a variation
acknowledged as a new religion in Antiquity and of the same5. For example, the building of basilicas
carved a path through the Mediterranean region, in with galleries, which were common along the Aege-
the period of the late 5th and 6th c. A.D. were filled an coastline in the 5th c. A.D., was starting to decline
with building of a huge number of churches. By gain- in the Constantinopolitan areas before 530, but they
ing quite a few followers, Christianity soon became continued to be built in the Balkan provinces6. The
a political manifestation of the state. The internal sum of elements of different origins is a characteristic
division of space within the churches functioned to
ensure a symbolic guide for the liturgical procedure, 3
Snively C., 2009, pp. 37, 39, 41-43.
forming space for each of the persons involved in the 4
Krauthajmer R., Ćurčić S., 2008, pp. 117-118, the
Christian ritual. Thanks to the engineering innova- Greek ports on the Aegean Sea East coast were in contact
tions of the Constantinian era and the influence of the with Constantinople and trade centers along Asia Minor,
turmoil caused by the dogmatic disagreements about Ephesus, Antioch, Gaza, even to Alexandria. Corinth had
the true nature of Christ, the road to new rules in close relations with Ravenna and Milan, but also with Con-
church architecture in the eastern part of the Empire stantinople and the centers of the Asian coast. Trade links
in the 5th c. A.D. was wide open. The ratio among were strengthened by the ecclesiastical. Since the mid-5th
liturgical space, iconography and the Christian ritu- c. A.D., the Roman metropolis has appropriated the Bal-
al itself, incorporated in Late Roman theology as an kans, including Greece, as their spiritual possession, in
intermediary between God and mankind, allowed for fact, they were subordinate to the Milanese bishopric in
constant transformation from the ancient world to the last decades of the 4th c. A.D.
5
Krauthajmer R., Ćurčić S., 2008, p. 94, The in-
Byzantium2. In the continental part of the Balkans,
terweaving of the development in the great architectural
during the 5th c. A.D. churches building and devel-
centers began around 380, it reached the peak throughout
opment were more pronounced, with monumental the Empire in the 5th c. A.D., while in the provinces it last-
churches being constructed even in the village com- ed until the late 6th c. A.D.; Filipova S., 2013, pp. 425-
429; Petković S., 2011, pp. 271-273.
1
Sodini J.-P., 2007, pp. 141, 311-336; Snively C., 6
Krauthajmer R., Ćurčić S., 2008, p. 268, while in the
2009, pp. 37-44. western part of the Empire, basilicas with galleries, which
2
Caraher W.R., 2003, pp. 249-250; Jarak M., 1988, were previously rare, spread through the conquests of the
pp. 74-76. Justinian›s army.

183
 Marina Oncevska Todorovska

of the church architecture in the provinces from the aisle basilicas with an apses at the east end and a
period of Justinian I, so different influences in eight narthex at the west are the most common type of the
discovered churches in Caricin Grad from the 6th c. early Christian churches in this region, situated be-
A.D. are very surprising7. The few Constantinopoli- tween East and West, which simultaneously shows
tan churches were highly influential in a church ar- the clear mutually connections11. Few churches in the
chitecture in the southern Balkans, including Greece Dardanian region in Republic of Macedonia were ex-
in the 5th c. A.D. They usually had an atrium sur- plored, exactly around Skopje and Kumanovo, which
rounded by porticos. In some of them once entered reflect the church construction of the 6th c. A.D12.
through the propylaeum, the apsе was of the Con-
stantinopolitan type (three sides on the exterior), and Characteristics of the Large Basilica
they were built of brick. All of these features became with atrium in Scupi
a common part of church architecture in the southern The early Christian era in Scupi was confirmed
Balkans in the late 5th and 6th c. A.D8. Atrium ba- by the discovery of the early Christian basilica with
silicas were also discovered in Bulgaria and Greece, baptistery13, and the new religion was represented
although the atria were actually large courtyards with through the attendance of bishops at church coun-
a three-sided colonnade and usually were placed on cils14. The Large Early Christian basilica with atrium
the west side right next to the narthex and through the was built in the beginning of the 6th c. A.D., in a city
nartex to the church’s main aisle9. quarter of Scupi, where a large Roman bath had been
In the period of 5th and 6th c. A.D. in the Re- previously located15. (Fig.1) The construction of the
public of Macedonia, quite a large number of church- basilica on the top of a thermal structure was carried
es were built in Stobi, Scupi, Heraclea, Bargala and out in the south part of the quarter, and at the time
Lichnidos10. All these churches contributed to con- was specific to build a church over an ancient bath.
tinuous life in the Late Antique cities, and the large This was probably done in order to ease the devel-
number of built churches shows how deeply rooted opment of waterworks for the structure’s needs. The
Christianity was in this region at the time. The three- basilica has a west-east orientation, and the structure
was adjusted to the street network in that part of the
city16. The basilica was entered from the west side
7
Кондиќ В., Поповиќ В., 1977, pp. 169-170; Krau-
through a walkway on the cardo street17. The basilica
thajmer R., Ćurčić S., 2008, p. 273, note 27; Ivanisevic V.,
2016, pp. 121-122.
8
Krauthajmer R., Ćurčić S., 2008, pp. 273-274; 11
Ochał-Czarnowicz A., 2010, 189-206, pp. 189-
Борисов Б., 1988, p. 45 191; Filipova S., 2013, p. 426.
9
Petrova S., 2015, p. 22, in Philippi Basilica A, in 12
Snively C., 2011, pp. 197-201.
Sandanski Basilicas No.1 and No.2, Basilica in Mikrevo 13
Кораќевиќ Д., 2002, pp. 124-136; Гарашанин М.,
and Basilica No.1 in Nikopolis ad Nestum. Basilica No.4 Кораќевиќ Д., 1979, pp. 31-45.
in Sandanski has an atrium on the south side; Krauthajmer 14
Микулчиќ И., 1999, p. 306, where he lists bishops
R, Ćurčić S., 2008, p. 102, the atrium is represented as of the Dardan episcopate Scupi, noted in acts of the church
an integral part from the style of the churches in the 5th council in Serdica from 347, in the letters of Emperor Leon
c. A.D. in the nearby regions of the Aegean, 104, also in to Pope Gelasius in 492, the successor of Scupi was sancti-
Constantinople in St. John of Stoudios from the ‹450s; fied in 535, the new city Justiniana Prima, as the seat of the
Varalis Y.D., www.dimosagis.gr/2627; Caraher W.R., Illyric Prefecture, with a note 1 (J.D.Mansi VIII, 13) and
2003, pp.95-96 and note 132 (the following were men- note 2 (A.Evans 1995, 145; Proc. De aed IV, I, 17)
tioned: Stamatas, Aigosthena, Daphnousia, Brauron, Ath- 15
Ончевска Тодоровска М., 2011, pp. 365-379.
ens – Asclepieion, Korinth –Kraneion, Korinth –Skoute- 16
The construction of churches on thermal objects
las, Lechaion – port, Kiato, Epidauros, Argos – Aspis, was carried out for various reasons, that is, for the use of
Hermione, Olympia, Demetrias A, Nea Anchialos – A, B, water pipes or it was linked by other motives, including re-
D, Nikopolis – A, B, D, E). ligious ones. Теофилов Р., 2007, pp. 94-101, on the Grand
10
Алексова Б., Лилчиќ В., 1997, pp. 11-38; Алексова Spa Complex in Serdica (Sofia) was built the rotunda St.
Б., 2003, pp. 7-40; Кораќевиќ Д., 2002, pp. 124-136; George; The Church S. Maria degli Angeli e dei Martiri
Ончевска Тодоровска М., 2009, pp. 97-111; Микулчиќ was built on a part of the Diocletian Baths in Rome, where
И., 2003, pp. 116-147; Микулчиќ И., 2007, pp. 98-129; the space of the frigidarium was suited and in one of the
Манева Е., 1987, pp. 127-133; Белдедовски З., 1990, apses was placed the entrance of the church; also in the
pp. 31-42; Белдедовски З., 2003, pp. 207-223; Нацев Т., church was placed a meridian line / a kind of sunny clock,
2008, pp. 74-82; Битракова Грозданова В., Кузман П., which was intended to check the Gregorian calendar, the
1998, pp. 3-16; Bitrakova Grozdanova V., 1975, pp. 46- walls height in the frigidarium suited for measuring the
86, for the early Christian basilicas on the shore of Ohrid sunbeam during the year (see: Serlorenzi M, Laurenti S.,
Lake; Bitrakova Grozdanova V., 2009, pp. 23-36; Filipova Terme di Diocleziano S. Maria degli Angeli, Roma 2002).
S., 2010, pp. 129-132, listing basilicas in Macedonia in the 17
Ончевска Тодоровска М., 2009, pp. 97-111;
6th c. A.D.; Filipova S., 2013, pp. 425-426. Ончевска Тодоровска М., 2011, pp. 365-379.

184
THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION IN SCUPI REPRESENTED THROUGH THE ELEMENTS OF THE LARGE BASILICA WITH ATRIUM

Fig.1 Large Basilica with atrium in Scupi

is three-aisled, with a narthex, atrium and two entry only a handful of churches with three-sided or rec-
rooms at the west side. It also has an additional room tangular central apses on the territory of the Republic
on the north side of the narthex and a still not fully of Macedonia. According to Filipova, the three-apses
uncovered room on the south side of the basilica. At churches are more frequent in Palestine than in the
the east end, the basilica has three apses – the one in other parts of the Empire. Later, in the 5th c. A.D. this
the middle is three-sided, while the other two have a model of churches came to the Macedonian province
semicircular shapes18. (Fig. 2) In the history of early through Constantinople and Justinian’s engineering
Christian church architecture, the semicircular aps- activities, like in the region north of Caricin Grad in
es precede the three-sided ones19. These polygonal the 6th c. A.D23.
apses are common in Constantinopolitan churches On the west side of the basilica at Scupi, there
from the 5th c. A.D., such as the church of St. John was a great atrium (16,10 m x 12,00 m), whose width
of Stoudios, and they can also be seen in the 6th c. is identical to that of the basilica itself. The atrium has
A.D. in churches such as St. Sergius and Bacchus and an interior triangular colonnade, with bricked cruci-
St. Irene20. As the churches from Macedonia Prima form columns at each of the corners. (Fig. 3) Two
do not have polygonal apses before the 7th and the stone columns on each side of the colonnade were
8th c. A.D., according to Snively this characteristic probably connected by arches on, while the stone col-
could not have come in Macedonia Secunda from the umns stood on square bases. The atrium floor was
south21. Most of the apses in the churches in the Mac- paved with massive terracotta plaques. Beside the
edonian region have semicircular apses on the inside north wall of the atrium a massive stone stairway was
and outside with rare exceptions where the outside of found. The stairway led to a gallery or second floor
the apse is either four-sided or trapezoid22. There are construction that probably stretched from the atrium
to the basilica nave. The basilicas with galleries were
probably standard for a city in the Bosphorus like St.
18
The walls of the northern and southern apse are
wide 0,80 m, the walls in the center 1,15 m. The middle
John of Stoudios church, and similar churches were
apse is three-sided from the outside, the sides are 1,80 m found on the shore of the Aegean Sea, ranging from
long and the central part is 3,95 m long. Antalya and Thessaloniki to Ravenna24. The atrium
19
Faber A., 1992, pp. 151-162, which is thought to
be a result of the use of semicircular apses throughout the Crkviste/village of Zelenikovo. The Polyconhal church of
long ancient architecture. Plaoshnik and the Great Basilica in Heraclea have large
20
Steward C., 1954, p. 64, fig. on p. 64. apses, fixed with counterfoils.
21
Snively C., 2005, p. 221. 23
Filipova S., 2013, p. 426 and note 11.
22
Filipova S., 2010, p. 130, states that such apses 24
Krauthajmer R., Ćurčić S., 2008, pp. 103-105, the
were noticed in the rotund in Konjuh, the small basili- churches of the 5th c. A.D. St. John of Studios and St.
ca in Heraklea, the church in Tudince, the basilica near Mary in Calvary, as well as St. Maria of Vlacherna, built

185
 Marina Oncevska Todorovska

Fig.2 Three apses of the basilica

from this Scupi basilica belongs to the three-sided The presence of atria in the Balkans is rare, except
atrium type25, that can be seen in the Southern Basili- for Caricin Grad where all the churches have atrium.
ca in Caricin Grad, where the eastern part of the atri- Only a few examples of three-sided apses have been
um serves the role of a second narthex. These types found in Macedonia: in the small church at the ar-
of churches were common in the Balkans at that cheological site Gradok – MarkoviKuli/ Chanishte in
time26. The other most widespread atrium type is the the vicinity of Prilep, in the baptistery of the Epis-
four-sided atrium like that in the Episcopal basilica at copal Basilica at Bargala, and in the three churches
Caricin Grad27. The same three-sided atrium type of in Krupishte; these churches have different ground
the Scupi basilica can be noticed in basilicas A and D plans so the presence of three-sided apses cannot be
in Nea Anchialos, basilica in Dion, basilica in Nese- linked to a certain type of basilica29. Snively points
bar, and in the A, B and D basilicas in Nicopolis28. out that in the provinces of Macedonia I and II atrium
became common in the large city churches30, while
by Justin I (518-527), are representatives of that type of during the Justinian time they were added to older
churches in Constantinople. churches as well31. According to her, we can clearly
25
Ončevska Todorovska M., 2015, pp. 173-194. see influence on Macedonian churches from the north
26
For the Atrium in the Eastern Christian architec-
ture: Caraher W.R., 2003, pp. 94-104; Ochał-Czarnowicz
A., 2010, pp. 191-193. A); Varalis Y., 2008, pp. 99-112, Fig. 1 (Epidaurus, ba-
27
Чанева-Дечевска Н., 1999, pp. 12, 21, 84, accord- silica), Fig. 5 (Nikopolis Basilica B); Bobchev S., 1973,
ing to the author, the three - porticos atriums are character- 27,Form. 47 (Nessebar, Old Metropolis); Hoddinot R.F.,
istic of Greece, while in the Balkans were found only one 1963, p. 124-125; Чанева-Дечевска Н., 1999, Fig.56а
portico, as the case of Scupi basilica; Ivanišević V., 2016, (Nessebar, Old Metropolis); Лилчиќ В., 2003, Fig.28
pp. 109-110, 112, fig. 5. (Dion, Basilica).
28
Caraher W.R., 2003, pp. 109, fig. 5 (Nikopolis, Ba-
29
Лилчиќ В., Илијоска В., 1997, pp. 21-38; Чауси-
zilika B), 302, Plan 57 (Nea Anchialos, BasilicaA), 304, дис Н., 1992, pp. 213-226.
Plan 66, 68 (Nikoplois, Basilicas A, D); Krauthajmer R.,
30
Snively C., 2005, p. 219.
Ćurčić S., 2008, Sl.75 (Nea Anchialos, Larissa, Basilica
31
Filipova S., 2013, p. 426, with note 25.

186
THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION IN SCUPI REPRESENTED THROUGH THE ELEMENTS OF THE LARGE BASILICA WITH ATRIUM

Fig.3 Atrium of the basilica

through a short presbytery, a three-sided or polygonal Tribelon

apse on the exterior, while single-nave churches were In the Scupi Basilica with atrium, the aisles were
unusual32. Speaking about the style and the period in divided from the narthex by a tribelon, in other words
which the Scupi Basilica with atrium was built, there it is a triple entrance with arches formed by two col-
are great similarities with the Basilica at Konjuh33. umns35. (Fig. 4). From the tribelon were preserved the
In the context of the connection between the circular bases of the two columns placed at the same
church as a building and its purpose for spiritual level as the floor36, while the columns, broken into
enlightenment, the area within the atrium and the a few pieces, were found fallen next to them37. This
narthex, with the accentuated passage, through the
doors, portals and gates in the context of sacred space, 35
For the term „tribelon“: Armstrong G.T., 1999, pp.
provide a sense of connection between the profane
798.
world outside the church and the sacred space of the 36
Column of the tribelon, MCS (Museum of the City
Christian ritual. In this space, the observer was pre- of Skopje), Entry No. 888-17/A, column dimensions:
pared for the experience of the church iconography saved length 1,70 m, diameter 0,55 m; dimensions of the
and the connection between the sacred and the pro- cross in relief: 0,76/0,61 m x 0,38 m. The bases of both
fane; as a matter of fact, they enabled a visual and columns of the tribelon have a diameter of 0,62 m. In the
spiritual experience among those who attended the middle of the bases were preserved small circular holes
liturgy34. for casting lead (with a diameter of 0,11 m) to connect the
stone from the base to the one of the columns.
37
The tribelon of the Scupi basilica can be compared
with the column of the tribelon in Heraclea basilica A. in:
32
Snively C.,2005, pp. 219, 220, where she exposes Лилчиќ В., 2002, p. 720/VII.79.15, and Николајевиќ-
greater influence from the province of Dacia Mediterrane- Стојковиќ И., 1957, pp. 36-38, for the basilica in Hera-
an than from the province of Macedonia Secunda. clea, where Latin type crosses were performed on impost
33
Snively C., 2005, p. 215, plan fig.5-7; Snively C., capitals from pillars of tribelon, Basilica A (Small basili-
2011, pp. 190 - 193, 200. ca), beginning of the 6th c. A.D. (citation: М.Грбиќ 1938,
34
Caraher W.R., 2003, pp. 94-97. Уметнички преглед 11, бр.8).

187
 Marina Oncevska Todorovska

Fig.4 The tribelon columns

became a part of the architectural style of the Aegean acteristic symmetry, the tribelon was used to create
region through the example of the church of Achei- semi-open connections to additional rooms41. Despite
ropoietos in Thessaloniki38. The tribelon columns in the large number of tribelons built, including in Ba-
the Scupi basilica are especially important because of silica A in Nea Anchialos, which is a typical example
the relief decoration with large Latin crosses in relief of a church from the 5th c. A.D.42, not so many tri-
standing on the celestial sphere39. (Fig. 5) There are
different theories with regard to the tribelon’s struc- arches» is well known throughout the Empire from the
ture40. In the Early Christian churches, due to its char- triumphal arches and gates (portae triumphales), like the
Arch of Constantine and the ark of Septimius Severus in
38
Krauthajmer R., Ćurčić S., 2008, pp. 99, 121, dat- Rome or the Trajan›s Ark in Timgrad (Algeria), the Arch
ed to the 450-470; Raptis K.T., 2016, 487, Acheiropoietos of Galerius in Thessaloniki which merged the palace with
was originally erected as a Roman-type basilica without the so-called Rotonda, and were all built in the glory of the
galleries during the last decade of the fifth or the first dec- great war victories or the death of any of the emperors. In
ade of the 6th c. A.D. (ca. 500); Raptis K.T., 2014, 101, this context, Diocletian is particularly important choosing
originally founded during the 2nd half of the 5th c. A.D. a triumphal gate in the shape of a tribelon in his residence
39
Лилчиќ В., 2003, regarding the motive: pp. 20/ in Split. The connection between these Roman imperial
fig.3 and 70/fig.134, an example from an early 6th c. A.D. buildings and the tribelon in the early Christian basilicas
diptych is pointed out, where Archangel Michael holds a through the common form can be presented as an expres-
sphere and a cross, 68/fig.124, shows a detail of a coin sion of the visual connection between the emperor or the
where Constance I (337-350) holds a sphere in his hand, bishop and the moments from everyday life important for
70/Fig.132 and 133, details of other diptytes, with descrip- celebration; (Junker H., Der Friedhof südlich der Cheop-
tion of various names of the ball that was once Nike/Vic- spyramide Ostteil, Giza, Vol.11, Vienna, 1953, pp.92-109).
toria, and then a cross, as globus cruciger, celestial sphere, 41
Petrova S., 2015, p. 167, where is stated that there
earth globe; An example of crosses on pillars in the early is a tribelon in Basilica No. 3 in Partikópolis and that is a
medieval church: (Musin A., 2012, 61-94, Fig. 12, Theot- common element among the early Christian basilicas in
okos basilica, Ephesus, Turkey, 10th–11th c. A.D., cross- Greece, but rare in Bulgaria.
shaped cavities for reliquary-crosses). 42
Krauthajmer R., Curcic S., 2008, p. 122, Fig. 75,
40
Sturm J.P., 2017, p. 30. The formula of the «three The Basilica of Thessaly has the features of the 5th c. A.D.:

188
THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION IN SCUPI REPRESENTED THROUGH THE ELEMENTS OF THE LARGE BASILICA WITH ATRIUM

Fig. 5 Latin cross in relief standing on the celestial sphere

belons with relief ornaments are preserved, like that stone slabs, which differentiated this area from the
in the Scupi basilica. We have a similar example of a surrounding plaster floor in the nave. Despite the
cross in relief on a tribelon column in Caricin Grad fact that the eastern part of the basilica was mostly
as well43. This type of cross can be seen in a different destroyed, there are preserved traces that indicate the
type of architectural church ornaments in this period, existence of a chancel screen, i.e. little stone columns
e.g. the altar rail in a church in the village of Ne- with small capitals on the top and small spherical el-
bregovo in the vicinity of Prilep built, in the first half ements as parts of the rail. Nevertheless it is difficult
of the 6th c. A.D44. The Latin cross is a common mo- to determine the form and type of the presbytery46.
tif in the early Christian era and was shown on col- (Fig. 6)
umn capitals, altar rails, pediments, and altar pillars
in numerous churches in Macedonia45. Capital from the altar screen
During the 5th and 6th c. A.D., art was gener-
Altar area ally focused on decorating religious buildings and
The altar area, the presbyterium, was derived stone carving, so creating architectural plastic art in
from a space of 6 m x 6 m. The floor was made of early Christian churches became the greatest artis-
tic achievement. Hence, the capitals are one of the
a crucified transept, parapets, a sacristy or a gift room, a most representative church elements; they are direct
narthex, a baptistery, a rounded apse and a tribelon.
descendants of the Antique Corinthian and Ionic col-
43
Николајевиќ-Стојковиќ И., 1957, p. 54, Fig. 129,
umns, while impost capitals became the trademark of
a relief cross of tribelon in the basilica in the Caricin Grad
(citation: Мано Зиси, 1954-55, Старинар н.с. 5-6, p. 169, the early Christian period. The church elements from
Fig. 20). different types of decorative architectural plastic art
44
Лилчиќ В., 2002, pp. 947, 1084 and a picture on experienced transformations throughout the centu-
p.1083. ries, which led to the development of certain stylis-
45
Филипова С., 1997, p. 63, mentioned: church of
Virgin Eleusa in Vodoča, Davina Kula near Chucher, Sto-
bi, Manastirishte-Nebregovo near Prilep and Bargala.
46
Лилчиќ В., 2002, pp. 532, 534, 536.

