MODULE IN

GRAMMATICAL STUCTURE

OF ENGLISH

Prepared by Dr. Leilani M. Ibay-Pamo

The Structure of Phrases

Whereas clauses are larger units that always contain at least a

subject and a verb, phrases are smaller parts of the sentence.

Sometimes they are essential to the structure of a clause (e.g., a

noun phrase that functions as the subject), and sometimes they just

provide some extra information (most prepositional phrases).

As we review the different types of phrases, please note that one

phrase can include another. For example, we can categorize swimming in

the ocean as a participial phrase (swimming is a present participle), even

though it includes a prepositional phrase (in the ocean).

Types of Phrases

Noun Phrase

The noun phrase is a quintessential part of every sentence (even if

it doesn't appear in the surface structure of a sentence as in "stop!"), it is

potentially infinite in length, and it can include any number of other

phrases (e.g. noun, adjective, adverb) within its structure.

A simple noun phrase as we used to know is any noun or pronoun

along with its modifiers:

Examples:

The school children

Yesterday’s newspaper

An old and rusted slinky

 However, the term noun phrase does not only refer to a noun

together with its modifiers but also considers just the noun itself (even

without other words with it). A noun phrase with only the noun is called

the head. A noun phrase is either a pronoun or any group of words that

can be replaced by a pronoun. For example, 'they', 'cars', and 'the cars'

are noun phrases, but 'car' is just a noun, as you can see in these

sentences (in which the noun phrases are all in bold).

Q: Do you like cars?

A: Yes, I like them.

Q: Do you like the cars over there?

A: Yes, they are nice.

Q: Do you like the car I bought last week?

A: Yes, I like it. (Note: 'It' refers to 'the car', not 'car')

If you are a little puzzled at this point, try and think of some

further examples of noun phrases using the definition above, and

compare your examples with simple nouns.

The structure of noun phrases

Noun phrases can be infinite in length, but they would sound

absurd if they got too long. So let's take the following noun phrase as our

working model:

"The very tall education consultant with the roving eye"

 The structure of this noun phrase contains three sections:

 Pre-modification (pre-head)

The =determiner

very =adverb (intensifying)

tall = adjective

education = pre-modifying noun

 Head noun

consultant

 Post-modification (post-head)

with the roving eye = preposition phrase

Of course, each and every part of the noun phrase can be changed,

but here is a summary of some fundamental changes in which it could

changed:

 A relative clause could replace the preposition phrase. 'The man

with the hat' becomes 'The man who is wearing the hat'.

 There could be a string of adjectives (and pre-modifying nouns)

instead of just one. Both of these systems have their own

structural rules. 'The big brown wooden box.' Or 'The world cup

football competition.'

 A numeral or cardinal could be inserted after the determiner. 'Do

you remember the time I bumped into you in the park?' can
 become 'Do you remember the first time I bumped into you in the

park?'

 There can be 'embedding' (e.g. 'the roving eye' is also a noun

phrase and can be made more complex in the same way as 'the…

consultant'!) 'The roving eye which he had cultivated for so many

years'.

 Any part of the noun phrase can simply be stripped away (apart

from the word 'The' here, as 'consultant' is not a noun phrase in

itself). So 'The very tall education consultant with the roving eye'

can become 'The tall education consultant with the roving eye'

(here 'very' has been deleted).

To sum up, noun phrases are very simple ideas in themselves, but

they can be extremely complex in how they manifest themselves in actual

language.

Noun phrases in class

But how can a teacher help students use noun phrases in a more

accurate way? And how can a teacher help students to use them in a

way that is more appropriate to the register of the target discourse? I

have four suggestions to make, all of which I constantly use with my

students:

 I encourage students to understand what a noun phrase is.

 To reinforce this understanding, I ask my students to study texts

and answer such questions as "What pronoun could this noun phrase be

replaced by?" and "What noun phrase does this pronoun refer to?"

 I provide interesting prompts to encourage students to use noun

phrases.

For example, I sometimes show my students a picture of a boy with

brown eyes, and then I show exactly the same boy, but this time with big

brown eyes. This keeps students on their toes and gets them to practice

the grammar in an entertaining way. If you have no pictures, you can

use visual information about the students in your class as verbal

prompts! You might expect your students to say: "The boy with the big

brown eyes is looking out of the window."