189
 Marina Oncevska Todorovska

Fig. 6 The altar area

tic characteristics. The architectural plastic art in this Scupi basilica is small and, according to where it was
basilica in Scupi, preserved in just a few elements, found, it belongs to the composition with columns
reveals certain similarities with the decoration of oth- and parapet slabs from the altar barrier50. (T. I/1) The
er basilicas in Macedonia from that period. The style upper part of the capital is decorated with volutes at
of the majority of capitals in this period is inspired the edges, merged together with small leaves, while
by the Antique period, transformed into a whole new the lower part is filled with larger acanthus leaves.
style, so the capitals covered with acanthus leaves, The capital’s ornaments, according Lilčić typology,
the leaves look sharp and have an almost barbed look. can be classified as Late-Antique Corinthian capi-
From the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 6th c. tals, type 1/D/1/g – composite capitals and this type
A.D. the transformation of the capitals can probably of capitals with the so-called ‘windblown acanthus
be seen most explicitly in the churches of St. Sophia foliage’, were popular at the beginning of the 6th c.
in Constantinople and of San Vitale in Ravenna47. A.D 51. In terms of the arrangement of the decorative
The capitals decorated with lace-like ornaments and
the tendency of introducing a light and shadow effect Han Potoci near Mostar, in context of the analyzes from
were adapted in the Corinthian capitals as well, which the territory of Diocese of Narona and the basilica in Naro-
in the 6th c. A.D. got a shortened and edged cone, and na with decorative elements.
the acanthus became a pattern that spread over the 50
Altar capital, MCS Entry No. 36974/A, dimen-
entire surface of the capitals48. There are a number of sions: 0,23 x 0,22 x 0,23 m.
different capital variations in that period, including 51
Лилчиќ В., 2002, pp. 822, 1047/VII.114, 1-4, Epis-
the small capitals from the altar screens, which can copal Basilica in Stobi, examples of composite capitals
be especially rare and luxurious49. The capital in the with clear ionian elements in the volutes, which is not the
case with the capital in Scupi, 905 and 902/VII.128, 1-2,
the church of the Virgin in the village of Drenovo near Ka-
47
Kitzinger E., 1977, pp. 76-79. vadarci, composite-Theodosian capitals, due to similarity
48
Филипова С., 2006, pp. 191-193. in typological and stylistic connection with the mentioned
49
Škegro A., 2010, pp. 237-239, Fig. 9-e, an overview capitals of Stobi, the author gives an opportunity for their
from reconstruction of the altar barrier in the basilica in dating in the first half of the 5th c. A.D. The author also

190
THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION IN SCUPI REPRESENTED THROUGH THE ELEMENTS OF THE LARGE BASILICA WITH ATRIUM

Fig. 7 Window decoration

elements, the Scupi capital has certain similarities The fragment of the marble pier54 is an upper
with the capital from the building termed as ‘Con- section of a column from the altar screen in the ba-
signatorium’ in the Acropolis in Caricin Grad where silica, which, depending on the model of the screen
the small acanthus foliage in the upper section slants could have had an architrave beam. On the basis of
to one of its sides, the corners have volutes, while Lilčić’s typology, the Scupi find can be included in
the lower, larger section is also flled with acanthus the piers that belong to altar screens of the type II-
foliage52. A-1/в, identified as partitioning piers, combined with
colonettes in continuation, a variant of an individual
pier, a base, a colonette, a capital. (T. I/2) Similar de-
Elements from the altar screen
sign can be seen in the piers found in Varoš/monas-
The altar area was separated from the remain- tery St. Archangel Michael near Prilep55, the Konjuh
ing front section of the church with low partitions Rotunda56, Bargala57, the basilica in the village of Su-
made of stone/parapet slabs placed between the piers, vodol58, the basilica in Drenovo59, the church Lukovi-
which are linked with an architrave beam. During the
Late Antiquity, the space between the piers was en- 54
A fragment of the marble pier, MCS Entry No.
closed with linen curtains, which were replaced by
37021/A, dimensions: 0,225 m. high, square base of 0,115
icons later on, thus producing the iconostasis. The m x 0,115 m.
parts of the altar screen are an attempt to illustrate 55
Лилчиќ В., 2002, p. 932, Fig. 142/6, the late 5th/
this very important segment of the Scupi Early Chris- beginning of the 6th c. A.D.
tian Atrium Basilica53. 56
Лилчиќ В., 2002, pp. 588, 1033 / VII.15, a picture
on p. 588 capitals and column from the altar barrier of Ro-
tunda in Konjuh.
points out that the variety of motifs on stone elements in 57
Нацев Т., 2008, p. 200, cat. 81, Bargala.
the church in Drenovo point to the late 5th and the begin- 58
Лилчиќ В., 2002, pp. 1035 / VII.98 and 778 basil-
ning of the 6th c. A.D. ica in Suvodol, from the middle of the 6th c. A.D., 1033
52
 Баван Б, Иванишевић В., 2006, p. 34, Fig. 5. / VII.90, 758 and 761 from the basilica of Dolenci near
53
Difficulties regarding stylistic and chronological Bitola from the first half of the 6th c. A.D.; Џидрова Љ.,
determination of parts of the altar space represent a serious 2009, 129, Fig. 3b, basilica in Suvodol.
problem, due to poor field research and scientific obser- 59
Ѓорѓиева В., Лилчиќ В., 2009, pp. 70, 72, Fig. 6,
vation. In this context: Црнчевић Д., 2013, pp. 164-166. 19-20, 21-22, 34-35, basilica near Drenovo.

191
 Marina Oncevska Todorovska

ca near Makedonska Kamenica60, all dated in the 6th Mariovo region69, while from the broader region, we
c. A.D., like the other from the basilica in the village should also mention the altar slabs from Nicopolis ad
of Oreše near Nicopolis ad Nestum in Bulgaria, dated Nestum and the basilica near Koprivlen, Bulgaria70.
in the frst half of the 6th c. A.D. 61, and the one from (T. I/4)
the site Gradina on the Jelica in Serbia62 and the Early
Christian church in Bregovina63. Window decoration
In the line of church decoration we can also in- The early Christian churches have a very special
clude the elements with small globular shapes placed decorative element, the mullion or mullion column
on top of the piers, as a part of the altar partitioning used for windows71. These stone architectural ele-
compositions. The changes in the design of these ar- ments have an oval cross-section. A mullion divided
chitectural decoration have little effect on the stylis- the opening for the window; it rested on a base and
tic features of the screen. Similar designs as the find and was usually crowned by a capital. Depending on
from the Scupi basilica64 can be seen in the finds from the type of window, one or two mullions, connect-
the Episcopal Basilica in Stobi, the small basilica in ed by arches, divided it into biphoras or triphoras72.
Heraclea65, and the basilica St. Erasmus near Ohrid66. These sections, made of stone, have an elongated
(T. I/3) shape with an elliptical cross-section and go separat-
The altar screens were usually made of a quality ed the window opening. The menoa were placed on a
material and decorated with Early Christian motifs. base, and they usually had capitals above them, con-
Since only the corner section with а small dimension nected with arches, creating bifori and trifori73. The
has been preserved from the marble parapet frag- churches, in addition to numerous lamps and cande-
ment from the altar screen of the Scupi basilica, it labras, were also illuminated through the windows.
lacks the usual relief church motifs. The choice of With the breaking of daylight and the rays of the sun
materials, which is usually marble, affects the quality shining on the floor, it was also possible to mark the
of the decoration on the altar screen67. Although the hierarchy in the inside of the church. For example,
item does not provide an opportunity for determin- the central apse was lighter than the other parts of the
ing the precise design of the slab, the smooth mar- church because of the mutual action of the windows
ble and perfect production reveal that it was a solid and the artificial lighting. That is why, the presbyte-
stone-carving product. According to the typology by rium got the most light in the Late Antique church74.
Lilčić, it is classified as a plutei, pluteum, altar, saep- (Fig. 7)
tum, or a colonnade and other partitioning slabs, type
II-2, listing examples of this partitioning type from Crosses
the basilicas in Davina Kula near Skopje68, the Ear-
Among the finds from the Large basilica with
ly Christian basilica in the village of Suvodol in the
atrium in Scupi, Christianity is especially confirmed
by several bronze crosses. The cross is the most
60
  Лилчиќ В., 2002, pp. 1033 / VII.9 and 560-562 widely spread symbol of Christianity and it is also
from Lukovica, Begov Dab near Makedonska Kamenica a proof of acceptance as well as dedication towards
from the first half of the 6th c. A.D.
the faith. Among the crosses discovered in this ba-
61
Petrova S., 2012/A, p. 346, Fig. 51-a, altar barrier
silica, there are examples that belong to the type of
from the basilica in Oreshe from 5th - 6th c. A.D., second
phase of the first half of 6th c. A.D. cross-pendants: one cross75 (T. II/5) is classified as
62
Milinković M., 2002, p. 100, Abb. 24/3, Early Byz-
antine Complex on Mount Jelica, church «C» built in the 69
  Џидрова Љ., 2009, p. 129, Fig. 2-4, basilica in the
frames of the walls, at time of the Justinian renewal. village of Suvodol.
63
Jeremić M., 2004, pp. 132, 134, Fig. 29, 32, 34. 70
Petrova S., 2012, p. 348, Fig.53, part of the altar
64
A fragment of an architectural stone decoration barrier and impost capital were found as remains of a
with a globular shape on the top, representing the terminal church from the 4th - 6th c. A.D., village of Mosomishte,
part of the top side of a pier from an altar screen. MCS near Goce Delchev and Koprivlen in Bulgaria.
Entry No. 37022/А, dimensions: 0,155 m high, 0,13 m in 71
Нацев Т., 2008, p. 157, cat. 22-24, Bargala; Ris-
a diameter. tov K., 2015, pp. 368-369, Fig. 8, a public building in the
65
Филипова С., 1997, T. XXXVI/5 Episcopal basilica late antique settlement near the village of Taor, Skopje;
in Stobi, T.XXXV/1 Small basilica in Heraclea Lyncestis. Ѓорѓиева В., Лилчиќ В., 2009, p. 73, Fig. 8, 10, 36, Ba-
66
Лилчиќ В., 2002, pp. 680-681 / VII.61-8, 12, basil- silica in Drenovo.
ica of St. Erasmus near Ohrid. 72
Бошковић Ђ., 1976, p. 16.
67
A fragment from the altar barrier, MCS Entry No. 73
A window meno from the basilica in Scupi, MCS En-
36956/А, dimensions: 0,173 m х 0,186 m х 0,57 m. tery No. 28799/3, dimensions: length 1,30 m, diameter 0,35 m.
68
Лилчиќ В., 2002, p. 657 / VII.54-1, an altar plate 74
Caseau B., 2007, p. 560.
from Basilica B in Davina Kula/the village Orman, near 75
Cross-pendant, MCS Entry No. 53279/A, dimen-
Skopje, from the middle of the 6th c. A.D. sions: 0,028 m x 0,018 m.

192
THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION IN SCUPI REPRESENTED THROUGH THE ELEMENTS OF THE LARGE BASILICA WITH ATRIUM

Fig. 8 The Medieval graves next to the basilica

a Greek cross type, and another cross76 like a Mal- the 6th c. A.D. and their typology follows the con-
tese cross type77 (T. II/6), with motifs of concentric crete uses of the crosses themselves so that none of
circles, are embossed on the averse of the arms ter- the types is attached to only one chronological pe-
minals. Also found was a cross of the extended cross riod, but every single one of the types has its own
type (an incense burner cross)78, with two rings on development from its appearance until today. The
one of its arms, which are linked to a bronze wire, cross-pendants from Scupi belong to the 6th c. A.D.
probably used for hanging the incense burner. It is according to their form, decoration and area of dis-
shaped as a Latin cross, with fanned arms, made of covery, which is analoguous to the cross found at the
bronze tin and lef unornamented meant for an icon site of Isar, village of Shipkovica, Tetovo80. The ex-
lamp, attached to a bronze wire and made in the form tended crosses, had different uses in the churches81.
of a Latin cross79. (T. II/7) The crosses date from These crosses were usually made of bronze tin, and
shaped by cutting, as opposed to all the remaining
types of metal crosses, made by casting. One of the
76
Musin A., 2012, p. 69, Fig.6/1, a finding from Bal- arms has perforations at its end for inserting chains or
ania, Nubia, from the period 430-450, which was in use rings, which were hanged with massive hooks onto
until the 7th c. A.D., such as the findings of Anemurium the propylaea, in fact, they represent a link with the
and Sadovsko Kale in Sadovec, Bulgaria (with the quote hoop of the church horos. Some of them were used
bibliography).
for suspending the incense burner, hence their term
77
Cross-pendant, MCS Entry No. 85948/A, dimen-
sions: 0,031 m x 0,019 m.
78
Extended cross, MCS Entry No. 52382/A, dimen- in Bulgaria, in: Uenze S., 1992, Taf. 31/5-6; Милинковић
sions: 0,05 m x 0,035 m. M., 2011, pp. 73-84, Fig. 1 - Gamzigrad/Romulina, fig. 2 -
79
Extended crosses similar to the sample of Scupi, the surrounding of Pirot, fig. 13 - Caricin Grad.
Macedonia were also found in Stobi, Demir Kapija, in the 80
Лилчиќ В., 2004, 75, fig.143, 84, fig. 169;
village Orman near Skopje, in: Ивановска Велковска С., Ивановска Велковска С., 2013, p. 86, cat. 72.
2013, cat. 91-92 (Stobi), cat. 97 (village of Orman near 81
Petrova S., 2015, p. 167, Fig. 7/2, findings of cross-
Skopje), cat. 107 (Demir Kapija), As well as in Sadovec es from Basilica No. 4 in Partikopol.

193
 Marina Oncevska Todorovska

incense burner crosses. Their use started in the early total length, including the entrance halls, measuring
Christian churches towards the end of the 5th and the from the cardo sidewalk was 52,50 m. The rational
beginning of the 6th c. A.D82. exploitation of the structure in performing the rituals,
combined with the high aesthetic criteria in the spa-
Cross-enkolpion from the Medieval tial planning of this Early Christian sacral building
horizon of the area surrounding the basilica is a true example for a construction of a three-aisels
In the area surrounding the basilica, an enkolpi- Early Christian Atrium Basilica, applied especially in
on cross was found which dates from the 10th -11th the larger urban centres at the Balkans. The polygo-
c. A.D83. A preserved reverse of a Latin enkolpion nal apse from the outer side is characteristic of the
cross, with trapezoidal fanned vertical arms, while time of Justinian and, along with the other elements
the horizontal ones are rectangular. The representa- of the building, it points to the development in the ba-
tion was applied graphically with shallow engrav- silica in the first half of the 6th c. A.D., which shows
ings. It features a central depiction of Mary Orans the continued development of the town after the cat-
wearing a maphorion, decorated with dense engraved astrophic earthquake of 518. The basilica’s size and
lines in different directions84. (T. II/8) The enkolpion the storied construction of the building indicate that
cross probably belonged to one of the burials from it held a dominant position in the city during the end
the early Middle Age found around the basilica. A of the Late Antiquity, i.e. during the Early Byzantine
part of this necropolis was placed very near to the period.
Basilica with atrium, by respecting the holiness of The analysis of this Scupi basilica reveal that it
the former church building85. In the area of the city reflected in more than one aspect, the original inten-
of Scupi until now several areas with medieval bur- tion of the Early Christian architecture, manifested in
ials have been located, i.e. in the central city core to receiving the space as an integration of the sacred and
which belong the graves around the Basilica with the profane and at the same time it created a space for
atrium, in the area near the Southeast City Wall, and meditation and ambiguity, which are required by the
in a part of the acropolis of the city located on the profane in order to overcome the human reality and
hill called Zajchev Rid. A part of the early Medieval manifest the sacred in a human form. In the centuries
settlement was discovered in the area of the roman of the Late Antiquity the building of churches as a
theatre86. The graves and a settlement are in favour necessity of the Christian community is one of the
on thesis for the proceeding the Christianity in Scupi main characteristics of the period. In the context of
in the early medieval period. (Fig. 8) political developments and inseparable relationship
with pagan rituals, Christianization became a widely
Concluding comments accepted position of Late Roman society and caused
a process of cultural change when the emergence of
The Large Early Christian Atrium basilica in
the new symbolism became part of the everyday life
Scupi is distinguished by its highly segmented archi-
at the end of antiquity.
tectural base, which had relatively large dimensions.
The structure was 16,10 m wide, 41 m long, and its

82
Ивановска Велковска С., 2013, p. 45.
83
The crosses-encolpions, in fact relics, have an in-
tense production through Byzantine workshops of the 10th
c. A.D. In the Balkans, the greatest expansion occurred
from the 9th to the 11th c. A.D. Кепеска Л., 2008, pp.
61-63, Fig. 99-102; Ивановска Велкоска С., 2013, pp.
43-44, 55-73, cat.1-39; Дончева Петкова Лю., 2006, pp.
101-106.
84
A crosse-encolpion, MCS Entry No. 85950/А, di-
mensions: 0,04 m х 0,024 m.
85
Ончевска Тодоровска М., 2011, p. 374; Ončevska
Todorovska M., 2009, p. 108; Snively C., 2003, pp. 59-74;
Џидрова Љ., 2003, pp. 257-260, 268-271.
86
Kuzmanoski I., 2017, pp. 367-418; Tolevski I.,
2017, pp. 321-366.

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THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION IN SCUPI REPRESENTED THROUGH THE ELEMENTS OF THE LARGE BASILICA WITH ATRIUM

ХРИСТИЈАНСКАТА РЕЛИГИЈА ВО СКУПИ ПРЕТСТАВЕНА ПРЕКУ ЕЛЕМЕНТИ

ОД ГОЛЕМАТА БАЗИЛИКА СО АТРИУМ

Марина Ончевска Тодоровска

Музеј на град Скопје, Македонија

Резиме

Проучувањата на Големата базилика со ат- развој на наше тло е проследен со бројни влија-
риум во Скупи пружаат можност за поопсежни нија. Особености на базиликата се трите аписиди,
анализи во врска со стилот на црковната градба од кои средната е повеќеаголна од надворешната
и заедно со типичните ранохристијански наоди ја страна, голем атриум, галерија, трибелон и додат-
создаваат претставата за прифатеноста на новата ни простории градени во различни периоди. Ка-
религија во овој дел на Балканот. Зачуваните гра- рактеристиките на градбата и наодите, меѓу кои
дежни елементи и движните наоди од базиликата се неколкуте зачувани архитектонски елементи:
покажуваат одредени блискости или припадност столбовите од трибелонот на кои се изведени во
со различните стилови развивани на Балканот и релјеф големи латински тип крстови со небесната
пошироко во доцната антика. Базиликата е изгра- сфера, мал коринтски капител, делови од олтар-
дена во раниот VI век, кога раното христијанство ната преграда, како и прозорско мено, изведени
е масовно прифатено и со својот изглед, за разли- во стилот на времето на изградба на базиликата,
ка од црковните градби во Империјата од прет- на кои се придружуваат и неколкуте бронзени
ходните векови кога новата религија го одвивала крстови, овозможуваат оваа скупска базилика да
процесот на легитимност, се вклопила во воста- биде дел од вредните ранохристијанските црков-
новените бројни трикорабни црковни градби, чиј ни градби на Балканот.

195
 Marina Oncevska Todorovska

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архитектура в Бьлгария IV-VI в., София. vizantijska arhitektura, Beograd.
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Скопје, 127-142. Illyricum des 6.Jh., Starinar LI/2001, Beograd, 71-133.
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THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION IN SCUPI REPRESENTED THROUGH THE ELEMENTS OF THE LARGE BASILICA WITH ATRIUM

T. I-1 Capital from the altar screen

T. I-2 Fragment of the marble pier T. I-3 A fragment of an architectural stone decora-
tion with a globular shape on the top

T. I-4 A fragment from the altar barrier

199
 Marina Oncevska Todorovska

T. II-5 Cross-pendant T. II-6 Cross-pendant

T. II-7 Extended cross T. I-8 A crosse-enkolpion

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THE EARLY BYZANTINE EMPIRE AND THE PAGAN TRADITION IN THE CULTURE AND THE CITIES OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

THE EARLY BYZANTINE EMPIRE AND THE PAGAN TRADITION IN THE

CULTURE AND THE CITIES OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

Ljubinka Džidrova
NI Archaeological Museum of Macedonia

Only a scratch in the crust of several centu- flected the ruling apparatus and hierarchy of the Em-
ries’ diligent historic study reveals the sentimental pire. They were the centre of prosperity where forces
overwhelming with modern myths inspired by half united to produce an outcome – a moving force for
a millennial blindedness with the world of antiqui- the creation of a culture and a global civilization.
ty’s mystic beauties of the post-Byzantine era. The The temporal focus at this place is on the first six
myth of Byzantium created in the nineteenth century centuries of the first millennium, a vibrant period of
still serves as justification for the pursuit of the Byz- cultural prosperity, communication and religious ex-
antine studies of retained potency, representing it periment across the two continents, Asia and Europe,
as a beacon of classical civilization shining in the resuming its products in the visual culture of the early
barbarous gloom of the Middle Ages. With these Byzantine oecumene. The interplay of human cre-
words, set in a paraphrase, one of the masterminds ativity and encounter of different religions through
of byzantinology, Prof. Cyril Mango, starts his pro- mutual influence or visual contradiction, by borrow-
vocative and inspiring discussion on Byzantium as ing and transforming earlier models, or assimilating
a custodian of the priceless deposit of ancient cul- their emblems and symbols, resulted in the creation
ture… a perennial fount from which Byzantine au- of characteristic models of imagery often of transito-
thors and artists drew their inspiration.1 Peeling ry character, of highly abstract form or potent figural
off shell by shell the multilayered cultural deposits patterns as a paraphrase for the religious acts, thus
stacked one after another, created by the human ge- revealing the diversity, proximity and richness of vi-
nius through millennial creativity, the periodisation sual imagination in the interplay of different cultures.
of the historic sequence and the gradual transforma- In order to understand the ancient inheritance
tion of the social mode of Byzantium are revealed. processed through ages of social and cultural inter-
Its civilization, characterized as predominantly vention, and the tripartite stratification of the Byz-
urban throughout the existence of the Byzantine Em- antine medieval society, it will be observed through
pire, is considered to be based on the tradition of the the postulates of its literary and artistic accomplish-
polis of the past centuries.2 The city united the po- ments, which request a precise analysis as to certify
tentials that enabled food supply, provision of ame- and define the level of various components repre-
nities for urban living including public buildings, sented in the global literary achievement. Thus the
street network, water provision and discard etc.; the body of ancient inheritance of Hellenistic literature
exchange of goods that initiated traffic and creation and philosophy as distant precedents of Byzantium,
of an urban network stimulating money exchange as on which it founded its representable literacy and
a basis for accumulation of wealth and tax-payment, learning of grammar and rhetoric, practiced by only
provided the essential needs that sustained the exis- a few hundred of the intellectual élite - the highest of
tence of the empire. Placed in a pyramidal order, the the social strata, was nurtured as a minority isolated
cities and their regional administrative capacity re- within their own world. Expressing themselves in an
artificial idiom for the time and in a manner dictated
by archaic conventions, they effectively obliterated
1
Mango C., 1981, p.48. the reality of Byzantine life, representing it in an an-
2
Mango C., 1981, p.49; Whittow M., 1996, p.90-95. tique guise. Behind this classical façade of Byzan-

201
 Ljubinka Džidrova

tium lay a different reality

covered by the nature of
the representational art of
almost the entire Byzantine
period confined to the reli-
gious painting as a faithful
reproduction of the icono-
graphic formulas traceable
back to the Early Christian
period.3 Besides the huge
mass of illiterate of the
third social layer, amount-
ing to over ninety-five per
cent of the population, the
second stratum made the
larger public of relative
literacy, a representative
of the so-called lowbrow
literature and texts, docu-
mentary rather than literary,
yet enabling for the pres-
ent day readers the access
to everyday reality, reveal-
ing unexpected details and
practices of the time. Apart
from patristic, liturgical and
devotional books, this liter-
ature comprised chronicles,
Lives of saints, anchorites’
stories, florilegia of useful
sayings and oracles, which
gave the readers the needed
edification and informa-
tion. Within some publica-
tions of this kind, some of
Fig.1 Roman ossuary re-employed as vasculum in the piscina of the North Ba-
the universal chronicles of silica at Stobi, today in possession of the National Museum in Belgrade
the ninth century, as that (According to: Petrović Dr. J., 1943, fig 33 a, b.)
of Malalas edited c. 490-
570’s, first within this category and therefore exercis- Augustus onwards, considering it the history of his
ing great influence especially after its translation in own Empire.6 Within the early Byzantine time this
Church Slavonic and Georgian,4 George Synkellos, distance was by all means much lesser, but also
George the Monk or Symeon the Logothete, or by the power of Roman influence was more intensive.
eleventh century authors as Kekaumenos of mixed Across the ancient Hellenistic inheritance stood
Slavic and Armenian origin,5 the Hellenistic tradition the powerful Roman component, which already in the
plays a minor part, even deliberately downgraded last centuries of the old era in a decisive stroke over-
by them. From there it is understood that the aver- took the ruling power over the Mediterranean, to de-
age Byzantine of the high Middle Ages did not feel velop its full potentials in the next five-six centuries of
any kinship with the ancient Greeks, but was more the new era. Growing on the riches of local cultures,
conscious of the history of Rome, particularly from enforcing exploitation of their resources and manag-
ing them to self-sustain and develop, the Roman com-
ponent became the operative force in the formation of
3
Mango C., 1981, p.49-51.
the Roman Imperial and the early Byzantine Empire.
4
s.v. Malalas, John, B.B. in: The Oxford Dictionary of
At the transition from one to another Empire,
Byzantium, p.1275; Scott R. D., DOP 39 (1985), p.99-109.
without any profound change in the demographic
5
s.v. Kekaumenos, A.K. in: The Oxford Dictionary
of Byzantium, p. 1119; Kazhdan K., Viz.Vrem. 36 (1974),
p.154-167-177; Margetić L., ZRVI 21 (1982), p.39-46. 6
Mango C., 1981, p.49, 51-54.

202
THE EARLY BYZANTINE EMPIRE AND THE PAGAN TRADITION IN THE CULTURE AND THE CITIES OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

of the augurs were not given strictly proscribed po-

sitioning, in the Hellenistic world the major part of
the temples faced east with the cult statue raised
upon the west wall of the cella, envisaging the sun
rise through the central entrance in the east wall. The
East seems to have denoted the direction of sunrise
on the day of the temple’s foundation or the princi-
pal feast day of the divinity concerned, thus the rays
of the rising sun would shine through the doorway
and strike the God’s image.9 The rule is borrowed
from the earliest traditions and the Hellenistic times
into Christianity marking the orientation of basilicas,
not any more the Roman civil basilicas, but those
transformed for the celebration of the new religion,
which preserved in its fundaments the relationship of
the rising sun with the day of the church foundation
and the cult of the saint with his protective capacity.
Within this concept of borrowing forms and
practices it will be posed for a moment on two cru-
cial objects that elaborately describe the bondage
between the old world of the polytheistic antiquity
and that of the new Christian world. Tertulian writes
about the bathing as part of the ritual of initiation in
the cults of Isis and Mythras, one of the latest pre-
Fig.2 Marble crater, Baptistery of the Episcopal ba-
served and active mystique cults, which survival in
silica at Stobi, II century AD (With the courtesy of
the third and the early fourth century is interpreted
the Archaeological site and Museum Stobi)
with the proximity with the mystery of the Christian
cult and the faith in its regenerative power. He writes
structure as that characteristic for the early Middle of the sprinkling with water as part of the pagan cere-
Ages, cities also transited from one to another cul- monial of purification giving Christian revalorization
ture and essentially altered their urban concept and to the act of immersion of the athletes before the start
compound. In this process the level of continuity, of the competitions.10 According to the laws of Mo-
transformation and exchange defines the bondage ses the bathing represented a necessary act of clean-
between the different cultures, their sacred places ing before taking part in a religious ceremonial. The
being the fundamental part after which remains are Jewish habits are a direct predecessor of the Chris-
primarily recognized. The templum as a notion sur- tian rite of baptism inaugurated in the eschatological
vived from the early first millennium B.C. to be rec- nature of the baptism of St. John the Baptist, estab-
reated in the templon of the Christian churches defin- lished in the act of baptism of Christ.11 The mystery
ing the most sacred space that encloses the altar in of the baptismal rite enacted through immersion of
early or in late antiquity. At the beginning, treasuring the faithful in water describes an act of initiation and
the reminiscences of the mythological past, the tem- purification from the sins with a promise for better
plum denoted an area of the sky or the land defined life after their symbolic death. It reflects the doctrine
by the augur within which he took the auspices – a of Christ’s sacrifice and the spiritual death of the be-
piece of demarcated and consecrated land – a sacred lievers enacted in the act of baptism at the moment of
precinct.7 Its Hellenistic parallel, the temenos and the the immersio and their spiritual rebirth when coming
temple – naos, is succeeded in Roman classical times out of the life giving water. This ideological doctrine
with the aedes built within the sacred enclosure for symbolically performed in the baptismal ceremonies,
sheltering the God’s statue, the sacred objects and was formally materialized in the lowest stratum of
the storage of the offerings made by the faithful to the organizational concept of the North basilica’s
the shrine. In both traditions the essential feature for
the conduct of the ritual was the altar – ara, placed 9
Barton I. M., 1989, p.81-82, with a note on Vitruvi-
under the open sky where sacrifices were offered to us’ prescription: let the altars look to the east.
the divinity.8 While the temples defined by the rite 10
Tertulian Bapt. 5; s.v. Baptism, Ferguson E., in:
Ferguson E., ed., 1998, p.160.
7
Barton I. M., 1989, p.67, fn1. 11
s.v. Baptism, Ferguson E., in: E. Ferguson, ed.,
8
Barton I.M., 1989, p.67-68. 1998, 160.

203
 Ljubinka Džidrova

Fig. 3 Heraclea Lyncestis, Plan (According to: Lj. Džidrova, 2011, fig. 3)

baptistery, where at the bottom of the piscina located was placed on the basin’s parapet (fig. 2).13 The po-
in a quatrefoil building was placed a marble ossuary, sition marks the transition in the conference of the
an object intended for and by all means primarilly cult of baptism from that conducted in the spacious
used in an act of burial in earlier Roman Imperial piscina through immersio, to the cult of oblutio. The
time (fig. 1). Carefully processed possibly from pro- analyses performed on the marble estimated its qual-
conesian marble, its purpose is explicitly stated in its ity as Pentelic calcite, suggesting that the object was
plastic relief decoration with floral garlands hanging originally imported from a site in the Mediterranean
on all four sides from the corners, where rams’ heads basin, where many similar craters were found.14 It
were placed. Large plastic rosettae are applied on was probably originally used in the performance of
three sides, while on the fourth long side three female ritual celebrations in the ceremonies of offering the
portraits of the deceased were carved in deep relief.12 sacred wine, later given the meaning of the blood of
Another object of high artistic value, was simi- Christ in the Christian ritual, and at this very place
larly reused in the act of baptism as a vasculum at used in the act of baptism to provide forgiveness of
the piscina - a term denoting a fish-basin borrowing the sins through the recollection of Christ’s sacrifice.
the symbolic meaning of fish – piscis lat.– to which In the early centuries of the newly established
the water gives life equally as to the believer bap- Byzantine Empire founded on the tradition of its
tized inside of it. It literally materialized the Chris- distant predecessors, and confirmed through the
tian ideology of the symbolic rebirth. In that sense a act of recognition of the Christian monotheistic re-
well known marble crater of Roman origin is found ligion, three mainstream manifestations point to
re-employed in the Episcopal basilica’s baptistery the preservation of remnants of the former Graeco-
at Stobi, placed probably at the time of its renova- Roman polytheism, which survived the transfor-
tion in the late fifth or early sixth century when it mation of the late Roman Empire to appear as acts

12
Petrović Dr. J., 1943, p. 492-495, particularly
13
Dinsmoor, Jr. W.B., in: Studies in the Antiquities of
the last page, fig 33 a, b. The ossuary today is not found Stobi, J. Wiseman ed., Vol. II, 1975, p.15-27, with older
among the archaological finds from Stobi, but was taken bibliography.
to the National museum in Belgrade after the termination 14
Niewöhner Ph.- Audley-Miller L.- Prochaska W.,
of the excavations, as J. Petrović says: something has to in: Archäologischer Anzeiger 2013, p.109; Catalogue no.
be taken home for the museum as to justify the invest- 20, Sample ST8, dim.: height 133 cm, diameter inside c.
ment, p.465 50 cm, outside c. 70 cm, p. 128.

204
THE EARLY BYZANTINE EMPIRE AND THE PAGAN TRADITION IN THE CULTURE AND THE CITIES OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

Fig.4 Houses no. 1-2 and the temple area to the east of it, Plan (Documentation from the excavations)

of paganism in the new Christian world. They are and related to the initiatory nature of the ritual it was
the political, intellectual and cultic mainstream. a secret society that appealed particularly to mem-
The political stream stemmed from the religious bers of the officers’ class, who are most often found
indifference of the army with constant influx of foe- among its dedicants. Its mystique character opened
derati of various ethnic origins in the Roman/Byzan- the gates for the promotion of the Christian faith in
tine army, which ceremonial largely retained the an- the Roman society, but despite numerous examples
cient practices.15 Deities worshipped by soldiers were of early military Christian saints, the army remained
divided in two main groups; the first comprised the the last refuge of paganism to become more present
gods of the established state religion, whose worship only in the later fourth century after the reign of Ju-
was regulated by the official calendars, among which lian the Apostate.18 Despite the fact that Rome was
those that personified the virtues of military life, as often the ultimate aim of early Christian apostles and
Disciplina and Virtus. The second group comprised by all means played an important role in the recogni-
other cults, mainly non-Roman, adopted and encour- tion of Christianity, still paganism was preserved in
aged by military units often named after soldiers’ its formal practices according to the surviving votive
lands of origin and omitted from the official calen- inscriptions throughout the fourth century, as docu-
dars. This division was almost paralleled by the place mented in the wider territory of Italy. In contrast,
of worship, within the campus for the official cults, the present stage in the study of votive and funerary
or outside it for the private ones that were rarely mili- inscriptions of pagan character in Macedonia point
tary.16 Nevertheless, two main cults of eastern origin to their occurrence only to the late or the end of the
managed to sneak through the filters of official Ro- third century. Funerary inscriptions of early Christian
man religiosity. The first is of Iuppiter Dolichenus, context so far originate only from the early fourth
its epithet signifying a cult of local origin named af- century and are found in a distinctively small num-
ter Doliche – a hill of Commagene known since Hit- ber, represented by two examples from Stobi and its
tite times, which appealed to the army due to God’s surrounding, dated to the 305-6 an the 308. This owes
close association with iron. Associated with Jupiter mostly to the fact that the year of dedication is not
it reached its peak in the west in the third century, presented in the text, as a continuation of the Roman
and once spread and favourized by the priesthood, early Imperial practice which resulted with wide dat-
it was to share its decline just as well.17 The second ing also of the early inscriptions, mostly from first to
cult is of Mithras, which reached the Roman world third century A.D. In the same context of poor dat-
already in the old era, with a peak in the third century. ing material, the early Christian funeral stelae given
Its appeal was to the merchant class and the army, elaborate symbolic representations are usually dated
to the fifth-sixth century. Further re-inspection of
15
S.v. Paganism, in: The Oxford Dictionary of Byzan-
uncovered epigraphic monuments may reveal other
tium, vol. 3, 1991, p.551-552. objects of early Christian date of origin, as well as
16
MacMullen R., 1967, p.131-2 and fn. 445; Salzman
new epigraphic objects may be uncovered.19 The
M.R., 1991, prepared in Rome it has historical importance much earlier acceptance and distribution of Chris-
especially for the study of pagan-Christian relations in the
fourth century, up to the year 354 and later due to the later 18
MacMullen R., 1967, p.132-133; Imamović Dr E., 1977.
additions, particularly valued for its illustrations. 19
I thank D-r Slavica Babamova for the above quoted
17
MacMullen R., 1967, p.132. information produced as a result to her current research.

205
 Ljubinka Džidrova

Fig.5 The early temple area with the aedicula’s concrete base (Photo Lj. Džidrova)

tianity in the east, despite the extremely poor level settlement within its premises.21 The rear of the scene
of identification of early paleochristian practices and building exited on the former forum, later replaced
proofs of early celebration of the cult, still await their by the Large Episcopal basilica. It was organized as
study in Macedonia, particularly within the consid- a sequence of 10 vaulted rooms varied in size, and
eration that by the end of the fifth century the pro- two additional rectangular each on both sides of the
cess of Christianization in the East was completed. building. An object of specific interest - an aedicula
The political mainstream manifestations of re- - was built into the sixth chamber, the physical cen-
tained paganism, observed from the point of view of ter of the building, originally facing the forum to
cult practices largely outgrew the proscribed trends the south, built at the same time as the theatre. The
of well defined early byzantine culture. On the con- archaeological excavations conducted in 1988-89,
trary, sometimes it coincides with the cultic main- 1998 and 2008 were concentrated on the commu-
stream, but different from its latent dating to the late nication between the theatre scene and the support
seventh century and onwards, observed as preserva- wall that fenced the sacred premises of the Large Ba-
tion of pagan habits recreated in feasts, magic and as- silica raised on the remains of the forum. They re-
trology, and visible in theatrical performances, pagan vealed a sequence of late antique buildings annexed
oaths and the clothing of law students.20 The remains to the scene rear that communicated with the vaulted
from Heraclea Lyncestis, which illustratively docu- chambers (fig. 4). They were partly residential, so far
ment separate phases of development and illuminate denoted as Houses no.1, unfortunately unpublished,
the gradual transformation of the urban corpus, show and 2/2a fully excavated in 1998, and in 2008. The
an architectural unit that subtly reveals an important excavations of House no.2 indicated its construc-
characteristic in its life – the retention of pagan cult tion in the later second half of the fifth century, af-
practice in the centre of the city (fig. 3). Its display as- ter the construction of the Episcopal basilica in mid
tonishes with the determination, clear statement and fifth century.22 The quality of the two houses, their
rigidness. It is explicitly found as part of the theatre gradual development and growth in size, with the two
complex built in the second century and proved to or three urban phases, suggested ownership by high
retain its performances until the late fifth century and representatives of the municipal elite. The remains of
possibly into the sixth, before it hosted the late urban
21
Јанакиевски Т., 1987; ibid., 1998; Džidrova Lj.,
The previous is suggested in: s.v. Paganism, in: The
20 1999, p.282-285.
Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, p.1552. 22
Džidrova Lj., 2008, p. 291-310.

206
THE EARLY BYZANTINE EMPIRE AND THE PAGAN TRADITION IN THE CULTURE AND THE CITIES OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

Fig. 6 The south Wall of the House no. 2 with the built in tympanon (Photo: Lj. Džidrova)

a glassed window, a second floor level and provision a neighbouring building, House no. 2. (fig. 6). The
of flowing water from a private aqueduct, which ad- tympanon probably is a part of the roof structure built
ditionally supplied the large baptistery located to the into the wall, and the style of the single decorative or-
south-east of the basilica, and later also the fountain nament applied on it, the rosette, is reminiscent of the
raised in the early sixth century at the north end of the ornamentation characteristic for the second and third
narrow garden to the west of the same basilica, clearly century. The relevant dating material from the up-
speak of the high status and wealth of the supplier.23 per layers under the street surface comprise a fourth
The object of particular interest at this place is century cross-bow fibula, an early sixth century fin-
the mentioned aedicula, built into the chamber no. 6 ger ring and rare coin finds, which are not studied
on the external side of the scene, facing east. (fig. 5). so far, and can be related to the time of construction
It is witnessed by a massive concrete fundament, the and renovation of the private houses, as well as of
remains being set against the chamber’s north wall the several water conduits installed there (see fig.4).
clearly showing a foundation of c. 30 cm height, with The active use of the temple and the cult space
a preserved lower part of a chamber, a cella, once in front of it was first altered after the construction
holding the relics of the cult. They were built in con- of the Large basilica. The excavations performed on
crete in opus incertum, which necessarily requested the street that ran in front of the south theatre façade
surface revetment. Parts of the marble veneer were revealed four Corinthian capitals dated in the first
not uncovered in the ground, as far as known, or any half of the second century and one Ionic preserved
other related remains. The aedicula was established in the deeper strata and the earth fill bellow the street
most probably at the time of construction of the the- surface. They are attributed to the time of construc-
atre in the second century AD.24 At a certain moment tion of the theatre and its south façade.25 The time
from the mid fifth century, after the construction of of their deposition as part of the process of degra-
the Episcopal basilica or possibly simultaneously dation of the scene, possibly resulted in the earlier
with it, the aedicula was decomposed, and a part of proposed massive destruction around the town in an
it, the tympanon, was built into the south façade of earthquake dated about the turn of the fourth cen-

23
Džidrova Lj., 2008, p. 291-310; ibid., 2011, p.395-401.
24
Јанакиевски Т., 1987; ibid., 1998, with complete 25
Јанакиевски Т., 1998, p. 76-101, 137, fig. 109,
bibliography where the aedicula was not mentioned nor fn.299. Of the four Corinthian capitals only one comes
documented. from the early excavations.

207
 Ljubinka Džidrova

Fig.7 View from above of the late temple area spread to the street and walled from it (Photo Lj. Džidrova)

tury.26 At that time the sacred ground of the temple virgin soil. A certain amount of fragmented pottery
ran next to the street and was open to the lower sec- lamp sherds of dense concentration were uncovered
tion of the town. The front line of the sacred prem- on that occasion, unfortunately inaccessible for study
ises was limited by a low rubble wall, which upper and documentation posterior to the excavations.
part was made of distinctively large pebble stones. It Among the finds a single completely preserved lamp,
originated prior to the construction of the neighbor- an imitation of the Ephesus type dated to the late sec-
ing private house, since the front rubble wall under- ond or early first century BC was uncovered there,
lies the mortared east wall of the House no. 2. (see (fig. 8) as well as a number of attic lucernae.27 The
fig.5 and fig.7). A second rubble wall started from overall situation points out that the site was used as a
the chambers’ east concrete wall, which originally cult place since the last centuries of the old era, which
belongs to the theatre. It was built at an uncertain means prior to the construction of the theatre and co-
point, but related to the existence of the street, and terminous with the Hellenistic settlement unearthed
was most probably paralleled with a similar one on in the ground later occupied by the Large basilica
the west side, later replaced by the mortared house and underlying the Roman forum.28 As such it was
wall. This suggests that the sacred ground was nar- enclosed within the later scene rear. Successively a
rowed by the two rubble walls at this precise mo- Roman style aedicula was built there. Of the older re-
ment, possibly in course of the earlier fifth century. mains preceding the theatre construction a floor made
Former excavations that preceded the theatre of rectangular bricks set in opus reticulatum was un-
conservation were conducted also in the vaulted covered at the west end of the scene rear, dateable to
rooms at the rear of the scene, but results were never the I century B.C./A.D., the two remains pointing to
published or acknowledged in whatever form, nor are
they and the material accessible to archaeologists.
However, the 2008 excavations conducted along the
27
Similar lamps are well known from the fund of the
Museum at Bitola, part of which was published by: Mane-
street were extended also within some of the vaulted
va E., 1983/84,p. 47-57, with several examples of this type
chambers, including the one with the aedicula. Ex- presented, with closest analogy with lamp cat.no 5, and an
cavations were engaged with the lowest stratigraphic original product, no.1.
layers of the chamber and material deposits until 28
Манева Е., 1979. The existence of the late Roman
settlement lying above the forum is observed also in: Lj.
26
Džidrova Lj., 1999, p.276-277. Džidrova, 1999, p.275-277, fig. 2.