 I sometimes write a long noun phrase down on a piece of paper.

I then cut up the sentence into the different words of the noun phrase. I

then give each word to different individual students. The students with a

bit of paper then stand up and have to rearrange themselves so that the

noun phrase makes sense. I tell them where the front of the noun phrase

should be - and the end. I also tell the students only to show their word

to one student at a time. This makes the activity more demanding and

more fun. One example is: "The / very / tall / blonde / girl / who / has

got / a small pink case"

 I encourage students to write noun phrases which are appropriate

to the register they're aiming for.

 For example, for an ESP class who need to give

papers/presentations, I use a lot of authentic and contrastive reading

input so that the students can formulate appropriate language. If you're

teaching a general English class, you can use input that focuses on

formal, neutral, and informal register, such as 'Thanks for your email'

(neutral), 'Ta' (informal, where the noun phrase can be elided), and 'We

thank you for your correspondence' (formal, where there is a full

sentence and the lexical item is more abstract).

Noun phrases and verb phrases are equally important. So noun

phrases really shouldn't be ignored by coursebook / syllabus writers or

teachers. All these people can help students understand how noun

phrases fit into the syntax of a sentence, produce more complex noun

phrases (as they become more advanced), and become aware of how

noun phrases operate differently in different registers.

Verb Phrase

A verb phrase is a syntactic unit consisting of an auxiliary (helping)

verb preceding the main verb. It often contains a head verb,

complements, objects, and modifiers as its dependents.

Helping verbs may appear as: is, are, be, such as, was, were, been,

being, have, had, has, do, did, does, can, could, will, would, shall,

should, may, must, might, etc. In generative grammar, a verb phrase

may consist of just a single verb. However, typically it contains a main

verb, an auxiliary verb, optional specifiers, compliments, and adjuncts.

For instance, “Tomorrow is going to be a good day with this current”

( excerpt from The Old Man and the Sea, by Earnest Hemingway). In this

example, ‘is’ an auxiliary, while ‘going’ is the main verb.

A verb phrase consists of a main verb alone, or a main verb plus

any modal and/or auxiliary verbs. The main verb always comes last in

the verb phrase:

(mo = modal verb; aux = auxiliary verb; mv = main verb)

Simple verb phrases

A simple verb phrase consists of a main verb. The verb in a simple

verb phrase shows the type of clause (e.g. declarative, imperative):

Your camera takes fantastic pictures. (present simple, declarative

clause)

Dress smartly. Arrive on time. (imperative clauses)

Complex verb phrases

A complex verb phrase may include one modal verb and one or

more auxiliary verbs before the main verb. A modal verb always comes

before any auxiliary verbs:

(mo = modal verb; aux = auxiliary verb; mv = main verb)

There are various functions verb phrases perform. They serve as

phrase heads, as predicates, modifiers, compliments, and objects. Verb

phrases also function as noun phrase modifiers, containing a word and

phrase, and describing noun or noun phrase. They also work as adjective

phrase complements, and verb phrase complements. In traditional

grammar, verb phrases function as predicates, adding meaning to

sentences. In fact, verb phrases make a sentence semantically clear and

comprehendible for readers.

Prepositional Phrase

A prepositional phrase is a group of words consisting of a

preposition, its object, and any words that modify the object. Most of the
time, a prepositional phrase modifies a verb or a noun. These two kinds

of prepositional phrases are called adverbial phrases and adjectival

phrases, respectively.

At a minimum, a prepositional phrase consists of one preposition

and the object it governs. The object can be a noun, a gerund (a verb

form ending in “-ing” that acts as a noun), or a clause.

He arrived in time .

Is she really going out with that guy ?

To these two basic elements, modifiers can be freely added.

He arrived in the nick of time.

Is she really going out with that tall, gorgeous guy?

Some of the most common prepositions that begin prepositional

phrases are to, of, about, at, before, after, by, behind, during, for, from,

in, over, under, and with.

Prepositional Phrases That Modify Nouns

When a prepositional phrase acts upon a noun, we say it is

behaving adjectivally because adjectives modify nouns. A prepositional

phrase that behaves adjectivally is called, quite logically, an adjectival

phrase.
 The cat in the middle is the cutest.