208
THE EARLY BYZANTINE EMPIRE AND THE PAGAN TRADITION IN THE CULTURE AND THE CITIES OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

Fig.8 The Lucerna, II-I century BC (Photo: Lj. Džidrova)

the active use of the area before the construction of sibly enacted synchronous with the construction of
the theatre, partly for religious practices which con- Justinian I’s donation, the fountain located 10-20 me-
tinued throughout Roman and Early Byzantine times. ters eastward, which finally brought extinction to the
The cult practiced at the aedicula shows an ex- pagan ceremonies at this place in Heraclea Lyncestis.
tinct vitality and survived for some more time. At a Modern archaeological discussion during last
later point, after the construction of House no.2 in few decades within the Republic of Macedonia, but
the late fifth century, the east rubble wall was pulled also partly wider in the Balkans, has whole heartedly
down in order to create a wide platform where the accepted as a fact the presumed final breakdown be-
cult was celebrated (fig. 9). The space in front the tween ancient paganism and the newly established
vaulted chambers 7 to 9 was paved with stone tiles, Christianity, following the edicts of Emperor Theo-
and a small quadrangular room built from rubble, of dosius I promulgated in 388 in Stobi and in Scupi (CT
uncertain use, was enclosed within the unit. The ex- 16.5.15, 16.4.2). Examples are numerous; in fact they
cavations performed there were previously complet- are regular. Dazzled by the multitude of Christian
ed and for that reason no particular dating material basilicas regularly dated within a safe chronologi-
was later uncovered. This space was fenced to the cal definition to the fifth-sixth century, this seemed
south towards the street with a high rubble wall built to be the only logical and only possible solution for
in opus incertum, therefore continuing the standard the interpretation of the current material and spiritual
Byzantine technique of construction, clearly indicat- culture. The precision or the varieties of the cultural
ing that pagan ritual ceremonies continued to be per- kaleidoscope in this segment of the imperial territory
formed in this area. Its preservation and the number were not cared much for, preserving the view of an
of finds witness the vitality of these rituals as part of inferior estimation compared to similar manifesta-
the traditional practices in the city throughout early tions typical for the rest of the Empire. But the time
byzantine time. The survival of this cult place from was most vibrant particularly in central Balkans as
late Hellenistic throughout Roman and early Byzan- anywhere else across Byzantium. Times were mainly
tine times in the centre of the city, suggest that the site peaceful, despite the periodical Gothic or Hun ravag-
was dedicated perhaps to a cult that didn’t contradict es that disturbed the population, inflicted damage on
the rigid Roman politics during early Christian times, their possessions, and set on an alert the Empire and
and was possibly dedicated to the healing practices. its armies, occasionally resettled in agreement with
In favor of it speaks a marble tile with the imprint of the remodeling of the regional political and adminis-
feet in it, set in the stone pavement near the aedicula. trative units. It was mostly reflected in the apparent
Much later, following one of the sixth century earth- occasional reappearance of provincia Macedonia II
quakes, most probably the one from mid sixth cen- or Salutaris, which shows to be a rather constant ad-
tury, the space in front of the aedicula and its temenos ministrative form in the region throughout the early
was filled with clean red sandy earth. This was pos- Byzantine Empire. Roads were built and protected,

209
 Ljubinka Džidrova

Fig.9 The Temple Area in the last phase of existence, from the east (Photo: Lj. Džidrova)

although not too safe; trade was active, people thriv- preted with theatres’ falling out of function, instead
ing for prosperity travelled here and there under the of lack of sufficient level of upkeep. Changes are
protection of their gods: traditional ancient adopted poorly saved in the stratigraphy of the arenas, but
as Roman, eastern brought about by the armies and are visible in the transformation of specific parts of
the traders coming from Asia Minor. All of them the complexes. Within this trend spoliation is one of
were pagan versus the single God of the new Chris- the most often found proofs for the lost respect for
tian religion. From all previously said, paganism the ancient gods, as well as of the degraded esthetic
was a predecessor and a fundament upon which the values. Unfortunately poor methodology of excava-
new monotheistic Christian religion was developed tions and unpublished results, give no chronological
and grown, and remained buried in its structure, support to estimated changes, new practices or sur-
its vivid particles preserving the energy of the an- vivals of older forms and retained religious practices.
cient cults to be revived at certain critical moments. The disappearance of classical monuments is
A strong second phase in the transition from pa- generally observed as a manifestation of the triumph
gan Roman culture is marked by the official condem- of the Christian religion, falling as victims of the
nation of paganism under Theodosius I when cities deliberate destruction of the Christianized state, of
started acquiring a Christian outlook, yet preserving fanatical bishops, monks and common folk, as fo-
the predominantly non-Christian appearance around cus groups that rejected the pagan cultural tradition.
400. Attempts for a transformation of the established However, archaeological explorations have already
urban structure were started under the pressure of so- proved that the most distinctive municipal institu-
cio-political alterations of the Roman urban society. tion of antiquity, the Roman forum, a successor of
Massive building complexes, most often theatres, the Hellenistic agora, as the most distinct centre of
due to disinterest of the public municipal assemblies urban public life of the early Imperial time, by the
for their upkeep were subject to neglect and disinte- end of the late imperial time lost its importance in
gration, shortly to become physically dominated by favor of the smaller market places devoted to simple
the main ecclesiastical seats. Lack of finances nec- marketing transactions and gathering, located close
essary for the organization of the glamorous feasts to the cathedral churches. Confronted with the pres-
that lasted over several days, caused their narrowing sure of the early Christianization that prepared its
and replacement with other forms of program. The public promotion for several centuries, numerous
derelict state of the public buildings is often inter- temples of the Roman gods retreated before the re-

210
THE EARLY BYZANTINE EMPIRE AND THE PAGAN TRADITION IN THE CULTURE AND THE CITIES OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

Fig.10 The North Portico with the Sculptures (Photo: Lj. Džidrova)

strictive edicts of the Roman emperors often falling tive offerings. Material from a layer under the floor
into disrepair, while others, more modest in form of the building gives the terminus post quem in the
and capacity, as that upper indicated from Heraclea late third-or early fourth century, succeeded with one
Lyncestis, showed distinct vitality. Similar case is more intervention in the fifth century.30 Its preserva-
provided with the study of the antiquities of Stobi. tion and the multitude of various finds witness an on-
Previous revision performed on the results from going ritual at the time, speaking of the vitality of
the archaeological research in the theatre at Stobi these rituals in the traditional practices of the city.
pointed to the reduction of the summa cavea, where The senatorial aristocracy that preserved its con-
at its tip was originally located the Nemeseion. The servative positions largely contributed to the survival
site was completely destroyed together with the up- of paganism, due to the number of pagans that re-
per theatre meniana at the time of elevation of the mained active at the Imperial court in the fourth and
Episcopal Basilica after mid fifth century on a domi- fifth century.31 The same trend was also preserved at
nant terrace 4,5 m higher than the original location, a lower level by the city councils as shown in prac-
spread over a part of the Roman theatre.29 This event tice by the example of Kyzikos, which city council
executed a definite blow on the transformation of the asked Emperor Julian to restore Hellenic temples, a
theatre, already largely reshaped in its earlier major request that met the opposition of the state woolen
reconstruction campaign at the turn of the fourth factories workers and the technitai of coins who sup-
century, when a temple of Nemesis was installed in ported the local bishop.32 However, from the fourth
the central of the five rooms inside the scene build- to the seventh century there were large alterations in
ing, with a reorganized route of approach. On that the ruling practices of cities reflected on the wellbe-
occasion the aedicula in its original form with a re- ing of their communities. At first they were largely
employed votive inscription to the Goddess was re- autonomous, ruled by the hereditary oligarchy of
located at the new site and was placed over a sand-
stone base. Sandstone was largely employed in the
reconstruction of the sacellum, additionally deco- 30
Džidrova Lj., 2005, p.167-171.
rated with sculptures, cult reliefs and numerous vo- 31
s.v. Paganism, in: The Oxford Dictionary of Byzan-
tium, 1991, p.1552.
32
Sozom. HE 5:15.4-6; s.v. Paganism, in: The Oxford
29
Džidrova Lj., 2005, p.161-162. Dictionary of Byzantium, p.1552.

211
 Ljubinka Džidrova

rich landowners forming the boulē; Competing in in the catastrophic earthquake.35 The conclusion is
the embellishment of cities and responsible for a based on the revision of archaeological data, show-
number of tasks demanded by the imperial govern- ing that its ruins were covered with debris from the
ment, they provided for the appealing outlook of cit- neighboring Small basilica located across the street,
ies. In the following centuries the prestige in fulfill- adapted in the former South Portico (fig.11). The
ing these duties inflated, membership in the council time is indicated by a fragmented kämpfer capital
ceased from the position to be a mark of the social dated to the c. mid sixth century and a capital with
status, and on the contrary it became avoided, bring- the monogram of Archbishop John of Thessalonica,
ing the existence of the boulē to an end by the mid both installed within the last arrangement of the
sixth century. At that time the wealthy citizens looked Small Basilica in the second half of the same cen-
forward rather to membership in the provincial in- tury.36 They are simultaneous with the construction
stitutions and the capital. In that sense the political of the new fountain donated to the citizens of Hera-
stream of retained paganism was largely enforced clea by Emperor Justinian I on his thirty-fifth anni-
by the senatorial aristocracy. The Christianization versary in 562, according to the engraved inscription,
of the Roman aristocracy as a whole belonged to the promoting high aesthetic values to the arrangement
early fifth century and only by that time occurred the of the central urban precincts.37 The careful analysis
Christian society in a more developed form.33 Chris- reveals my former omission in the statement, indi-
tianization speeded up the decline of secular offices cating that the deposition of the debris was made in
as members of wealthy lay families increasingly course of a later renovation and activity of the Small
entered the church, Christians becoming a domi- Basilica, posterior to the mid sixth century renova-
nant part of the urban ruling elite, on which account tion, and obviously caused by another earthquake
came to a decrease of candidates for the city council, that stroke the city at an imprecise early medieval
from which service the clergy was exempted. These date when the boulē was finally placed out of func-
changes were reflected on the physical appearance tion. The time of its termination from function, and
of the cities, earlier equated with a trend of decline, the ground leveling over its fallen sculptures on top
even named as de-urbanisation, but in current obser- of which an early medieval probably residential unit
vations it is treated as a development from the clas- was raised, could be defined only by the results from
sical Roman type of urbanism, to a new Byzantine.34 the early excavations conducted there in the 1970-s.38
This problem was not observed systematically Going back to the mainstreams in the preser-
for the territory of the R. of Macedonia, but the evi- vation of paganism, the intellectual paganism still
dence from Heraclea Lyncestis enables the applica- flourished in the fifth century based on the aristo-
tion of the same conclusion. The so-called North cratic mandarine knowledge of the few of distinct
Portico, a part of the early Imperial Double Portico, literacy built on the foundations of classical teach-
preserved the exposed marble sculptures, as that of ing of literature, rhetoric and philosophy.39 The elit-
Nemesis taken down in the late fifth or sixth cen- ist preservation of the ancient tradition as a decla-
tury from the theatre’s Nemeseion, and that of Tit ration of the classical values of the formally, at that
Flavius Orest, a second century high priest (fig. 10). time, Roman empire preserved a number of pockets
They speak in favour of the identity of this build- where paganism was nurtured in concord to the im-
ing estimated to be the seat of the boulē, active most perial trends promoted in the capitals, such as Al-
probably until the mid sixth century, when it suffered
35
Within the Portico are found votive inscriptions,
33
Barnes T.D., 1995, p.135-146, particularly to 138
bases and footings of other sculptures, too, Цветковић-
and p.21-25. Живковић T., 2002, p.162, generally agrees
Томашевић Г., 1965, p.14-32, who suggests a much earlier
with the upper statement, although in n. 427 stated that
dissolution of the function of this building; for a different
until mid-sixth century Christianity didn’t prevail over
view see: Dzidrova Lj., 1999, p.285-287, fig. 6, showing
paganism, proving it with the 80 000 pagans Christened
the phases of late antique adaptation of the portico, exclud-
by St. John of Ephesus in 565/566. On the analogy with
ed from function after the mid sixth century earthquake.
Anadolia he concludes that the same may be expected for
Greece quoting: Kaegi W. Jr., 1982, p.243-275.
36
Николајевић-Стојковић И., 1957, p.40-42
34
Whittow M., 1996, p.56-58. The author regularly
37
Janakievski T., in: Б. Алексова, ed., 2003, p.191-
names this period to the 600 as Roman, and from there he 206; Džidrova Lj., 1999, p.282, 285, with older bibliog-
calls the new urbanism medieval, which is not fully ac- raphy.
curate if one considers the actual medieval processes of
38
The results and the material from these excavations are
social and cultural transformation that will produce the not known to us, apart from the poor information produced by:
medieval type of a town. In the actual Middle Ages the Цветковић-Томашевић Г., 1965, p.14-32, figs. 6, 7.
qualification a city is far from objective, and applicable to 39
S.v. Paganism, in: The Oxford Dictionary of Byzan-
the capital and few metropolises. tium, 1991, p. 1552.

212
THE EARLY BYZANTINE EMPIRE AND THE PAGAN TRADITION IN THE CULTURE AND THE CITIES OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

Fig.11 Plan of the Double Portico with the phases of development (According to: Lj. Džidrova, 1999, fig.6)

exandria, where the traditional values were adapted tion of the architectural sarcophagai decoration, are
to the powerful Orthodox practice. On the other in style with the youth of the represented philoso-
hand the radical standing of the Academy at Ath- phers, as a unique characteristic of the iconography
ens brought its closure in 529 with the intervention of the Seven. They lost their individuality on the ac-
of Justinian I, in his attempt to stamp out remnants count of adopting the youthful type of appearance of
of pagan religious practice. Apart from the large rul- The Philosopher - Christ, characteristic for the early
ing centres similar pockets were preserved also in phase of the early Christian art.42 The images are
the background provincial cities across the Empire. identified according to their names and the proverbs
One of the distinguished late products of the mentioned in the underlying text, some deviating
early Byzantine representational art executed in the from the standard rules, possibly as a mistake in the
early sixth century, related to the early rule of Justin- transcription from the base model. Yet, the attribu-
ian I is the mosaic of the Seven Sages from a villa tion of their proverbs is estimated as closest to the
at Nerodimlje near Uroševac in present day Koso- Latin translation of the Greek proverbs in Ausonius’
vo.40 The more recent research brought clarification play Ludus septem sapientum dated to the 390.43 The
to the results from the excavations reinterpreting overall design of the mosaic field, encloses a figural
the character of the building as a thermal complex,41 composition in the upper part of a large rectangular
which largest apsed hall lavishly decorated with carpet, surrounded by a band of inhabited acanthus
2-3 layers of mosaic pavement and a central font, scroll with enclosed birds and fruit, and a filling pat-
in its early phase received the famous mosaic of the tern of the organic carpet diagonally intersected with
Seven Philosophers. The rectangular form of the repeating floral elements with a cross-shape rosette.
figural frieze adapted from the earlier semicircular It is familiar in the Balkans and the East, particu-
scheme reshaped for the necessity of the medium, larly in the south-west part of modern Republic of
and the specific rendering of space where the figures Macedonia, where it is found in the vestibule of the
were placed in niches delineated by columns, which
closely follows the examples given by the decora-
42
Kovaljov G. – Janković Dj., 1990, p.41-45; Djurić
S., 1990, p.123-128; Gerke F., Christusbild, RAC 3, 1957,
40
Kovaljev G. –Janković Dj., 1990, p.41-47. p.1-24.
41
Лазић М., 2001, p.245-270. 43
Djurić S., 1990, p.124 and fn. 9.

213
 Ljubinka Džidrova

Northern chapel of the Episcopal Basilica at Heraclea

Lyncestis, as well as in the naos of the Tetraconchal
church and its baptistery at Ohrid, and at the close by
Basilica at Lin in Albania.44 This distinguished prod-
uct of the early sixth century Byzantine representa-
tional art together with the previous examples pro-
motes the political and cultural status of the central
Balkans as one of the current trends in the Empire.
Further search for remnants of pagan beliefs and
practices, however miniature, reveals them preserved
in the rich deposits of our ancient sites. The lowest
stratum of Byzantine culture, of the illiterate folk
who comprised the largest part of the overall popula-
tion, never managed to wipe out the ancient beliefs.
Transformed and misunderstood they were sus-
tained for centuries, sometimes hardly understand-
able even for the ethnographers, requiring the same
determined peeling off of the layers of cultural de-
posits to come to the truth buried deeply inside of it.

44
Djurić S., 1990, p.128-130; Цветковић-Томашевић
Г., 1996, 15-20, with a different interpretation of the im-
ages of philosophers. At this place, as a short time partic-
ipant in the uncovering and documenting of the mosaic, I
need to make a notice to the sketched drawing in fig. no. 1
in: Djurić S., 1990, and the plan presented by Цветковић-
Томашевић Г., 1996, fig 6, that the staircased entrance into
the hall was much later added and covered the original mo-
saic field, which is in fact coterminous with the late crude
mosaic of large tesserae of c.2 cm regular cubes ascribed
to the last phase of the pavement. Therefore, the eastern
entrance opposite the apse set on the west side was the
original entrance into the hall, as presented in Цветковић-
Томашевић Г., 1990, fig. 6.

214
THE EARLY BYZANTINE EMPIRE AND THE PAGAN TRADITION IN THE CULTURE AND THE CITIES OF THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

Bibliography:
Barnes T.D., Statistics and the Conversion of the Kazhdan K., in: Viz.Vrem. 36 (1974)
Roman Aristocracy, in: JRS LXXXV (1995), p.135-146 Kovaljev G., Janković Dj., Saopštenje o arhe-
Barton I. M., Religious Buildings, in: Roman ološkim iskopavanjima u Nerodimlju, in: Kosov-
Public Building, ed. By I. M.Barton, University of sko-Metohijski zbornik 1, Priština 1990, p.41-47
Exeter 1989 Лазић М., Терме у Доњем Неродимљу код
Цветковић-Томашевић Г., Портик со почесни Урошевца, in: Vestigatio vetvstatis to Aleksandrina
споменици, in: Хераклеја II, Битола, 1965, p.14-32 Cermanović – Kuzmanović from friends, colleagues
Цветковић-Томашевић Г., Уметност на пре- and students, University of Belgrade, Faculty of Phi-
кретници од паганства ка хришћанству, Са- losophy, Centre for Archaeological Research Vol. 20,
општења – Communications XXVII-XXVIII, 1995- Belgrade 2001, p.245-279
96, Београд 1996, p.9-21 MacMullen R., Soldier and Civilian in the Later
Dinsmoor W.B., Jr., The Baptistery: Its roofing Roman Empire, Harvard University Press 1967
and Related Problems, in: Studies in the Antiquities of Манева Е., Неколку типови и форми на ели-
Stobi, Vol. II, J. Wiseman ed., Beograd 1975, p.15-27 нистичка и римска керамика од Хераклеја, Бито-
Djurić S., Mosaic of Philosophers in an Early ла 1979
Byzantine Villa at Nerodimlje, in: Coloquio inter- Maneva E., Светилки од музејската збирка во
national sobre mosaic antiguo, VI, Palencia-Mérida Хераклеја, in: Зборник на трудови на Битолски-
1990, p.123-128 от музеј, бр. 4-5, Битола 1983/84, p.47-57
Džidrova Lj., Heraclea Lyncestis and the Prob- Mango C., Discontinuity with the Classical
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ae acta archaeologica 15, Skopje 1999, p.269-291 Tradition, M. Mullett and R. Scott, eds., Centre of
Džidrova Lj., Revision of the Archaeological Byzantine Studies, University of Birmingham, 1981,
Data on the Ancient Theatre in Stobi, in: Macedoniae p.48-57
acta archaeologica 16, Skopje 2005, p.149-176 Margetić L., “Kekaumenos” Dobronja – ein Kro-
Džidrova Lj., Archaeological Excavations of atischer Herrscher des XI. Jahr., in:ZRVI 21 (1982),
House No. 2 at Heraclea Lyncestis, Sector: Theatre p.39-46
Square, in: Macedoniae acta archaeologica 18, Sko- Niewöhner Ph.- Audley-Miller L.- Prochaska
pje 2008, p.291-310 W., Marbles, Quarries and Workshops on the High-
Džidrova Lj., The Water Supply of Heraclea lands of Northern Macedonia, in: Archäologischer
Lyncestis, in: Macedoniae acta archaeologica 20, Anzeiger 1 Halbband.2013, p.95-145
Skopje 2011, p.381-404 Николајевић-Стојковић И., Рановизантијска
Ferguson E., ed., Encyclopedia of Early Christi- архитектонска декоративна пластика у
anity, 2nd ed., New York-London 1998 Македонији, Србији и Црној Гори, Београд 1957
Gerke F., Christusbild, in: RAC 3, 1957, p.1-24. Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, vol. 1-3, New
Imamović Dr E., Antički kultni i votivni spomenici York-Oxford 1991
na području Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 1977 Petrović Dr. J., U Stobima danas – Auf den
Јанакиевски Т., Театар, Heraclea Lynkestis, Trűmmern Stobis heute, in: Glasnik Hrvatskih Ze-
Битола 1987 maljskih muzeja u Sarajevu, LIV – 1942, Sarajevo
Јанакиевски Т., Антички театри во Републи- 1943, p.463-524
ка Македонија, Битола 1998 Salzman M.R., On Roman Time: The Codex-
T. Janakievski, Heraclea Lyncestis-фонтана, in: Calendar of 354 and the Rhythms of Urban Life in
Старохристијанската археологија во Македо- Late Antiquity, Berkeley 1991
нија, Б. Алексова, ed., Скопје 2003, p.191-206 Scott R. D., in: DOP 39 (1985),
Kaegi Jr. W., The Fifth Twilight of Byzantine Pa- Whittow M., The Making of Orthodox Byzan-
ganism, Army, Society and Religion in Byzantium, tium, 600-1025, МacMillan Press 1996
in:Variorum Reprints, London 1982, vol. V, p.243-275 Живковић T., Јужни Словени, Београд 2002

215
 Ljubinka Džidrova

РАНОВИЗАНТИСКАТА ИМПЕРИЈА И ПАГАНСКАТА ТРАДИЦИЈА ВО КУЛТУРАТА

И ГРАДОВИТЕ ВО РЕПУБЛИКА МАКЕДОНИЈА

Љубинка Џидрова
НУ Археолошки музеј на Македонија

Резиме

Паганството во време на рановизантиската а која е втемелена на традициите на Хеленската

империја по званичното прифаќање на христијан- и Римската цивилизација, обете политеистички и
ството како државна религија и континуирано пагански, наспроти новото христијанско моноте-
спроведуваното покрстување, е една од најне- истичко царство. Одтука паганството, вткаено во
познатите теми во археологијата на овој период културната традиција на Византија, во текот на
во Македонија. Дури и скромните востановени целото нејзино постоење опстојува како скриено
сознанија за напредокот на покрстувањето, осо- тајно наследство што избива инцидентно покажу-
бено одразено во бројноста на црковните градби вајќи ја својата длабока втемеленост, за подоцна
од тоа време, и покрај нивната слаба истраженост во средниот век да прерасне во ерес и како такво
и најчесто глобално датирање во 5.-6. век, имаат постојано да внесува немир во културниот и вер-
создадено вето за споменот на преживеалиците скиот живот на Империјата. Со цел да се илустри-
на паганството. Но, историјата е сепак жива мате- ра степенот на паганскиот израз во првите векови
рија која не дозволува цврсти канони и забрани за на Византија, на ова место се представени најизра-
она што представува одраз на тековното живеење зитите примери на опстојување на традиционал-
во еден период на внатрешни бурни интелекту- ните форми на живеење и практикување на култот
ални превирања и верски борби на општество и верата во рамки на една крута Империја која по
во трансформација, процес кој е незапирлив и секоја цена се труди да го наметне христијанското
постојано трае. Ова особено е правило во рамки учење како единствено на целата своја територија.
на империјата која ние ја нарекуваме Византија,

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 GLASS VESSELS IN LATE BYZANTINE GRAVES IN THESSALONIKI. OFFERINGS OR FUNERARY RITUAL REMAINS?

GLASS VESSELS IN LATE BYZANTINE GRAVES IN THESSALONIKI.

OFFERINGS OR FUNERARY RITUAL REMAINS?

Anastassios C. Antonaras
Museum of Byzantine Culture, Thessaloniki
aantonaras@culture.gr

It has been archaeologically attested that from fifty sites of Byzantine burials have been recorded.7
the seventh century onwards and throughout the In contrast to the absence of vessels in Middle
Byzantine and Ottoman periods, the ancient ne- Byzantine tombs, in the Paleologan era glazed, clay
cropolises outside Thessaloniki’s city walls ceased bowls were found placed in the majority of the buri-
to be used and burials were conducted exclusively als. How were they actually used and whether was
within the city itself. Although there are a few spots wine poured from them over the deceased person,
in the city where early Christian burials have been or if kollyva/ жито, like in the up to date surviv-
attested,1 it is known that intra muros burials were ing ritual remains unknown. Kollyva (κόλλυβα, or
prohibited by the law and the customs, in order to жито) is boiled wheat kernels sweetened with honey
protect the public health.2 The wish of the Christians or sugar, almonds, pomegranate, raisins, anise and
for an ad sanctos burial, i.e. to be buried next to a parsley?, which is used liturgically in the Orthodox
martyr’s burial place, led to a high concentration of Church. It probably predates Christianity as some of
burials in and around extra muros martyria3and after the ingredients had symbolic value in the Pagan re-
the 6th century in and around intra muros churches ligion too. The word signified a small cake already
as well.4 Burials within city walls for the first time in the Hellenistic period8 In the Eastern Churches,
were legalized by Leo’s VI (r. 886 to 912), Novella kollyva are blessed during the successive memo-
no 53, probably legalizing an already centuries-old rial services, and on special occasions, such as the
practice.5 Small, Late Byzantine cemeteries con- Saturday of Souls.9 Orthodox Christians consider
nected with chapels and small monasteries dispersed kollyva to be the symbol of death and resurrection,
throughout the city are often found in the salvage according to the words of the Gospel and of Saint
excavations conducted by the Greek Archaeologi- Paul10. In addition, a small number of burials con-
cal Service. Due to the small size of the plots exca- tained glass vessels, exclusively close-shaped ves-
vated, small groups of graves are also found with- sels, i.e. large-size vials. These vessels, their ori-
out archaeological evidence of a chapel6. More than gin, and their use will be the subject of this paper.

7
All relevant information has been gathered and
1
Akrivopoulou 2017, 39-54. presented in a very useful master’s thesis, Mantazi 2015.
2
Emmanouilidis 1989, 177-178· Newer information probably is included in the Akrivopou-
3
Duval 1988, 51. Emmanouilidis 1989, 206-212. lou and Tokmakidou in print, according to Akrivopoulou
4
Poulou-Papadimimitriou, Tzavela and Ott 2012, 2017, 52.
388. Akrivopoulou 2017, 39-41. 8
κόλλυβος. Liddell, Henry George; Scott, Robert; A
5
Dain and Noailles 1944, 198-201. Greek–English Lexicon at the Perseus Project. [http://
6
Makropoulou 1995, 235-244. Makropoulou and Tzitzim- www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:199
pasi 1993, 364-366. Bakirtzis 2203, 63. Kanonidis 1999-99, 9.04.0057:entry=ko/llubos]
523-30. Kanonidis 1998a, 207-218. Kanonidis 1998b, 183-194
9
Kazhdan, Alexander P., ed. (1991). „KOLLY-
esp. 184, fig. 1 and 185, fig. 2. Kanonidis 1999, 523-530. Marki BA“.  The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium. Oxford Uni-
2002, 172-175. Makropoulou 2006, 7-10. Antonaras 2016, 66. versity Press.
Mantazi 2015. Akrivopoulou and Tokmakidou in press. 10
John 12:24; 1 Corinthians 15:42-44.

217
 Anastassios C. Antonaras

Figure 1. Glass sprinklers, 13th-14th c., Thessaloniki

As regards the use of glass in late Byzantine occasionally, imported. Furthermore, spindle-shaped
society and the different forms of glass vessels, the unguentaria were imported to Balkan urban centers.11
following can be said: Use of glass diminishes after Later on, in the 16th century, large lentoid flasks
the 7th c. and it is only from the 13th c. onwards that appear throughout the Balkans, presenting a Ve-
glass vessels are once again found in relatively large netian imitation of the earlier Arab products. It is
numbers, restricted though to large and important ur- known that Venice, from the 13th century onwards,
ban and religious centers where they were actually produced special artefacts oriented towards specific
imported. Very important for our knowledge of glass markets and tastes. It is also known that Tamerlan’s
typologies of this era are the new burial customs. In invasion (1400) led to the elimination of glasswork-
the middle Byzantine period burials did occasionally ing in Syria with the transfer of the craftsmen to his
contain jewelry, but practically no vessels. In the Late capital Samarkand. It seems that Venetians covered
Byzantine period though, the burial customs demand- this void with their ordinary products and also with
ed the use of wide- and narrow-mouthed vessels and specially altered products imitating shapes and dec-
there was a strong belief that these vessels should not orations of Islamic prototypes. To the latter, the al-
be brought back home after the funeral, but rather left tered Venetian products, could be ascribed the len-
in the graves. The importance of retaining these finds toid vessels of this group.12 These imported vessels
in the cemeteries becomes more evident if we keep in were covering different needs of the society, mostly
mind that recycling was always systematic, exploiting and were mainly used as tableware, the main forms
almost every glass fragment from habitation areas. being jugs, bottles and beakers. Often, these vessels
According to the archaeological finds Byzan- were also used for liturgical purposes: Beakers as
tines were covering their needs in glass vessels with lamps in graves or churches, and bottles as containers
imported material. Glass vessels from the Italian pen- of holy water. Bottles are present in various forms,
insula, mainly bottles and beakers were imported to mainly of western origin. In addition, most of the
several urban centers of the empire and the Balkan drinking vessels were Italian products too. Further-
kingdoms. Islamic vessels were just as widely distrib- more, glass vessels were used, at least in monaster-
uted. Only a few forms of the rich Islamic typology ies, for serving food as well. Indeed, it appears that
appear in Byzantine sites, i.e. flasks and unguentaria,
used also for the transportation and holding of holy
water. Also, big enameled mosque lamps were, at least
11
Antonaras 2010, 408-421.
12
Antonaras 2001a, 199-202. Antonaras 2010, 411-12.

218
 GLASS VESSELS IN LATE BYZANTINE GRAVES IN THESSALONIKI. OFFERINGS OR FUNERARY RITUAL REMAINS?

Figure 2. Glass Flasks, 14th-15th c., Thessaloniki

they existed in two sizes, smaller and bigger ones. or use of vessel was invented originally to be used in
Glass lamps are a fairly common find appear- burials and in burial customs, yet almost all forms of
ing in several sizes and shapes, from big mosque vessels constitute burial findings and they have indeed
lamps to simple bowls for insertion into polycandela. been used in burial and/or in commemorative feasts,
It seems that there were specific vessels, Islamic, memorials.14 It must also be noted that almost every
Western and some locally produced ones, of a cer- relatively complete glass vessel was found during ex-
tain size or shape which were made for holding small cavations of burials. Spouted vessels, pseudo baby-
portions of liquids, of medical or liturgical charac- feeders (or rather lamp fillers), as well as examples of
ter. Distributed widely were Islamic spindle-shaped, the entire repertoire of glass lamps have been found in
lentoid and ring-shaped vials, which were also pro- large quantities at the necropoleis of Thessaloniki.15.
duced later in western workshops. Also, it appears The presence of unguentaria and partly of larger,
that some, possibly limited, local productions existed close-shaped tableware vessels (e.g. jugs, flasks,
as well. Scribes are depicted using relatively small, and bottles) is connected with the equally Pagan
handle-less or single-handled, vessels quite similar and Christian custom of anointing the dead—equal
to some archaeological finds, for holding ready-for- to the extent that the fathers of the Christian church
use ink. Finally, it is also known that physicians and castigated it16. Also, the vessels must have held oil
alchemists continued using glass urinals, bleeding
cups, alembics and vessels for preserving substanc- 14
Antonaras 2017, 182-186.
es, raw materials or ready-to-use medicaments. 13 15
Marki 2006, 115-116, 208 where finds from Thes-
Regarding the use of glass vessels in burials in saloniki are cited. On presentations of lighting lamps and
Thessaloniki but also throughout the Roman and early candelabra see Marki 2006, 167-168, drawings 113-115, pl.
Byzantine world it can be said that, although no form 15β, 171, drawings 123, pl. 17β. Antonaras 2008, 23-30.
16
Koukoules 1940, 3-80, esp. 8-9, 13. Kyriakakis
13
Antonaras 2010, 417-21. 1974, 37-72.

219
 Anastassios C. Antonaras

Figure 3. Glass sprinklers, 16th c., Thessaloniki

used in the symbolic act performed by the priest to be brought back to the deceased one’s house,
when he poured it crosswise over the corpse at the as they were not considered clean anymore, they
funeral in order to show that the deceased lived should therefore be smashed and left on site21.
and died in accordance with the sacred canons17. Hundreds of Late Byzantine burials have been
Additionally, this custom was connected with excavated in small, parochial and monastic cemeteries
an effort by the deceased’s family to render the, dispersed throughout the city of Thessaloniki.22
frequently luxurious, burial garments18 useless and Glazed clay bowls were found placed in the majority
thus to discourage the desecration of the grave19. of these graves.23 Either wine was poured from them
Tableware fragments, found in and around over the deceased person, or they contained some
the graves or scattered around at the necropoleis, kind of kollyva, boiled wheat or other cereals, like
are connected with the memorial ceremonies in the present day surviving ritual. A small number
and the meals that Christians offered above the of burials contained glass vessels, almost exclusively
graves20. All aforementioned vessels, used for flasks. They are quite uniform in shape, while during
the burial or in the cemetery, were not supposed the 13th-14h centuries’ lentoid Islamic sprinklers
prevail, although few ring-shaped sprinklers appear
too. They are mostly undecorated and small in size,
17
Kalinikos 1969, 560-561. Koukoules 1940, 43-44. but there are a few which bear geometrical décor. The
Loukatos 1940, 47. method for making the largest one and most fully
18
Antonaras 2001b, 45-47. Antonaras 2002, 18-19. decorated is described below: The flask is made of free
19
Koukoules 1940, 47. blown colorless, greenish glass with several bubbles.
20
Koukoules 1948-52, vol. IV, 208-214. To the needs It features a plain base with a low kick, a flat ovoid
of this custom are ascribed the flat surfaces, occasionally body, and a tall, slender, tapering neck, marked by a
supplemented with built benches, which have been traced squat relief ring at its base and forming a narrow, plain
atop of barrel vaulted graves, see Laskaris 2000, 268, also rim at the top. The entire flask is covered with a thick
Marki 2006, 114, 209. For an independent building dated coat of red color on which rich geometric decoration
to the late 6th -7th century, with such a use in the cemetery in off-white (possibly originally gold) and black is
of Carpathos see Geraskli 2004, 389-402. For depictions applied. An off-white band, topped by black, spirals
of funeral suppers in graves in Thessaloniki see Marki
around the neck down to the relief ring. On the narrow
2006, 140-141, drawings 74-75, pl. 5β-γ. On the meaning
of these common meals, the agape, in the life of the Chris-
sides a black triangle defines a vertical zone of three
tian community see Cabrol, Leclerq, s.v. “Agape”, DACL lozenges made of a double off-white band that fills
1, (1939), col. 848-849. Since the deceased ones continued the space between the panels on the main sides. The
to present part of the community, funeral suppers were for main sides feature an off-white grid pattern framed
the Christians absolutely normal and acceptable practices; by a triple off-white and black line. On one side the
see Ascough 2004, 509-530. Besides, funeral suppers had
a long tradition in the Greco-Roman word, already known
from Homer’s works (Ψ.29, γ.328), while in Roman Mac-
21
Loukatos 1940, 75-79. On similar finds from Thes-
edonia they were connected with parentalia and rosalia, saloniki’s necropoleis see Makropoulou 2001, 266-267.
which also included meals in the cemeteries and which
22
See supra notes # 6 and #7.
were imported there by the Italian colonists; see Ascough, 23
Papanikola-Bakirtzi 2009, 451-467. Antonaras
2004, 513-514, with relevant bibliography. 2016, 67-69, 127-37.

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 GLASS VESSELS IN LATE BYZANTINE GRAVES IN THESSALONIKI. OFFERINGS OR FUNERARY RITUAL REMAINS?

grid pattern covers the entire surface and is filled with 15th centuries and are relatively short, ca. 15-20
Greek crosses; on the opposite side it covers only cm.30 They are made of blown transparent, colorless
the center, and is surrounded by a wide linear frame glass, which is typical for the Venetian production
and filled with short horizontal lines. A fingerprint, of this period. They feature a plain base, or a tall
probably of the craftsman that decorated the vase, is conical base, in both cases with high kick, a markedly
preserved on the applied paint on the flask’s base.24 conical bottom, a squat body, and a long, twisted
The flask, used as a perfume container, came from cylindrical neck that ends in a plain fire-polished
a tomb in the cemetery of the Byzantine Vlatadon rim. These flasks are known in Venetian glassmaking
Monastery in Thessaloniki.25 It is a characteristic by the name of inghistere or angastaria, a term of
example of a type of flask common in the Arab world Greek origin, which derives from the nouns aggos
during the Ayyubid and Mamluk periods, particularly (vase) and gaster (belly), and probably indicates the
in the second half of the thirteenth century, and was type’s East Mediterranean origin.31 Vases of this type
probably manufactured in Syria or Egypt. This type, appeared after the twelfth century throughout the
called a sprinkler, is known by its Arab name: qumqum Mediterranean and beyond. They were particularly
or omom.26 In the Arab world they were decorated common in the 14th and early 15th centuries.32 Their
with real enamel—that is, powdered, colored shape and quality of material, as well as certain
glass applied to the finished piece and fused to its manufacturing features, associate them beyond
surface during firing. By contrast, the Thessaloniki doubt with Venetian glass workshops, the activity
flask and at least four other similar examples from of which peaked during this period, reaching the
Thessaloniki, Didymoteicho, and Rhodes are not highest technical standards and aesthetic quality
decorated with enamel.27 Not encountered on Arabic among Mediterranean glass producing centers.
omoms, the technique used for their decoration These small vases had various functions: from
probably entailed the application of colored bands, measuring the quantity of beverages in the taverns
possibly by some cold or low-temperature process, of the West to containing rose water or aromatic oils
which resulted in the decoration’s poor adherence to used for social or therapeutic purposes. Despite the
the surface as compared to enamel, which is unaltered lack of relevant written or pictorial evidence, they
by time and by exposure to humidity. This different probably had similar uses in Byzantium. They were
technique suggests that the object was decorated in a almost certainly also used for liturgical purposes,
workshop other than the known Syrian ones, possibly as containers of holy water or oil. The discovery of
one associated with a place where these flasks were such flasks in Thessaloniki is not surprising, given
filled with some “holy” liquid, which would explain that the city had active trade relations with the Italian
their presence in monks’ tombs. Although it is only republics, including Venice, during this period.33
logical to assume that they were created to meet Glass vessels of a specific type appear during
some secular needs, e.g. as containers of fragrances the early Ottoman period in Christian graves.34 They
or medicaments, yet all known examples of them have a flat base, a conical bottom with a kick, and a
have been unearthed in excavations of churches pontil mark. The bodies are lentoid, and the spindle-
and they are connected to burials. The discovery of shaped necks have two bulges, one at the bottom and
such flasks in Thessaloniki is not surprising, given one at the transition to the cup-like rim. Most of them
that the city had active trading relations with both are made of deep blue glass that is free of impurities
the southeastern Mediterranean and the West.28 and bubbles, in addition one olive green, and one
Several smaller, undecorated examples of this type colourless example have been unearthed. In some
of flask have been excavated in Thessaloniki.29 cases, the necks and rims are twisted, bearing oblique
Venetian imports, known as Inghistere present ribbing. These vessels (H. ca 22 cm, W. ca 10 cm)
a second group of vials placed in late Byzantine were blown in a dip mold, then expanded and tooled.
burials. These perfume flasks are dated to the 14th– The geometric decoration found on the body of some
of these vessels consists of a checkerboard-like motif
on colorless and yellow fields. The neck is decorated,
24
Antonaras 2009, 85, pl. Ι:4. Antonaras 2010, 411,
fig. 35. Drandaki, Papanikola-Βakirtzi, and Tοurta 2013,
248, no. 119. 30
Antonaras 1999, 37-40. Antonaras 2010, 409-11,
25
Makropoulou 1985, 277, pl. 68. fig. 34.
26
Carboni and Whitehouse 2001, 246-247. Carboni 31
Gaparetto 1979, 84. Zecchin 1990, 163.
2001, 150-151. 32
Antonaras 1999, 30-40.
27
Antonaras 2009, 85-88, 93-94. 33
Jacoby 2003, 85-132.
28
Jacoby 2003, 85-132. 34
Antonaras 2001a, 199-202. Antonaras 2009, 86.
29
Antonaras 2009, 85-88. Antonaras 2010, 411, figs. 35-37. Antonaras 2010, 411-12, figs. 38-39.

221
 Anastassios C. Antonaras

from the lip down, with a narrow white stripe. In some

cases, a second color - red - is used in the decoration.35
Although we have no evidence of their contents,
they could have held oil or holy water that was poured Bibliography
out, cross-wise, by a priest over a body at a funeral to Acheimastou-Potamianou, M., 1998. Εικόνες
show that the deceased lived and died in accordance του Βυζαντινού Μουσείου Αθηνών, Athens.
with the sacred canons.36 Testimony to this use is Akrivopoulou, S., 2017. “Οι πρώτες ενάστειες
the appearance of an identical vessel in the hands of ταφές στη Θεσσαλονίκη” in ΚΤίΤΟΡ. Αφιέρωμα
Saint Anastasia pharmacolytria (poison curer), from στον δάσκαλο Γεώργιο Βελένη. Ι. Δ. Βαραλής και Φ.
Corfu.37 The Saint is depicted on an icon holding καραγιάννη (eds.) Thessaloniki, 39-54.
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Akrivopoulou, S. and A. Tokmakidou, in
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τη βόρεια Ελλάδα. Πρακτικές, χωροθέτηση και
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an apothecary in Ragusa dating to 1482,38 when fabrics from Thessaloniki”, in Museum of Byzantine
they were used in preserving and transporting drugs. Culture 8, 38-44.
To conclude, it can be stated in short that it is Antonaras, A., 2002. “Late Antique gold em-
not at all clear whether these flasks, which obviously broidered silks. New finds from Thessaloniki”, in 8th
were developed for use in everyday life and in Annual Meeting of European Association of Archae-
liturgical contexts as rosewater sprinklers, were ologists, 24-29 September 2002, Thessaloniki, Pro-
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wine containers employed by the priest during Lychnological Acts 2. Acts of the 2nd International
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Acheimastou-Potamianou1998, I 56, fig. 45. Glassworking in Thessaloniki. 1st century BC – 6th
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Han 1981, 94: ‘Patrina mezana piata’, translated in century AD, Oxford.
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GLASS VESSELS IN LATE BYZANTINE GRAVES IN THESSALONIKI.

OFFERINGS OR FUNERARY RITUAL REMAINS?

Anastassios C. Antonaras

Summary

Late Byzantine cemeteries have been located in approximately 50 different sites, all of them within the
city walls of Thessaloniki. More than 500 burials have been noted and in most of them one or more glazed
clay bowls were placed. In some graves glass vessels were found, almost exclusively flasks in different sizes.
Islamic and Venetian sprinklers along with Venetian inghistera bottles comprise the narrow repertoire of the
glass finds, which were probably used during the funeral by the priest. The use of glass vessels in early Chris-
tian and late Byzantine cemeteries in Thessaloniki and the nature of the late Byzantine glassware in the city
are the topic of the present paper.

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 NEW TECHNOLOGIES IN PRESENTATION OF SERBIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE: IMPACT ON TOURISM

NEW TECHNOLOGIES IN PRESENTATION OF SERBIAN

ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE: IMPACT ON TOURISM

Bojana Plemić
The College of Tourism, Belgrade
E-mail: bojana.plemic@visokaturisticka.edu.rs

Almost every segment of human life is affect- management is becoming more significant in collab-
ed by new technologies in times of their extensive oration of renowned institutions and scholars.3
everyday use. Although sometimes imbued with As for archaeological tourism in Serbia, despite
negative connotation, they provide certain benefits, world trends, it is still in a fledging stage. Apart from
particularly in sciences. Thus, over the past decades, rich cultural heritage belonging to different periods
new technologies such as LIDAR for geophysics of human civilization, only few archaeological sites
have been applied in archaeology, contributing sig- have recently become more popular tourist destina-
nificantly to research quality. On the other hand, new tions. This fact is also asserted by the only local site
technologies have been applied increasingly in an- inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List - Fe-
other field of archaeology - presentation of sites, i.e. lix Romuliana or Gamzigrad near Zaječar. In addition
archaeological heritage interpretation which is more to several medieval monuments (Manasija Monas-
and more oriented towards masses and not exclusive- tery, Smederevo and Bač Fortresses), Justiniana Pri-
ly professionals. Thus, it is possible to ensure more ma - the late Roman site is currently in the Tentative
active role in tourism sector and enable economically List, whereas Viminacium and all other sites within
sustainable sites or raise funds for more solid conser- Roman Limes in Serbia are being prepared for nom-
vation and protection of presented heritage. ination. However, this process has been stagnating
The importance of this fact is confirmed by 70th for a while since these monuments have not yet been
session of the UN General Assembly that has de- inscribed due to incomplete documentation including
clared 2017 as the International Year of Sustainable the file on the site itself, its management plan and
Tourism for Development, aimed at promoting tour- emergency response plan. The problem lies in ab-
ism both in conserving values and cultural diversity sence of regulations in heritage management plan,
as well as in raising awareness on importance of cul- which is thus drawn up solely for UNESCO World
tural heritage.1 Additionally, archaeological tourism Heritage list application.4 Namely, strategy for pre-
is currently an increasingly significant tourist field in senting sites as well as their active role in tourism is
the world, whereas historical sites are becoming top missing.
attractions. According to the Archaeological Institute Nevertheless, major regional projects have re-
of America (AIA), these sights are ranked third in cently been undertaken, such as Roman Emperors
popularity (after visits to restaurants and shopping Route (Itinerarium Romanum Serbiae) and Danube
malls) among American outbound tourists.2 How- Limes Brand,5 linking attractive remains of Roman
ever, this tourism type is accompanied by extremely
complex issues, including adequate preparation of 3
UNESCO 2006; Carbone 2016.
sites for mass tourist influx that might be damaging 4
Vladimir Džamić, National Coordinator for
for cultural heritage. Hence, archaeological heritage UNESCO, online edition of Novosti retrieved at 11/7/2017.
5
It is one of the major projects related to inscription
on the UNESCO World Heritage List, within which all sites
1
The Resolution is available at: http://www.un.org/ along the former border of Roman Empire are included in
en/ga/search/view_doc./ the nomination. Germany and Great Britain have already
2
https://www.archaeological.org/tourism_guidelines been inscribed, whereas the parts of limes in Austria,

225
 Bojana Plemić

Fig. 1. – Felix Romuliana, UNESCO World Heritage Site (source: National Museum “Zaječar”)

past in these regions, i.e. including Serbian heritage the original idea of the project has not been imple-
in prominent cultural routes of the Council of Eu- mented, a part of this route was certified in 2015,
rope,6 making it a recognizable tourist attraction not including Felix Romuliana, Sirmium, Viminacium,
only in the region, but all around Europe as well. The Mediana and Diana (Karataš) Fortress with around
stated project, Roman Emperors Route can be said to 15 Roman sites as well as wine regions in Croatia,
be the most prominent. Originally, it was envisaged Bulgaria and Romania, as the official cultural route
to improve the site’s infrastructure, thus linking Ro- of the Council of Europe named Roman Emperors
man Emperors’ route in Serbia - Sirmium, Viminaci- and Danube Wine Route,8 enabling tourist promotion
um, Tabula Trajana and Trajan’s Bridge, Šarkamen, of included regions in the European market.
Mediana et Naissus, Justiniana Prima, Diana For- Nevertheless, modernization of sites is inevita-
tress, Kale-Krševica, Hisar and Drenovac in one cul- ble in modern-day tourism. Not only does it imply
tural route by emphasizing standardization of all sites development of necessary infrastructure by adding
aimed at preparing them for tourist supply.7 Although accommodation capacity where possible, but also an
appealing presentation, which occasionally evokes
lives of ancient times in all its glory just out of ruins.
Hungary, Slovakia and Croatia are in the preliminary lists, Today, use of new technologies is vital since remains
see: http://danubelimesbrand.org/sites/. Serbian sites are of the past can be visualized through the so-called
currently under procedure and in the phase of completing augmented reality to avoid somewhat exorbitant
the nomination documents, see: Mrđić and Golubović 2013. and unfeasible architectural reconstructions to es-
6
Serbian medieval monasteries have been in the route
of Romanesque monuments since 2007, linking cultural
heritage of Germany, Austria, Italy, France, Spain, Slo- its work in different weather conditions, guiding in English,
venia and Serbia in the route called Transromanica, see: souvenir shops and visitors’ relaxation facilities, as well as
http://www.transromanica.com. necessary public convenience, see: Korać 2013, 11.
7
Originally, it was envisaged to open the sites for tour- 8
The Danube Competence Centre, Belgrade (http://
ists 364 days a year (except January 1st) and to have at least danubecc.org/dcc-projects/the-roman-emperors-and-dan-
one facility with protected construction in order to enable ube-wine-route/).