I always buy my milk from the convenience store on Main Street .

My mother has always wanted to live in a cabin by the lake .

In the first of these sentences, in the middle answers the question

of which cat the writer thinks is the cutest. Similarly, on Main Street

gives us information about which store the writer is describing, and by

the lake tells us what kind of cabin the writer’s mother is dreaming

about. All of these adjectival phrases provide specificity to a noun in

order to enhance our understanding.

Prepositional Phrases That Modify Verbs

When a prepositional phrase acts upon a verb, we say it is

behaving adverbially because adverbs modify verbs. A prepositional

phrase that behaves adverbially is called an adverbial phrase.

To find the person who stole the last cookie, look behind you.

Harry drank his Butterbeer with fervor.

In the first sentence, behind you answers the question “Look

where?” In the second, with fervor answers the question “Drank how?”
Prepositional Phrases Acting as Nouns

Less frequently, prepositional phrases can function like nouns in a

sentence.

During the national anthem is the worst time to blow your nose.

After the game will be too late for us to go to dinner.

How to Avoid Excessive Prepositional Phrases

It is tempting to overuse prepositions and prepositional phrases. If

you see more than one preposition for every ten or fifteen words in your

writing, you should edit some of them out. You may be surprised at how

much more elegant and economical your writing is when you make the

effort to do this.

Example: It is best to behave with caution when running with a

sword in the presence of Magneto.

There is nothing grammatically incorrect about this sentence, but

it has two “with” phrases, an “of” phrase, and an “in” phrase, which is a

sure sign that it could be written more efficiently.

Example: In Magneto’s presence, run cautiously with swords.

Here, it was possible to replace one of the prepositional phrases,

with caution with the correlating adverb cautiously. Of Magneto was

simply a possessive that can be easily converted into Magneto’s. Four

prepositional phrases have been reduced to two.

Another way to reduce prepositional phrases is to switch from a

passive voice to an active voice. There is a famous example to illustrate

this concept.

Example: Why was the road crossed by the chicken?

Clearly, the passive voice makes this sentence fussy and the

prepositional phrase by the chicken seems a bit silly. It would be better

written in an active voice, with the chicken in the driver’s seat where it

belongs.

Example: Why did the chicken cross the road?

Verbals and Verbal Phrases

What are verbals and verbal phrases? Well, verbals are verbs that

act as another part of speech i.e. adjectives, adverbs, or

nouns.Meanwhile, verbal phrases contain verbals, as well as a couple

modifiers. Key factors such as sentence placement and suffixes will help

you identify these amorphous verbs.

Examples of Verbals

Let's lay the foundation with a study on verbals first. There are

three different types: gerunds, infinitives, and participles.

Gerunds

A gerund is a verbal that acts as a noun. These verbals end in -ing.

For example:

Watching TV is my favorite pastime.

In this example, "watching" is a verb acting as a noun. More

specifically, it's the subject of the sentence.

Here's another example:

My favorite pastime is watching TV.

Again, we have "watching" (a verb) acting as a noun. More

specifically, it's the direct object of the verb "is".

Infinitives

An infinitive is a verbal that acts as an adjective, adverb, or noun.

These verbals are always accompanied by the word "to," i.e. "to act" or "to

read."
Here's an example of an infinitive acting as an adjective:

Now is the best time to start.

In this example, the verbal is acting as an adjective because "to

start" is modifying the noun "time."

Here's an example of an infinitive acting as an adverb:

To start, you need a positive attitude.

In this example, the verbal is acting as an adverb because "need" is

a verb and "to start" is modifying "need."

Here's an example of an infinitive acting as a noun:

To succeed was my only hope of a medal.

In this example, the verbal is acting as a noun. More specifically,

it's the subject of the sentence.

Let's look at one more verbal infinitive acting as a noun:

Yesterday, I started to read.

In this example, the verbal is acting as a noun again. More

specifically, it's the direct object of the verb "started."

Participles

A participle is a verbal that acts as an adjective. There are two

kinds of participles: present participles (ending in -ing) and past

participles (ending in -ed or -en).

For example:

The blooming flowers in the vase are stunning.

In this example, "blooming" is a verb that's acting as an adjective.

It's describing the noun "flowers."

Here's another example:

The elated dog wagged her tail.