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 NEW TECHNOLOGIES IN PRESENTATION OF SERBIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE: IMPACT ON TOURISM

Fig. 2. – Reconstructed Tower of Felix Romuliana Fortification, New Multimedia Centre

(source: National Museum “Zaječar“)

tablish better interaction with observers. Interactive list in 2007 (Figure 1), thus completing the process
boards, 3D architectural reconstruction, holograms started in 1953, when the first systematic excavations
and guides for android telephones with culture of in this site were undertaken. Although noted even in
the spectacle oriented at reviving ancient atmosphere the writings of the Austrian traveller and archaeolo-
through costumed guides and staff as well as recon- gist, Felix Kanitz,10 it was only in the second half of
structing customs, games and rituals from the past or XX century research that full richness of this colossal
tasting authentic dishes, 9 all make 21st century tourist complex was revealed, especially after 1970 when
experience unforgettable. Some of the most outstand- Dragoslav Srejović became in charge of the site. One
ing Roman sites such as Sirmium, Felix Romuliana of the most important discoveries there took place in
and Viminacium are following this practice, serving 1984, when a fragment of arch element above door
as an excellent indicator of development and poten- (archivolt) was found, with Felix Romuliana inscrip-
tial for archaeological tourism in Serbia. By elabo- tion, thus revealing that it was palace of Gaius Gale-
rating on the use of new technologies in presenting rius Valerius Maximianus (297–311) who had named
heritage, the focus in this paper is to look into their it after his mother.11
direct impact on fostering attractiveness of sites, re- Life traces in Gamzigrad have been recorded
sulting further in annual increase of domestic as well ever since Prehistory, but this area was certainly of
as inbound tourists. greatest significance as Galerius’s residence, who in-
tended to retire there after descending the throne. In
Use of New Technologies in Presentation of the area of 6.5 ha, in the late 3rd century, a fortifica-
Archaeological Sites: the Case Study of Felix tion with a palace and shrine was built first. After-
Romuliana wards, outer fortification was constructed, including
a monumental temple dedicated to Jupiter as well
The fact that Felix Romuliana is the only pre-
as other early 4th century economic facilities when
served complex of its kind from the period of Roman
Galerius became the most powerful person in the
Empire’s second tetrarchy, has been the main criteri-
on for inscription on the UNESCO World Heritage
10
Каниц 1985, 373-375.
9
Ognjević 2013. 11
Срејовић 1983; Живић 2003; Vasić 2007.

227
 Bojana Plemić

Fig. 3. – Multimedia Visitor Centre, Felix Romuliana (source: National Museum “Zaječar”)

Empire (305/6 AD). Although, the emperor abruptly more importantly, as to the use of new technologies
died in Bulgaria in 311, archaeological research has in its presentation as a modern tourist attraction.
confirmed that both Galerius and Romula were bur- Owing to project implementation in 2015, Felix
ied in Magura hill, around a kilometre away from the Romuliana launched an innovative product for tour-
main palace gate, where two tumuli remnants were ism sector, a cell phone and tablet android applica-
found featured by ritualistic burning of wax figures, tion, 14 thus following global museum trends oriented
i.e. apotheosis of the emperor and his mother as well at establishing better interaction between visitors and
as two mausoleums.12 As for decoration in Gamzi- presented content.15 The application Present yourself
grad Palace, it is characterized everywhere by elab- to Emperor Galerius as the Custom Dictates can be
orate ornamentation so as to exude the political idea downloaded for free at the spot since the entire site
of tetrarchy. Thus, the Palace’s floors were covered has a Wi-Fi connection. The signal is set up via Blue-
in high quality mosaics and walls in frescos, while tooth by transmitting data on its location. Actually, it
niches had porphyry sculptures. In the entire iconog- is a game modelled on Treasure hunt since a visitor
raphy, scenes depicting Dionysus had a special place has to walk towards the intended place in the site,
- the eternally young god resurrecting perpetually as according to the given task. Once the requested lo-
Galerius conceived him in order to highlight personal cation is reached, the visitor solves a task by using
immortality and divine nature.13 assistance in the game, a map and photographs in the
As previously stated, the importance of Felix menu to navigate through the site’s history, which is
Romuliana has been affirmed by inscription on the
UNESCO World Heritage list, which turned benefi- 14
Project’s implementation is supported by the Ger-
cial for this cultural site. At first, in the year upon man organization GIZ, funding the Regional Project to
inscription, a number of visitors substantially grew Promote Cross-border Tourism in Middle and Lower Dan-
(Table 1) as the site was in media spotlight, whereas ube through the Danube Competence Centre (Deutsche
rating of Gamzigrad improved in terms of govern- Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit – GIZ
ment’s funding as well as international grants, but (https://www.giz.de/en/worldwide/serbia/)
15
Numerous conferences held today are dedicated to
digital innovations in museums encouraging similar pro-
12
Чанак-Медић, Стојковић-Павелка 2010. jects. Museum and the Web, Museum Next, Museum Ide-
13
Srejović 2001. as are just a few.

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 NEW TECHNOLOGIES IN PRESENTATION OF SERBIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE: IMPACT ON TOURISM

Fig. 4. – Interactive Screen with 3D reconstruction of Felix Romuliana (source: National Museum “Zaječar”)

equivalent to museum labels. After the task is solved, cultural heritage.16 Owing to this project, Gamzigrad
another one is triggered and the game continues at a visitor centre is featured by state-of-the-art equip-
new location. Therefore, the visitor temporarily be- ment, whereas works were finalized in three towers,
comes an archaeologist exploring parts of the palace, today used as exhibition space, i.e. holographic intro-
participating in Roman religious rituals and learning duction into flourishing ambience of Felix Romuli-
about numerous details from Emperor Galerius’s bi- ana (Figure 2-3). Therefore, visitors can walk along
ography as well as Roman lifestyle and leisure time. the ideal reconstruction of the imperial complex by
In order to create a personally memorable experience, moving hands before the screen (Figure 4-5.), while
this application replaces traditional guiding with the 3D animations are available (so-called augmented
game by using a novel approach to historical and ar- reality) through interactive panels as well as original
chaeological heritage, which is, at least, for the time artefacts, i.e. restored fragments of architecture used
being, unique in Serbia. Apart from boosting tourist to depict authentic ambience.
visit, presented further in the paper, one of the possi- At last, the innovative technological project of
bilities on offer is to collect statistical data significant cultural heritage promotion named TECHCOOL-
for improving quality of museum programs. TOUR (Technology and Tourism: Augmented Real-
After launching the application, it was already ity for Promotion of Roman and Byzantine Itinerar-
in the following 2016 that Felix Romuliana was ies) is worth mentioning, which has included Gamzi-
equipped with state-of-the-art multimedia visitor grad archaeological site from the beginning. The pro-
centre which elevated cultural heritage interpretation ject aims at mapping and popularizing two cultural
to ultra-modern technological level. It refers to the routes, the first refers to Roman and the latter to late
final stage of Project HERA – Sustainable Tourism Byzantine sites in Europe, emphasizing their corre-
Management of Adriatic Heritage, in which, part- lation in forming European identity.17 The idea is to
ners from Italy, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, point to and affirm the use of innovations in tourist
Montenegro, Albania, Rep. of Macedonia and Greece
participated together with the National Museum “Za-
ječar” in order to develop a joint cross-border plat- 16
Project HERA (http://www.heradriatic.eu/project/
form for sustainable tourism to make local communi- objectives).
ties more involved in promotion and appreciation of 17
Project TECHCOOLTOUR (http://www.techcool-
tour.com/en/project/about).

229
 Bojana Plemić

Fig. 5. - Interactive Screen with 3D reconstruction of Felix Romuliana (source: National Museum “Zaječar”)

centres, i.e. potential in using mobile devices (phones years with a steady rise in the number of foreign vis-
and tablets) as innovative modes of communication itors, with constant visits in 2013, much above aver-
for cultural heritage. Therefore, 12 promotional info age. It was the year of commemorating 1700 years
boards have been installed in four countries, operat- of the Edict of Milan resulting in numerous celebra-
ing through the so-called augmented reality: once a tions and conferences as well as organized side trips
visitor is in front of the board downloading TECH- for participants, which led to more frequent visits to
COOLTOUR application to a device, the site’s vir- Gamzigrad. Generally, ever since 2012, the site has
tual presentation appears with additional information been characterized by more active role in organizing
for visitors, transforming these cultural routes in out- cultural events and seminars, generating a growing
door museums. One of the first such boards in this number of visitors who frequent Felix Romuliana for
project was installed in 2013 in Belgrade Savamala those purposes (Table 2-3).
Promenade for the promotion of Felix Romuliana. Finally, in the wake of stagnant 2015, caused
The use of new technologies described in this by closing parts of the site for conservation and res-
paper mostly aims at familiarizing the general public toration, a recurring trend in the increased number
with history and cultural heritage in a popular and of tourists of all categories is registered in 2016 and
attractive way, i.e. by breaking prejudice on archae- 2017. Given the fact that displayed statistics has in-
ology as a science intended exclusively for scholars cluded the period until August 2017, when data for
and its content as ‘’boring ruins.’’ Although these this paper were collected,18 it can be estimated that
implementations have been recently introduced, ac- it will be a successful tourism year since the stated
cording to current statistical data, certain benefits innovations have gradually yielded results. On the
can already be felt in tourism development of Felix other hand, it is encouraging that there was a growing
Romuliana. As stated above, this archaeological site trend in the number of group visits in 2016 as they in
has registered tourist boom since 2007 after inscrip- larger percentage account for school excursions. The
tion on the UNESCO list with the peak visit in 2008
and positive outcome later in 2009. Simultaneously,
those were also the first years with more significant 18
I owe acknowledgements to Andrijana Maksimov-
visits of inbound tourists (Table 1). Later, the site had ić, superior curator of the local museum in Zaječar for her
an average visit of around 30000 tourists for several kindness of providing figures on visits as well as the pho-
tographs for this paper.

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 NEW TECHNOLOGIES IN PRESENTATION OF SERBIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE: IMPACT ON TOURISM

innovative solutions for interpreting heritage present- The Imperial Palace complex is one of the most
ed in this paper are the ones younger generations to- important Sirmium sites, whereas the remains of the
day are familiar with. Hopefully, by gaining positive residential part, elaborately decorated in frescos and
experience from these visits, they will become agents mosaics with architectonic ornamentation of differ-
of archaeological or culture tourism in the future. ent stones,20 can be seen today presented in a modern
As for the structure of inbound tourists accord- way and protected by archaeological construction in
ing to the statistics for the period covered in 2017 a visitor’s centre.21 Given the fact that it is a major
(Table 4), it can be concluded that Felix Romuliana tourist attraction in Sremska Mitrovica, several inno-
is mostly visited by tourists from the region, mainly vative high tech projects have also been implemented
from neighbouring Bulgaria, but European countries here, aimed at improving its presentation. Within the
as well, where cultural routes Roman Emperors and aforementioned TECHCOOLTOUR, another holo-
Danube Wine Route have been recently promoted. graphic projection base or table of Emperor Constan-
Although, more work must certainly be invested in tius II who resided in Sirmium for some time was
presenting Gamzigrad abroad as an attractive tourist installed in 2015, again in the Savamala Promenade.
destination, it should be emphasized that visits from Once interested tourists find themselves before the
distant countries such as China, Japan and Russia are board, by switching on TECHCOOLTOUR applica-
also registered. These countries represent extremely tion, emperor’s avatar appears, inviting them to vis-
favourable markets for tourist promotion of Serbian it his city. The display functions by following aug-
cultural heritage since they nurture their own cultural mented reality principles, making it very appealing
values and tradition. for promotion, which can also be seen in Sirmium
Imperial Palace since January 2017.22
New Technologies in the Presentation of For a number of years, Sirmium has been includ-
Sirmium and Viminacium ed in the international ARCHEST project,23 with a
prime goal to educate visitors on archaeological sites
Even though Felix Romuliana has so far been a
along the Roman route Aquileia – Emona – Viminaci-
site with the possibly greatest investment in applying
um, i.e. tourist promotion through creating 3D recon-
cutting edge technologies of heritage presentation
structions and introducing technology of extended
in Serbia, other significant projects are worth not-
reality in order to evoke the settlement ambience
ing. Firstly, the paper will focus on ancient Sirmi-
of ancient times as authentically as possible. Thus,
um, located in nowadays Sremska Mitrovica, where
3D reconstruction of Sirmium Imperial Palace was
an urban settlement was founded for the first time
created within ARCHEST, available today on touch
during the Flavius Dynasty, and was granted the sta-
screens, as a tool visually evoking sumptuous atmos-
tus of colony. Since its establishment until the late
phere of this complex. Since a novel type of present-
4th century, it was referred to in historical sources as
ing this attraction in an upgraded way is in question,24
a temporary residence of many Roman emperors or
growth in tourist visits is to be expected.25
one of the four Empire’s capitals, whereas five em-
perors were born in Sirmium or its surroundings: Tra-
jan Decius, Aurelian, Probus, Maximianus Herculius
and Gratian. Sirmium reached its heyday in the late
20
Jeremić 2009; Поповић 2013, 108.
3rd and during 4th century, when its most represent-
21
Vasić-Petrović, Momčilović-Petronijević 2015, 114.
ative part – the Imperial Palace with a hippodrome
22
Institute for Protecting of Cultural Monuments
and other luxury objects was erected on the founda- Sremska Mitrovica, Projects (http://zavodsm.rs/project/
tions of former structures in the city’s southeast part tek-kul-tur/?ltr=lat).
along the river Sava. The first systematic excavations
23
Institute for Protecting of Cultural Monuments Srem-
in Sirmium started in 1957 by exploring the Imperi- ska Mitrovica, Projects (http://zavodsm.rs/project/archest/?l-
tr=lat); Project ARCHEST (http://archest.eu/project/)
al Palace followed by discoveries of the hippodrome
and numerous public buildings such as Licinius’s
24
The project was promoted ceremonially during the
thermae, granaries as well as trade and merchandise Archeological Festival Archest Open Days – Sirmium, 30-
31st August 2017, followed by an appropriate scientific
quarters. The city is known today for its powerful
conference.
ramparts, waterworks and sewage system as well as 25
Over the last few years, the number of visitors to
the mint and it developed tremendously until 6th cen-
Sirmium Imperial Palace has ranged from 12000-15000,
tury turbulences, when it was eventually conquered but according to the latest 2017 statistics, owing to the
by Avars.19 numerous events at the local site, i.e. improving its pres-
entation, this year is expected to substantially exceed the
latest average figures. This is an occasion to express my
19
Мilošević 2001, 202–203; Popović 2003; Mirković gratitude to Dušica Ostojić, a tourism expert at Sirmium
2006. Imperial Palace on providing statistical data.

231
 Bojana Plemić

At last, being the first archaeological park in

Serbia founded in 2006, Viminacium is also included References
in the ARCHEST project.26 The former legion camp,
Roman city and capital of Upper Moesia province, Carbone, F, 2016.
entails seven indoor facilities open today to visitors: ‘’An insight into cultural heritage quality man-
the North Gate of the camp (Porta praetoria), ther- agement of tourism sites’’, in European Journal of
mae, amphitheatre, mausoleum or alleged tomb of Tourism Research 14, 75–91.
Roman emperor Hostilian, mammoth park, Domvs
Scientiarvm Viminacium – a reconstructed villa rusti- Jeremić, M, 2009. 
ca operating as a scientific, research, tourist and trade ‘’The Sirmium Imperial Palace Complex, in
centre with furnaces for producing ceramics and Light of the Recent Archaeological investigations’’,
brick. It is unique also for its accommodation capaci- in Dioklecijan, tetrarhija i Dioklecijanova palača o
ties featured by hotel rooms in authentic Roman style 1700. obljetnici postojanja, N. Cambi (ed.), Split.
as well as enjoyment in classic Roman dishes. Virtual
reconstruction of Viminacium is currently under way Каниц, Ф, 1985.
within the same project - technological innovation to Србија. Земља и становништво (II), Београд.
additionally foster an already solid site’s offer lead-
ing to expected annual visits which are certainly de- Korać, М, 2013.
served due to presented content.27 ‘’Pre-feasibility Study Itinerarium Romanum
Serbiae’’, in Archaeology and Science 9, 9–35.
According to the facts proposed in this paper,
it can be concluded that use of innovative technol- Milošević, P, 2001. Arheologija i istorija Sirmi-
ogies has become inevitable either in research or in juma, Novi Sad.
presenting archaeological heritage. Following global
trends and using cutting edge technologies for inter- Mirković, M, 2006.
preting heritage are just some of the assets to make Sirmium. Istorija rimskog grada od I do kraja VI
the past visually more compelling to visitors. Apart veka. Beograd.
from the sites presented in this paper, the quality
presentation of the protected sites in Serbia can be Mrđić, N., Golubović, S, 2013.
seen in Lepenski Vir and Mediana near Niš, whereas ‘’Danube limes as UNESCO world heritage
similar projects on introducing technological inno- Site’’, in Archaeology and Science 9, 101–118.
vations in other sites are still to be planned. Despite
the fact that these novelties have already yielded re- Ognjević, T. 2013.
sults, a more realistic account on their contribution ‘’Archaeological heritage and modern spectacle
can be expected in the following years. At any rate, as cultural entrepreneurship experiment’’, in Archae-
the final stage of another complex process as to her- ology and Science 9, 149–154.
itage valorisation is in question. The argumentation
is that development of archaeological tourism can be Paardekooper, R. et all, 2014.
instigated through strategic positioning in the future ‘’Viminacium and the Openarch Project’’, in Ar-
by linking institutions and various experts who will chaeology and Science 10, 211–220.
act jointly in all phases of protecting and conserving
cultural heritage, given the fact that it is recognized Поповић, И, 2013.
as one of the greatest tourism potentials, not only in „Сирмијум –  царска резиденција, панонска
Serbia, but in the region as well. метропола и хришћанска глава Илирика“, у
Константин Велики и Милански едикт 313.
Рађање хришћанства у римским провинцијама
на тлу Србије, И. Поповић, Б. Борић-Брешковић
(eds), Београд, 101–117.

Popović, V, 2003.
Sirmium grad careva i mučenika, Beograd.
26
Viminacium, Projects (http://viminacium.org.rs/
projekti/projekat-archest/)
Срејовић, Д. 1983.
27
Annual visit to Viminacium varies from 75000- ‘’Увод ’’, у: Гамзиград, касноантички царски
80000 visitors, but in line with the original idea of the Itin-
дворац, С. Ћелић (ур), Београд, 5–7.
erarium Romanum Serbiae project much more has been es-
timated, see: Korać 2013, 11; Paardekooper et al. 2014, 213.

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 NEW TECHNOLOGIES IN PRESENTATION OF SERBIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE: IMPACT ON TOURISM

Srejović, D, 2001. Vasić Petrović, E, Momčilović Petronijević, A,

‘’Ikonografija graditeljskog poduhvata rimskog 2015.
imperatora Galerija u Gamzigradu (Felix Romuli- ‘’Shelters for Archaeological Sites in Serbia: A
ana),’’ u Iskustva prošlosti - Izabrani članci i studije, Research Aiming to Develop Guidelines for Future
(Knjiga 10, Elektronsko izdanje), Beograd. Design and Construction“, in FACTA UNIVERSITA-
TIS Architecture and Civil Engineering (Vol. 13/2),
UNESCO, 2006. 113–121.
Tourism, Culture and Sustainable Development.
Paris: UNESCO Publishing. Чанак-Медић, М, Стојковић-Павелка, Б, 2010.
‘’Архитектура и просторна структура царске
Vasić, M, 2007. палате’’, у: Felix Romuliana – Гамзиград, И.
‘’Felix Romuliana (Gamzigrad) – Palast und Поповић (ed.), Београд., 49–106.
Gedenkmonument des Keisers Galerius’’, in: Roms
Erbe auf dem Balkan – Spätantike Kaiservillen und Живић, М, 2003.
Stadtanlagen in Serbien, U. Brandl, M. Vasić (eds.), Felix Romuliana. 50 година одгонетања,
Meinz am Rhein, 33–53. Зајечар.

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 Bojana Plemić

NEW TECHNOLOGIES IN PRESENTATION OF SERBIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL

HERITAGE: IMPACT ON TOURISM

Bojana Plemić, PhD

The College of Tourism, Belgrade
E-mail: bojana.plemic@visokaturisticka.edu.rs

Summary

In times of increased use of new technologies, period in Serbia: Felix Romuliana, Sirmium and
they are applied on a daily basis in all spheres of hu- Viminacium, enriched their presentation. Therefore,
man life including science. It is archaeology which a visitor to Felix Romuliana today can go sightsee-
uses different technological achievements, contrib- ing and explore the site through a game via mobile
uting significantly to the quality of research, i.e. phone application, whereas in a visitor centre, it is
being perhaps the most important factor for pro- possible to walk through an interactive panel with a
tecting a site since its interpretation is directed at holographic projection in the original architecture of
general public, and not only professional circles. the complex. Additionally, interactive screens with
Although archaeological tourism can be said to 3D reconstruction of Imperial Palace are available
be in a fledging stage, a lot of effort has been made in Sirmium, whereas visitors are greeted by a hol-
lately to incorporate it in Serbia's tourist offer as its ogram of the emperor Constantius II, who resided
inevitable segment, either locally or through interna- there for some time. A similar project related to 3D
tional cooperation. However, for active participation reconstruction of the city and military camp in Vimi-
in present-day tourism, modernization of the site is nacium is currently under way, as an additional at-
paramount. It implies not only development of neces- traction of this archaeological park. However, even
sary infrastructure and even accommodation capaci- though the stated novelties have already brought
ties where possible, but primarily an attractive pres- results in terms of the annual number of tourists,
entation, which will depict the life of former times whereas more realistic picture of their contribution is
in all its glory just out of ruins. The use of cutting expected in the following years, still the completion
edge technology is vital there, since it visually re- of more complicated heritage valorisation process
vives remains of the past by interacting in the most is in question. Hence, a strategic positioning is nec-
appealing way with the observer via the so-called essary in the future, linking institutions and various
augmented reality, avoiding at times, exorbitant experts who will act jointly in all phases of work on
or unfeasible architectural reconstruction by mak- protection and conservation of archaeological herit-
ing the experience of 21st century tourist authentic. age since it is archaeological tourism which is recog-
Thus, it was owing to participation in major re- nized today as one of the greatest tourism potentials
gional projects that the prominent sites of Roman not only in Serbia, but in the entire region as well.

234
NEW TECHNOLOGIES IN PRESENTATION OF SERBIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE: IMPACT ON TOURISM

Tab. 1. – Annual Visits to Felix Romuliana Site from 2001 to 2009.

Tab. 2. – Annual Visits to Felix Romuliana Site from 2010 to 2014.

235
 Bojana Plemić

Tab. 3. – Annual Visits to Felix Romuliana Site from 2015 to 2017.

Tab. 4. – Structure of Inbound Visits to Felix Romuliana during 2017

236
 PERSPECTIVES FOR DEVELOPMENT OF CULTURAL TOURISM IN KOKINO

PERSPECTIVES FOR DEVELOPMENT OF CULTURAL

TOURISM IN KOKINO

Dejan Metodijeski, Nako Taskov, Oliver Filiposki, Elizabeta Mitreva

University “Goce Delcev”, Stip – Faculty of tourism and business logistics
dejan.metodijeski@ugd.edu.mk; nako.taskov@ugd.edu.mk; oliver.filiposki@ugd.edu.mk; elizabeta.mitreva@ugd.edu.mk

Abstract: In the period of past few decades tourism has seen constant growth globally and in the
competitive tourism market cultural attractions enrich the offer of tourist destinations. Research from relevant
literature related to tourism show, that tourists when traveling to destinations tend to visit cultural and
historical sites, museums, events and festivals, and that was always been regarded as an integral part of the
tourist experience. These activities are the basis of cultural tourism and in our case the connection between
ancient astronomy and tourism is investigated. The purpose of this paper is to present the potentials of the site
Kokino as an attraction and generator of tourists visit. The paper examines the existing literature related to
cultural tourism development in the field of ancient observatories and their management for tourism purposes.
Secondary data from relevant sources were used to make a model of tourism development. At the end of the
paper, recommendations are given on the directions in which the Kokino site should move in the possibility of
attracting foreign and domestic tourists.
Key words: Kokino, cultural tourism, astronomy, development

Introduction
Today tourism is one unique phenomenon pres- accepted definition is the one developed by the Unit-
ent in all countries around the world and has constant ed Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO):
tendency of increasing its growth on a international The activities of persons travelling to and staying in
level. There is no country in the world that does not places outside their usual environment for not more
develop some type of tourism or a country where cit- than one consecutive year for leisure, business, and
izens are not involved in tourist movement outside of other purposes. Tourism is the temporary, short-term
their permanent place of residence for various rea- movement of people to destinations outside the plac-
sons such as culture, business, pleasure, sports and es they live and work and their activities during the
recreation, religion or other reasons. According to stay at destinations.
the United Nations World Tourism Organization1, in- Cultural tourism is one of the oldest forms of
ternational tourists arrival in 2016 has reached 1.235 special interest tourism, and yet, remains one of the
million. Tourists expenditure reached to 1.220 bil- more misunderstood types3. People have been trav-
lion US dollars, and the tourism industry participated elling for what we now call cultural tourism reasons
with 10% of the global GPD (gross domestic prod- since the days of the ancient Romans visiting Greece
uct). Every eleventh employed person in the world is and Egypt or Chinese scholars making journeys to
employed within the tourism industry. Tourism will beautiful landscapes. Given the many definitions of
maintain its continuous and positive level of devel- culture, it’s hardly surprising there are many defini-
opment from the past 60 years in the coming years. tions for cultural tourism4. Cultural tourism occurs
With studies predicting continued growth, tourism is when participation in a cultural or heritage activity
an increasingly important factor for tourism policy is a significant factor for traveling. Cultural tourism
and governments and also in the planning and man- includes performing arts (theatre, dance, music),
agement at UNESCO World Heritage sites2. There visual arts and crafts, festivals, museums and cultur-
are many ways of defining tourism, but a commonly al centers, and historic sites and interpretive centers.
The movement of persons to cultural attractions in
1
UNWTO (2017) UNWTO Tourism Highlights,
2017 Edition. Madrid: UNWTO 3
Du Cros; McKercher, 2015
2
Pedersen, 2002 4
Whyte; Hood; White, eds., 2012

237
 Dejan Metodijeski, Nako Taskov, Oliver Filiposki, Elizabeta Mitreva

cities or countries other than their normal place of definitions of “activities by tourists paying to travel
residence, with the intention to gather new informa- into space for recreation” to “tourism using the nat-
tion and experiences to satisfy their cultural needs is ural resource of unpolluted night skies for astronom-
cultural tourism. In a broad sense, cultural tourism ical, cultural, or environmental activities”10. Astrot-
covers all movements of persons to specific cultural ourism opens new opportunities of bridging science
attractions, such as heritage sites, artistic and cultural and tourism, motivating alliances for starry nights,
manifestations, arts and drama to destinations outside science, culture, and nature. Associating nightscapes
their normal place or country of residence. There are with heritage is a logical step in astrotourism. The
many types of cultural tourism, like archeological night sky has played a key role in the development of
tourism, astrotourism, educational tourism, heritage civilization, including orientation and navigation, ag-
tourism, music tourism, manifestation tourism, reli- riculture, calendars, cultural travel, and celebrations.
gious tourism and other types connected with culture The dawn of many cultures is marked by archeoas-
and travel of tourists. tronomical milestones, witnessed at widespread sites,
including Stonehenge, Chichen Itzá, Giza, Mesa
Connection between astronomy and tourism Verde, Chankillo, Persepolis, Almendres, Gochang,
Basically, astronomy is the study of stars, planets or Chaco Canyon. The relevance of these sites, the
and space. Historically, astronomy has focused on ob- commemoration of key dates in ancient calendars,
servations of heavenly bodies. Ancient cultures wore and other intangible and oral manifestations are a
using astronomy to plan and structure their lives, to resource for cultural-scientific event tourism. Astro-
determine and understand time for the purpose of tourism entails observatories, stargazing places and
their concerns5. Astronomy is multidisciplinary sci- dates, heritage sites related to astronomy, and natural
ence and uses different methods and aspects in re- dark sky areas of outstanding beauty. Astronomical
search and study. Archaeoastronomy for example is tourism is the form of tourism that involves the sites
the study of beliefs and practices concerning the sky with astronomical interest, historical and archaeolog-
in the past6. Archaeoastronomy or cultural astrono- ical sites, modern research organizations (observa-
my as science tend to seek answers to questions as7: tories, astronomical institutes), educational centres,
What did ancient people see in the sky that mattered space museums, planetariums, etc11.
to them? How did they interpret what they saw? Pre- Balkan countries cannot compete with devel-
cisely what knowledge did they acquire from look- oped countries with respect to astrotourism. Some
ing at the sky, and to what ends did they employ this authors suggest that organizers of the travel from this
knowledge? The role the sky played in the lives of countries should introduce naked-eye astronomy into
ancient cultures is also important issue for the cultur- their tourism programs – observations of the night
al tourism and specific type of tourism - astrotourism. sky without a telescope12.
One of the good and valuable aspects of astrotourism
is that sky never needs to fix and develop, it is al- Methodological framework of the research
ways available and has its unique features8. The more The aim of this paper is perspectives for develop-
the people become educated, the more they enjoy the ment of cultural tourism in Kokino. For the purpose
beauties of the sky. So, astrotourism whether in night of the research а review of ancient observatories in
or in day can be considered to be sustainable form of selected countries was undertaken. In the interest of
tourism. the paper, we use secondary data sources by consult-
Astrotourism goes back many centuries when ing relevant literature on the subject of astrotourism
mankind looked up to the stars, imagined figures and and the Internet. A literature review shows that there
gave them meanings. Monuments were erected and is existing body of literature concerning astrotourism
sites given a special connotation due to the affinity and archeology sites management concerning tour-
humans made with the universe. Nowadays, it has be- ism visitors. Using Internet sources we also collected
come a rising niche of tourism with much potential, data such as tourism strategies and tourism law that
mainly educational, social and to relax, thus being have been analyzed later. The main method used in
considered a leisure activity9. The concept of astrot- this comparative research is content analysis13. Con-
ourism has expanded over the years, from dictionary tent analysis is an observational research method that
is used to systematically evaluate the actual content
5
Burton, ed., 2016.
6
Ruggles; Urton, eds., 2007. 10
Jafari; Xiao, eds., 2016.
7
Kelley; Milone, 2011 11
Mickaelian, 2016
8
Najafabadi, 2012 12
Tadić, 2016, 127-144
9
Matos, 2017. 13
Ritchie; Burns,; Palmer, eds., 2005.

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 PERSPECTIVES FOR DEVELOPMENT OF CULTURAL TOURISM IN KOKINO

Fig. 1 – Hypothetical evolution of a tourist area Butler developed a model which shows how tourist
areas may grow. Tourist area may start off from be-
ing a small and low key, destination. He suggests that
all tourist areas go through the same sort of process.
(Fig. 1)
The seven stages of tourist development are pre-
sented below:
1. The stage of Exploration - a small number of
tourists visit the area. The area is unspoilt and few
tourist facilities exist.
2. Stage of Involvement - local people start to
provide some facilities for tourists. There starts to be-
come a recognised tourist season.
3. Stage of Development - the host country starts
to develop and advertise the area. The area becomes
recognised as a tourist destination.
4. Stage of Consolidation - the area continues to
attract tourists. The growth in tourist numbers may
not be a fast as before. Some tensions develop be-
tween the host and the tourists.
Source: Butler, R. (1980) The concept of a tour- 5. The stage of Stagnation - the facilities for
ist area cycle of evolution: Implications for manage- the tourists may decline as they become old and run
ment of resources. The Canadian geographer, 24 (1), down. The numbers of tourists may decline too.
pp. 5-12 6. The stage of Rejuvenation - investment and
modernisation may occur which leads to improve-
of the official web pages of ancient observatories in ments and visitor numbers may increase again.
four countries: Kokino in Macedonia, Carahunge in 7. The stage of Decline - if the resort is not reju-
Armenia, Carnac in France and Stonehenge in Eng- venated (stage 6) then it will go into decline. People
land. On the basis of the findings we use compara- lose their jobs related to tourism. The image of the
tive analysis to highlight similarities and differenc- area suffers.
es among multiple features of ancient observatories The Butler model is a generalisation, and so not
connected to tourism. The comparisons helps us to all tourist areas will follow this process. If we adjust
establish the relationships of multiple case designs as Butler’s model to the four ancient observatories that
a research strategy. are point of interest of this research, according to the
We elaborate on relationship between tourism given parameters we can conclude, that observatories
and development through evaluation of some models Kokino and Carahunge are in the first stage of tour-
outlined in relevant tourism literature. The model of ism development or the exploration stage. The en-
space-temporal development of tourism proposed by trance in these two sites is free of charge. Оn the oth-
Opperman14, although it was developed at national er hand, observatories Carnac and Stonehenge are in
level, represents a useful tool in illustrating tourism the sixth stage of tourism development or the rejuve-
potential success in development. This model sup- nation stage. The entrance in Carnac is 11 euros and
ports the economy of developing countries and it is entrance in Stonehenge is 18 euros. Stonehenge has
composed of two separate sectors (formal and infor- registered more than 1.38 million visitors in 201616.
mal tourism sectors) that although co-exist side by
side, they have very few links. The model of Mios- Review of selected ancient observatories in
sec15 describes the structural evolution in time and the context of tourism development
space of tourist regions. The model identifies five Observatories were built in an effort to track
distinct phases regarding the changes that occur in the sun, moon, planets and stars, giving ancient
the provision of facilities (the resorts and of transport cultures a calendar to know when to plant, when to
system) and in the behavior and attitude of tourists, of harvest, when certain ceremonies should occur and
local decision-factors and the host population. Butler more. This observatories allowed ancient cultures to
develops a more complex model than the one of Mi- flourish. Such privileged information allowing the
ossec on the hypothetical evolution of tourist areas.
16
https://www.statista.com/statistics/586843/stone-
14
Oppermann, 1993, 535–556. henge-visitor-numbers-united-kingdom-uk/ [Accessed
15
Miossec, 1977, 41-48 10.10.2017 ]

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 Dejan Metodijeski, Nako Taskov, Oliver Filiposki, Elizabeta Mitreva

ancient people to predict the seasonal Fig. 2 – Map of selected ancient observatories
shifts must have seemed to come from
divine inspiration. As they began to re-
cord their observations, some cultures
developed quite an accurate body of as-
tronomical knowledge. Many cultures
built markers to align with sites on the
horizon to mark the summer and winter
solstices, then began to build permanent
observatories with openings to catch the
first light precisely on those mornings17.
Concerning archaeoastronomy,
there are three main aspects of the astro-
nomical system associated with a given
place and thus contributing to the value
of a site18: Source: Author’s own illustration
material evidence of the astronom-
ical place in the form of fixed property and/or move- The existence of a marker for the equinoxes indicates
able objects; the sophisticated observational skills of the Kokino
the results of scientific activities (in the broadest “astronomers”21.
sense), including but not restricted to astronomical
observations; and Carahunge
Socio-cultural applications and uses of astrono- Carahunge is a megalithic monument in south-
my at a given moment or over a given period for the ern Armenia close to the city of Sisian, at about
site. 1,770 m above sea level has often been acclaimed as
For the purpose of the paper, we analyze four the oldest observatory22. The monument, composed
archaeoastronomy sites as follows: Kokino in Mace- of dozens of standing stones, has some perforated
donia, Carahunge in Armenia, Carnac in France and stones. The direction of the holes has been measured
Stonehenge in England. The locations of this sites is and their orientation is related to the sun, moon, and
shown in figure 2. (Fig. 2) stars, obtaining a date for the construction of such de-
vices. The Carahunge monument closes off a slightly
Kokino elevated area at the confluence of two ravines. This
The megalithic observatory Kokino is located in is occupied by several underground square structures
the municipality of Staro Nagorichane, 75 kilometers that have been interpreted as tombs. The megalith-
from Skopje and about 30 kilometers from Kumano- ic assemblage, to the east of this large necropolis, is
vo. It is situated right beneath the mountain pick composed of various structures of basaltic standing
Tatikev Kamen on 1013 meters above sea level and stones. In the nearby city of Sisian, there is a small
the name takes after the same called village. The ar- museum dedicated to findings in the area, including
chaeological site was accidentally discovered in the palaeolithic petroglyphs found on mountain tops in
autumn of 200119. Among the many findings in this the area, and grave artefacts form the Bronze Age
locality numerous artefacts were discovered (ceramic burial site with over 200 shaft graves.
plates, amorphous dishes, stone axes, etc.) . The site
20

contains several artificially carved and flattened sur- Carnac

faces (platforms) and objects cut in the rocks, such as The Carnac stones are an exceptionally dense
stone seats, astronomical and ritual markers, paths, collection of megalithic sites around the village of
etc. The most fascinating part of the locality is the Carnac in the northwest of France, consisting of
lower, western platform which contains monumental alignments, dolmens, tumuli and single menhirs.
stone seats or “thrones” carved in the rock terrain. More than 3,000 prehistoric standing stones were
hewn from local rock and erected by the pre-Celtic
people of Brittany, and form the largest such collec-
17
NASA Sun-Earth Connection Education Forum tion in the world. Most of the stones are within the
(2005) Ancient observatories – Timeless knowledge. Breton village of Carnac, but some to the east are
NASA Sun-Earth Connection Education Forum.
18
Ruggles; Cotte, eds., 2010.
19
Gjorgjievski, 2017. 21
Kuzmanovska; Stankovski, 2015
20
Taskov; Dimitrov; Metodijeski, 2017. 22
Ruggles, 2015.

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 PERSPECTIVES FOR DEVELOPMENT OF CULTURAL TOURISM IN KOKINO

Tab. 1 - Comparative analysis of web pages of selected ancient observatories

Source: Official web pages of selected institutions

within La Trinité-sur-Mer. The stones were erected ing stone around four meters high, and two meters
at some stage during the Neolithic period, probably wide and weighing around 25 tons. The stones are
around 3300 BCE, but some may date to as early as set within earthworks in the middle of the most dense
4500 BCE. The site was used for lunar observation complex of Neolithic and Bronze Age monuments in
and there was two large megalithic lunar observato- England, including several hundred burial mounds.
ries in the Carnac area23. (Tab. 1)
The analysis of the official web pages of the four
Stonehenge ancient observatories showed that observatories with
Stonehenge is one of the most famous prehistor- higher number of tourists have rich web pages and
ic monuments in the world. The first known writings colorful offers for visitors. Namely, the smallest con-
about Stonehenge appeared in the XII century in his- tent, information, offer and activities is noticed in the
tories of Britain24. Stonehenge is located tree kilo- web page of Carahunge, then follow by the web page
meters west of Amesbury in Wiltshire, England. It of Kokino where it is possible to find more informa-
consists of a ring of standing stones, with each stand- tion about the destination and activities that potential
visitors can practice and be involved during the visit
and stay at the destination. The most “user friendly”
23
Thom; Thom; Gorrie, 1976, 11-26 are the web pages of Carnac and Stonehenge, with
24
Malone; Bernard, 2002

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 Dejan Metodijeski, Nako Taskov, Oliver Filiposki, Elizabeta Mitreva

Fig. 3 – Astrotourism destination development and position on the market

Source: Author’s own illustration, adopted from Fayos‑Solá, E., Marín, C., Jafari, J. (2014) Astrotourism:
No Requiem for Meaningful Travel. Revista de Turismo y Patrimonio Cultural, 12 (4), pp. 663-671

rich content and necessary information for tourists, reputation, often beyond local reaches, additional
and these web pages have been translated into more edutainment and scientific facilities, motivation and
foreign languages. Social media is also present in the implication of many stakeholders, optimizing appeal
web pages. Carnac’s web page is linked to the tourist chances in very competitive tourism markets.
office of the destination, which is a good example of For astronomy and the general scientific com-
tourist promotion of the site. munity, it brings a unique chance to come near ample
publics, and to gain support regarding science objec-
Conclusion tives, values, and financial needs. It also supposes an
Across the world there are a number of ancient excellent opportunity to make these publics aware of
observatories that enrich the offer of cultural tourism the scientific viewpoints regarding strategic issues,
by practicing one of its forms – astrotourism. In the such as human capital formation, good governance,
paper we gave examples of four ancient observato- and environmental conservation.
ries and through the analysis of their web pages we The three stage model for astrotourism destina-
have seen the degree of development of these desti- tion development is shown in fig. 3 below. (Fig. 3)
nations that attract visitors for the purpose of astro- The model for astrotourism destination devel-
tourism. Beside the offered models for development opment is divided in three stages as follows: Green
of tourism in the destinations, in conclusion we also Paper stage, White Paper stage and Tourism Policy
give a proposal model for the development of cultural Plan. The most important starting requirement for
tourism in Kokino. The model for astrotourism des- an astrotourism quest is applying know how to an
tination development and position on the market is inventory and analysis of the resources available or
based on research that we find in the relevant scientif- Green Paper stage26. When the analysis is done, con-
ic literature on this topic. Astrotourism diverges from servation of these resources becomes a main issue,
conventional forms of tourism both from the demand which must be tackled through the establishment of
and supply perspectives, and for different stakehold- voluntary or compulsory standards and norms, fol-
ers has different meanings and opportunities:25 lowed by adequate programmes and actions. Ade-
For tourists, it entails a knowledge‑rich expe- quate governance proposals and decisions from the
rience, combining the pleasures of unspoiled sites, outset are also important. It is erroneously believed
enlightened company, and personal tangible experi- that tourism governance setups must always be or-
ences with learning, knowing, and understanding the ganized and conducted by government, but this is not
observable surroundings at large. the case. Neither is the fundamentalist free market
For the host communities, it signifies a positive doctrine that a left alone private sector will do. As-

25
Fayos‑Solá; Marín; Jafari, 2014, 663-671 26
Fayos‑Solá; Marín; Jafari, 2014. 663-671

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 PERSPECTIVES FOR DEVELOPMENT OF CULTURAL TOURISM IN KOKINO

trotourism resources are usually a clear cut case of a In this paper, different models for destination de-
common pool resource, and it is tailor made govern- velopment were presented. Basically, we pointed out
ance solutions which can be the most effective and the model for astrotourism destination development
efficient to optimize resource use. Finally, adoption resulting form the potential of Kokino for the devel-
of a Tourism Policy Plan, with specific provisions opment of this type of cultural tourism. What kind
for astrotourism is highly recommended. This plan of development model will be applied in the case of
will usually include programmes and actions for data Kokino remains to be decided by all stakeholders
production and mining; sustainability provisions; through organizing meetings and undertaking con-
knowledge creation, dissemination, and application; crete measures in the future. One thing is certain,
supervision of quality and excellence of operations; Kokino as a destination with natural and cultural po-
product formulation, promotion, and follow up, and tentials deserves more attention by authorities in the
explicit arrangements for institutional cooperation quest of attracting foreign and domestic tourists with
and governance. activities that will enrich tourist offer at regional, na-
tional and international level.

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 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE MANAGEMENT - ARHEO PARK BRAZDA FINALE

PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY - NEW AND CREATIVE SOLUTIONS TO

PROMOTE CULTURAL HERITAGE

Elena Karanfilovska
Institute for Archaeological Research – Skopje
karanfilovska.elena@gmail.com

Public Archaeology is a branch of modern ar- ern life. A lot of archaeologists nowadays work on
chaeology that focuses on increasing public aware- this subject, share their results with the wider public
ness and education about archaeology. It can be wide- and actively collaborate with non-archaeologists, the
ly defined as the practice of presenting archaeologi- term public archaeology is mentioned more and more
cal data and interpreting that data to the public. How- on archaeological seminars and in the university
ever, there are many diverse meanings and contexts courses. Overall new and innovative public activities
for public archaeology in the academic literature. - both on excavations and in museums - are thriving.
If we want to give a more narrow definition we Unfortunately the term Public Archaeology is still
can say that public archaeology is both a disciplinary relatively unknown in Macedonian archaeology, but
practice and a theoretical position, which can be exer- the lack of communication between the professional
cised through the democratization of archaeological archaeologist and the wider public is a general problem.
communication, activity or administration, through The archaeologists usually establish one way
communication with the public, involvement of the links with the public, which are based on a hierarchi-
public or the preservation and administration of ar- cal relationship to the general public and are one-sid-
chaeological resources for public benefit by voluntary ed, mainly scientific interpretations. Archaeologists
or statutory organizations. Broadly understood as a are generally aware about their responsibility to the
sub-discipline, public archaeology is as much an ac- audience, but for various reasons they do not pay
tivity as a theoretical concept, and operates in a wide much attention to this activity. As a result, the com-
variety of societal, social and academic contexts1. munication is inadequate. Experts see the solution in
This sub-filed of archaeology is relatively new, it educating the public, and they don’t see themselves
emerged in the 1970s, departing from the traditional as part of the problem. They leave the education
view of archaeology by looking outside the academic process together with the information about new
discipline. The term ‘public archaeology’ has been in discoveries and insights to the media, which brings
use since the publication of McGimsey’s book Public a lot of disappointments to the profession, and also
Archeology in the USA – as a term used within the public discontent and indifference to their own past3.
context of publicly funded and supported excavation As a consequence to that there is an incursion of
and preservation of archaeological sites threatened pseudo-archaeology in the media, the general public
by development works2. Since then public archaeol- is overwhelmed with inaccurate information and more
ogy has become increasingly popular in the world, and more people end up believing in it. In a country
it has grown gradually and steadily, and has devel- with an abundance of archaeological heritage it is the
oped in a science that explains the role and impor- duty of the archaeologists to convey the right message
tance of the archaeological sources in today’s society and to provide new stories, which have the potential to
and with the help of active participation of the public be more viable than the fantasies that presently rule.
includes the (archaeological) heritage in the mod- Of course, in order to do that, primari-
ly they need to consider who their audienc-
1
Schadla-Hall et alii, 2010; Matsuda and Okamura es are and whether these different audiences are
2011; Skeates et alii, 2012
2
McGimsey, 1972 3
Plestenjak, 2005, 37.

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 Elena Karanfilovska

Fig.1 – The poster and the opening of the exhibition Archaeology in Progress Vol.1 (Author: Karanfilovska E.)

receptive to their archaeological information. our duty to share the results of our research. As one
Throughout Macedonia people come up with of the most important British archaeologists of the
different stories about hidden treasures, the tomb of 20th century Sir Mortimer Wheeler wrote “It is the
Alexander the Great, buried gold and similar fanta- duty of the archaeologist, as of the scientist, to reach
sies. The public is just more comfortable with these and impress the public, and to mould his words in
‘public mythologies’ and they strongly believe that the common clay of its forthright understanding”4.
they are true mainly because they were retold for
generations. In their eyes archaeologist are only New strategies
grave diggers and people who search the gold that
Nowadays throughout the world the relationship
was left there by their ancestors. These stories are
between archaeologists and the public is much more
alive and flourishing and archaeologists are just ig-
relevant and more complicated than previously. In a
noring them. However, even though we see them as
situation of a global economic crises where it is in-
lunacies mocking them will not make them go away.
evitable to change priorities in order to find solutions
Archaeologists must explain what archaeology is
for more basic problems of the society, archaeologists
or what it does, the persons who convey this message
must justify the relevance of the profession and explain
must have a positive attitude towards the public and
the relationship between archaeology and contempo-
must have good communicational and interpretation-
rary society, in the attempt to highlight how much the
al skills. On a language that is understandable to the
discipline is relevant to society itself. Archaeologists
wider public they must answer the basic questions:
have the power to influence the way society looks at
who, what, where, when and how, and at the same
its past and, consequently, the way it looks at itself.
time, in the contrast to the way that is common among
This is an incredibly fascinating task but a very del-
archaeologist, understand that the public does not ex-
icate one, and it bears great responsibility as well5.
pect a multitude of data filled with academic language.
The situation here is not very different, the Min-
In order to succeed in shifting the opinion of
istry of culture of the Republic of Macedonia pro-
the general public about the ‘true’ archaeology we
need to explain that archaeologists study the past
on behalf of the people, and as mediators between 4
Wheeler, 1956, 224.
the past and present we must not forget that it is 5
Dal Maso, 2017, 12.

246
 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE MANAGEMENT - ARHEO PARK BRAZDA FINALE

Fig.2 - The exhibition in the city museum in the town Vinica (Author: Karanfilovska E.)

posed a new strategy through which it encourages

cultural institutions not to be depended only on the New and creative solutions
funds provided by them, but to actively seek for pri- In 2009 an association was formed with a clear
vate donations and sponsors, to join with the citizen’s goal to protect and promote the cultural heritage.
associations in order to cover the needed amount It was the first one of its kind in our country and it
that the ministry cannot provide. It is a good idea consisted of experienced archaeologists and stu-
but first of all, the archaeologist themselves need dents of archaeology whose goals were to contrib-
to spark an interest among the potential donors. As ute to the development of archaeology in general
I mentioned before, public outreach skills are nec- and present it before the wider audience. Together
essary to the profession and contemporary archaeol- with several colleagues we felt the need for more
ogist must change their authoritarian approach and and better public education and we wanted to pro-
finally learn that “the public has an irreplaceable role vide opportunities for the public to learn about ar-
in maintaining the cultural heritage, and it must be- chaeology and even participate in our projects.
come a partner to the professionals throughout the
process of research, conservation, interpretation, Archaeology in Progress - exhibition of work-
marketing and preservation of cultural heritage sites6. ing archaeological photographs
As one of the foremost experts in this field con-
The main idea of the project was to bring archae-
cludes: “it is only by education that archaeologists can
ology closer to the people. We decided to make an
possibly hope to stimulate interest in the subject and
exhibition of working archaeological photographs
care for archaeological heritage, and it is only by getting
and to let everybody see what is happening “behind
out and doing it ourselves that this can be achieved”7.
closed doors” at the archaeological excavations. Ex-
All of the abovementioned looks feasible, how-
hibition of this kind was a novelty in our country,
ever, this trend has not yet become part of Mac-
the photographs were showing the preparations and
edonian archaeology and for the time being it is
the actual work at one archaeological site. The mo-
mainly the result of improvisation and good will.
tives were exclusively archaeological and showed
the most interesting moments that occur at the field.
The goal was to promote archaeology and to
6
Perko, 2014, 201 present the best photographs taken on the archaeo-
7
Merriman, 1989, 23

247
 Elena Karanfilovska

Fig.3 - The poster and the opening of the exhibition Archaeology in Progress Vol.2 (Author: Karanfilovska E.)

logical sites in our country. Participation was open cessful realization of the project, but also made
to professional photographers who have partic- us realize that there is a grave need for such
ipated on some excavations, archaeologist who events among the professional and general public.
have taken the role of a photographer at the field, The next year we made the project “Archaeol-
archaeology students and all the admirers of ar- ogy in progress Vol. 2”. The concept was the same,
chaeology and photography. Everyone who have but the interest was much bigger than the previous
worked or just visited some archaeological site year. This time the opening was at the open air mu-
could participate in the announced competition. seum on the archaeological site Tumba Madzari
We encouraged them to send their photos to us. (Neolithic village). The location was chosen inten-
The exhibition aroused great interest among the tionally, we wanted people to fell the archaeolog-
archeologists and the general public. A great number ical ambience and at the same time, promote the
of photographs came on the competition organized site. (fig.3) After a break due to financial reasons in
on the web site and the social networks. The best October 2017 a third exhibition was held, this time
30 were selected by giving votes on the Facebook with collaboration of the Archaeological Muse-
page of the association and also by a profession- um of Macedonia where the exhibition took place.
al jury. The best three photos were given symbolic In a way the exhibition is already becoming tradi-
prizes on the opening of the exhibition which was tional and we will work hard and try to manage the
held in the Macedonian ICOMOS office in the Old financial problems in order to hold it every year.
Skopje Bazaar, and also as part of the project we pub- We decided to change our views and to
lished a catalogue with all the pictures. (fig.1) The take a slightly different and alternative ap-
winning photo was from the town of Vinica, so we proach and it turned out successful in engaging
brought the exhibition to the town museum and there the interest of a lot of people about archaeology.
was a great interest among the local people. (fig.2)
Through these archaeological photographs we Day of Archaeology
wanted to present the real situation of archaeology The Day of Archaeology is an annual event
in Macedonia, to give incentive for the develop- that is celebrated worldwide for the past sever-
ment of the culture, to increase the offer of cultural al years. In 2013 for the first time archaeologist
events in our country and if we are able to, to create from Macedonia have joined together to take part
a traditional exhibition that will be held every year. in the celebration of the International Day of Ar-
The great interest and the many positive com- chaeology. The project was strongly supported
ments about the project were a reward for the suc- by the media and the idea was widely accepted.

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 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE MANAGEMENT - ARHEO PARK BRAZDA FINALE

Fig.4 – Part of the promotional material for the Day of Archeology (Author: Kacanski J.)
The project aimed to provide a window into ways people are perceiving archaeology. (fig.6)
the daily lives of archaeologists and we asked peo- Through this project we learned a valuable les-
ple working, studying or volunteering in the ar- son that “If archaeologists can be self-critical in a
chaeological world to participate by recording their public debate, before being critical of non-archaeol-
day and sharing it through text, images or video. ogists, they should be able to bring alternative view-
The results of the project demonstrated the wide points into archaeology, which could be a potent tool
variety of work our profession undertakes day- in resisting the established authority of archaeolo-
to-day and helped to raise public awareness of the gy. Once the public recognize that their voices are
relevance and importance of archaeology. (fig.4) considered and represented within the public agen-
The main goal of our project was to organize da of archaeology, they should begin to regard the
an event where the wider public (the non-archae- archaeological debate as their own concern. This
ologists) can interact with the archaeologists. Just would be exactly the aim of public archaeology”8.
one day, where in a different and not “boring” way The interest about this project exceeded our ex-
they can learn something new, where they can free- pectations, from both, the professionals and the gener-
ly ask questions, and most importantly where they al public. For our surprise, the idea of a celebration of
can express their opinion about our work and how the Macedonian archaeological culture seemed allur-
they see it through their eyes and minds. (fig.5) ing to the archaeologist and a lot of them were willing
On the event there where series of lectures in to participate, some of them in the documentary film
various topics of archaeology, presentation of a doc- and some with different contributions, and for the gen-
umentary film about one day in archaeology and eral public… they were very happy with our differ-
how is it spent in the museum or on the archaeo- ent approach and were constantly asking why aren’t
logical sites, presentation of photographs from the there more events of this kind in our country. This
current archaeological excavations throughout Mac- project is still active and we will continue to celebrate
edonia, experimental archaeology and exchange the Day of Archaeology in Macedonia every year.
of ideas and experiences. After every presentation
open discussions were held, where anyone could Concluding thoughts
share their opinion and make a positive or nega- In a country with rich archeological heritage,
tive comment about the things presented. We paid our role as experts at the field is to engage people
special attention to encourage the non-archaeolo-
gist to engage in the discussions and we got some
valuable insights and saw in how many different 8
Matsuda, 2004,74

249
 Elena Karanfilovska

Fig.5 – Part of the audience attending the event (Author: Karanfilovska E.)

in a positive way, helping them to understand and Taking into consideration the surprisingly big
value our profession and the results of our work. interest and the successful implementation of the
Archaeologist who have failed to communicate projects overall, we can conclude that we achieved
with the public are at the risk of making them- our goals. Through new and creative solutions we
selves irrelevant, as Fritz and Plog note in their managed to provoke the general public and to engage
article “unless archaeologists find ways to make them to express their opinions. We wanted to prove
their research increasingly relevant to the modern that with different methods you can still achieve
world, the modern world will find itself increasing- the desired goals to protect and present archeolo-
ly capable of getting along without archaeologist”9. gy and to contribute to the most important thing,
which is to raise the awareness of the general pub-
lic about the significance of their cultural heritage.

9
Fritz, Plog, 1970, 412

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 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE MANAGEMENT - ARHEO PARK BRAZDA FINALE

Fig.6 - Some of the lectures prepared for the Day of Archaeology (Author: Karanfilovska E.)

Bibliography:
Merriman, N. 2004, Introduction: Diversity and
Dal Maso, C. 2017. “Editorial”, in: Archeosto- Dissonance in Public Archaeology, in Merriman, N.
rie, Journal of Public Archaeology 1, 7-14 (ed.) Public Archaeology. London: Routledge (1-17).
Fritz, J. M., Plog, F. T. 1970, “The Nature of Plestenjak, A. 2005, “Archaeology and the Pub-
Archaeological Explanation”, in: American Antiqui- lic” A Slovenian Perspective, MA Thesis, York.
ty 35, 405-412 Richardson, L. J. & Almansa-Sánchez, J.
Matsuda, A. 2004, “The Concept of ‘the Pub- 2015, “Do you even know what public archaeology
lic’ and the Aims of Public Archaeology”, in: Papers is? Trends, theory, practice, ethics” in: World Ar-
from the Institute of Archaeology 15, 66-76 chaeology, 47/2, 194-211
Matsuda, A., Okamura, K. 2011, Introduction: Schadla-Hall, T. 1999, “Editorial: Public Ar-
New Perspectives in Global Public Archaeology. chaeology”, in: European Journal of Archaeology 2,
London, Springer 147–158
McGimsey, C. R. 1972, Public Archeology. Schadla-Hall, T., G. Moshenska, A. Thornton.
New York: Seminar Press. 2010, “Editorial”, in: Public Archaeology 9, 62–63
McManamon, F. P. 1991, “The many Publics of Skeates, R., C. McDavid, J. Carman, eds.
Archaeology”, in: American Antiquity 56/1, 121-130 2012, The Oxford Handbook of Public Archaeology.
Merriman, N. 1989, Museums and archaeolo- Oxford: Oxford University Press.
gy: the public view. in: E. Southworth (ed.) Public Vidrih Perko, V. 2008, “Arheologija za
service or private indulgence? Liverpool: Society of Javnost”, in: Arheo 25 - Glasilo Slovenskega arhe-
Museum Archaeologists ološkega društva, 113-130
Merriman, N. 2002, “Archaeology, Heritage Vidrih Perko, V. 2014, Muzeologija in Arhe-
and Interpretation”, in: Archaeology: The Widening ologija za Javnost: Muzej Krasa, Ljubljana.
Debate, edited by B. Cunliffe, W. Davies, and C. Wheeler, R. E. M. 1956, Archaeology from the
Renfrew, 541–566. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Earth. Harmondsworth: Penguin.

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Elena Karanfilovska

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 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE MANAGEMENT – ARHEO PARK BRAZDA

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE MANAGEMENT – ARHEO PARK BRAZDA

Radomir Ivanovic
Institute for Archaeological Research – Skopje

Fig. 1 - The site overgrown with wild vegetation Fig. 2 - House in v. Brazda build with material from
(Author: Ivanovic R.) the chamber (Author: Ivanovic R.)

Inroduction was born during the mandatory excursion on this ar-

The archaeological site “Gradište - Brazda” is cheological site as archeology students. A monumen-
situated 15 km northwest of Skopje, R. Macedonia, tal royal tomb dating from the 5th c. BC stood befo-
on a humble hill that rises over the village of Braz- re us with its massive stone blocks, but the entrance
da. According to information obtained through past to it was nearly impossible and the whole place was
researches, the site is classified as a fortified early an- overgrown with wild vegetation and buried under ye-
tique settlement, dating from the 5th to the 3rd cen- ars and years of piled garbage. (fig. 1) There were no
tury BC and spreading over an area of 3.5 ha, which signposts or information panels, so the visitors can
makes it the largest settlement in the Skopje valley neither be led to, nor informed about the immense hi-
from that period. storical heritage that they were unknowingly passing
With the excavation of the monumental architec- by. The general public was completely unaware of
tural edifice, known as “The Royal tomb” in 1986, its existence and more importantly so was the world.
the archeological site Gradište claims a significant After many years and many attempts to realize
place in the archeological circles. the wishful idea, in 2012 the association “Archa-
With its specific characteristics, the Royal tomb eologica” in partnership with the N. I. Museum of
at Brazda represents a unique building of its kind on Macedonia and supported by ELEM – the goverment
the wider Balkan Peninsula1. Electricity Power Company through its social re-
sponsibility program, finally started working on the
About the project field in order to change the image of this important
The idea to turn this site into a turist destination cultural heritage turning it into the first archeological
park in Macedonia – the Arheo Park Brazda.
Before the first excavations in 1986 many of the
1
Микулчиќ, Соколовска, 1990

253
 Radomir Ivanovic

Fig. 3 - Access path with two wooden bridges (Author: Ivanovic R.)

locals were using this place for extraction of large not so suprising because since the discovery of this
blocks of fine cut stone which they used for building monument in 1986 the only activity conducted was
some of the houses in the village Brazda. (fig. 2) With the small scale protective excavations in 2004, again
the excavations of this monumental building this without any education or explaination to the locals
trend stoped only because the locals were informed about the importance of the archaeological heritage
by the authorities that there will be repercussions if that they have in their vicinity.
somebody destroys this cultural heritage. The interpretation to the locals of the archaeo-
At that time the archaeologists neglected their logical finds and sites in modern society is of crucial
duty to explain the importance of the site to the lo- importance. The public has an irreplaceable role in
cals and they only presented their views throught the maintaining the cultural heritage, and it must become
media and the sientific papers which were inaccesi- a partner to the professionals throughout the process
ble to a wider audience. All this led to an indiference of research, conservation, interpretation, marketing
to their own past which is excatly the problem with and preservation of cultural heritage sites. The local
the 'deficit model' of communication and the autho- public has the right to cultural, spiritual and econo-
ritarian approach of the archaeologist towards the lo- mic benefits 4.
cals2. Years later, when the project for the arheo park In order to change the opnion of the locals, du-
started, the locals had very poor knowledge about the ring our work there we changed our approach. Rather
significance of this site and they were only using this then excluding them from the project we tried to enga-
place to dump their garbge. ge their interest primarily through education. Having
Even though the archaeologist tried to protect in mind one of the Tilden's principles of interpretation
this place, with this authoritarian model of protection which states “If the interpreter does not create a per-
you can see the paradox by the escalating alienation sonal relationship between what is being interpreted
of the public from the cultural heritage, even though and the visitors, they will experience the heritage as
the protection is done in their name, while between sterile”5, we tried to explain the special connection that
the experts there is a growing feeling that the public we have with this particular cultural heritage to the lo-
is ignorant and it's the potential destroyer3. cals, we told them the story of how we have fallen in
When the work started the first reaction of the lo- love with this site in our student days and told them the
cal population was that our efforts would be a waste whole story about this site on a simple and understand-
of time and energy and that it is not possible to create able language hoping that we can convey the unique-
an atraction on this spot because it is not that impor- ness of this Royal tomb. Probably this is one of the
tant and that nobody would come to see it. This was reasons of our successful collaboration with the locals.

2
Merriman, 2002 4
Perko, 2008
3
Hodder, 1997 5
Tilden, 1957.

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 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE MANAGEMENT – ARHEO PARK BRAZDA

Fig. 4 - Voluntary ecological action (Author: Ivanovic R.)

After this the interest about the site was increa- was horticultural refined, information panels and si-
sed, the locals started to take their heritage as a value gnposts were placed (fig. 5) and informative flyers
that must be preserved and we are happy that we've were printed and distributed. We paid particular
managed to inspire in them a sense of personal re- attention to use natural materials in the realization of
psponsibility to protect and safeguard the heritage of the project, materials that do not stand out from their
the area. surroundings. The opening of the Arheo Park was co-
Our main purpose was not only to educate the lo- vered by all the media and a web site about the park
cals but as Tilden said to provoke them and to arouse was developed (www.arheoparkbrazda.mk). With all
special feeling about their cultural heritage6. All these of the abovementioned, the organization wanted to
actions were altogether beneficial as the local citizens make this site »user friendly« for all sorts of visitors
who at the beginning did not want to have anything from random passersby to organized tours and fami-
with the project, changed their opinion and started lies. Special atention was paid to the media coverage
supporting the implemention. The help came in many so we can reach as much audience as possible.
ways, some of them helped with physical work, oth- The interest in this cultural monument signifi-
ers were bringing tools and equipment, locals that cantly increased after mounting the signposts and the
worked in the municipality were helping with bu- official opening of the “Arheo Park Brazda”. Apart
reaucracy etc. The involvement of the locals inspired from casual passersby that would learn about this
many others from the surrounding villages to show place from the signpost, organized groups also visit
interest about the project and for a very short time the park. As the local inhabitants inform us, the site
respectful numbers of the inhabitants were contribut- receives daily visits from foreign and domestic touri-
ing in some way. sts who are in awe of everything this site has to offer
After gaining the trust and support from the lo- from a cultural aspect as well as from the natural be-
cals, everything was running smoothly. The interior auties that abound.
of the tomb and the passageway (dromos) were com- The undertakings so far are just a part of the
pletely cleaned from wild vegetation and debris whi- overall conceptual solution of the arheo park. Due to
ch increased the visibility of the site, we provided an the heightened interest in the park, as well as the in-
approach to the site by building an access path with creased number of visitors a second phase of the proj-
two wooden bridges (fig. 3), the plateau in front of ect is planed that would include: building access paths
the tomb was cleared and leveled, the riverbeds were to the top of the hill where the ancient town was lo-
cleaned of garbage with a voluntary action (fig. 4), cated, setting up a wooden gazebo which would serve
a small square was built and wooden benches with as an educational nest for the students of archaeology
trashcans were placed, the landscape around the park and the pupils from the primary schools located in
the vicinity of the site as well for larger groups of
tourists. Apart from the second phase, for the last five
6
Tilden, 1957.

255
 Radomir Ivanovic

Fig. 5 - The landscape around the park, information panels and signposts (Author: Ivanovic R.)

years our organization the Institute for Archaeologi- a tourist destination that attracts visitors, which is di-
cal Research in partnership with N. I. Archaeological rectly influencing the local economy. By sustainable
Museum of Macedonia and with the support of the heritage management and engagement of the public,
Ministry of Culture of R. Macedonia, is taking care archaeologists can help developing communities to
for this site by providing regular maintenance of the protect and manage their heritage. In this way, they
park as well as enriching it with new features. In the can also help and educate the community to promote
area of promotion and popularization we’ve done a their regional archaeological site. To create this, ar-
lot by: producing several documentary films and pro- chaeologists have the responsibility of providing the
motional videos which were screened on different community with theoretical background with which
events throughout Macedonia and abroad, the web they explain why it is important for them to be invol-
site and all the social media platforms are regularly ved and what is the outcome they want to have at the
updated with new information, photos and events, end of this process7.
guest appearance on TV shows, promotional material In fact, successful projects generally ‘start
is being produced (flyer and stickers) etc. (fig. 6) small,’ but are conceived by people who ‘think big.’
Even if they are actually ‘small,’ they can have an
Conclusion enormous impact on the community they grow in, or
All of the above mentioned is one example of even on society at large. They may choose either to
how only a small part of excavated archaeological stay small or to grow, but in both cases they prove to
site can be transformed from an unknown location to be influential and powerful8.

7
Dal Maso, 2017
8
Dal Maso, 2017

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 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE MANAGEMENT – ARHEO PARK BRAZDA

Fig. 6 - Part of the promotional material (Author: Ivanovic R.)

Bibliography:
Dal Maso, C., 2017, “Editorial”. Archeostorie. Микулчиќ, И., Соколовска, В., 1990,
Journal of Public Archaeology 1, 7-14 “Гробницата во Бразда”, МАА 11, 79-91
Hodder, I., 1997, Changing configurations: The Vidrih Perko, V., 2008, “Arheologija za jav-
relationships between theory and practice, v: J. Hunt- nost”, Arheo 25 - Glasilo Slovenskega arheološkega
er, I. Ralston (eds.), Archaeological Resource menage- društva, Ljubljana, 113-130
ment in the UK. An Introduction. Glouchester. Vidrih Perko, V., 2014, Muzeologija in
Merriman, N. 2002, “Archaeology, Heritage arheologija za javnost: Muzej Krasa, Ljubljana
and Interpretation”, in: Archaeology: The Widen- Tilden, F., (1957) Interpreting our Heritage,
ing Debate, edited by B. Cunliffe, W. Davies, and C. North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press.
Renfrew, 541–566. Oxford: Oxford University Press

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Radomir Ivanovic

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