In this example, "elated" is a verb that's acting as an adjective. It's

describing the noun "dog."

Here's another example:

The broken vase was irreparable.

In this example, "broken" is a verb that's acting as an adjective. It's

describing the noun "vase."

Verbal Phrases

Verbal phrases include verbals and their modifiers. Just like

verbals, there are three kinds of verbal phrases: gerunds, infinitive, and

participial phrases. In a way, they're exactly the same as verbals, except

they have a few added words. Let's take a look at some examples.

Gerund Phrases

A gerund phrase contains a gerund, or a verbal acting as a noun,

along with some modifiers. Remember, gerunds almost always end in

-ing.

For example:

Watching her dance sent him into a tailspin.

In this example, you probably spotted the gerund "watching" easily

enough. It has that telltale -ing ending. Since it's a gerund, it's a verbal

acting as a noun. More specifically, it's the subject of the sentence.

However, in this instance, we have a gerund phrase because there

are a couple modifiers. The subject of the sentence isn't merely

"watching". It's "watching her dance", making it a full gerund phrase.

Here's another example:

I stopped reading my book.

In this example, we have the gerund "reading". This time, it's the

direct object of the verb "stopped".

Again, we have a gerund phrase because there are a couple

modifiers. The direct object of the sentence isn't merely "reading". It's

"reading my book".

Infinitive Phrases

Infinitive phrases contain an infinitive, or a verbal acting as an

adjective, adverb, or noun, and various modifiers. Remember, these

verbals are always accompanied by the word "to."

Here's an example of an infinitive phrase acting as an adjective:

Do you have any wine glasses to bring to tonight's dinner party?

You probably spotted the infinitive "to bring" easily enough. In this

particular example, "to bring" is acting as an adjective. It's modifying the

noun "wine glasses".

But we're actually looking at an infinitive phrase because there are

a couple modifiers. The sentence didn't end with "to bring." It ended with
"to bring to tonight's dinner party."

Here's an example of an infinitive phrase acting as an adverb:

She went home to prepare for the dinner party.

In this example, "to prepare" is acting as an adjective. It's

modifying the noun "home." But, now, we're looking at an infinitive

phrase because there are a couple modifiers. The sentence didn't end

with "to prepare." It ended with "to prepare for the dinner party."

Here's an example of an infinitive phrase acting as a noun:

To marry her eventually was his only goal in life.

In this example, "to marry" is acting as a noun. More specifically,

it's the subject of the sentence.

However, it didn't end there. This became an infinitive phrase

when "to marry" was modified by two more words, becoming "to marry

her eventually."

Here's one more example of an infinitive acting as a noun:

She loves to dream during her evening walks.

In this example, "to dream" is acting as a noun. More specifically,

it's the direct object of the verb "loves."

However, it didn't end there. This became an infinitive phrase

when "to dream" was modified by four more words, becoming "to dream

during her evening walks."

Participial Phrases

Participial phrases contain a participle, or a verbal acting as an

adjective, and various modifiers. Remember, there are two kinds of

participles: present participles (ending in -ing) and past participles

(ending in -ed or -en).

For example:

Speaking very sternly, the mother scolded her little boy.

In this example, "speaking" is the participle. It's acting as an

adjective to the noun "mother."

However, now it's a participial phrase because it has the modifier

"very sternly."

Here's another example:

The boy, frightened by his mother's tone, decided never to do

that again.
In this example, "frightened" is the participle. It's acting as an adjective

to the noun "boy".

However, now it's a participial phrase because it has a few modifiers,

turning it into "frightened by his mother's tone."

The Alternate Identities of Verbs

Verbals and verbal phrases exemplify the strength of the English

language. Look at how verbs can morph into several other parts of

speech. They're multi-faceted because they maintain their verbal

integrity but have the strength to take on a different character.

Gerunds and infinitive have some pretty tell-tale signs. Gerunds

can usually be spotted by that -ing ending, while infinitives contain the

word "to." Participles are a little trickier because they can take on either

an -ing or -ed/-en ending. However, you'll recognize them for their ability

to modify a noun. We hope you enjoy expanding the standard definition

of verbs in your writing, as you mix and match them into their alternate

identities.

Appositive Phrase

An appositive is a noun or pronoun that renames or identifies

another noun or pronoun in some way. An appositive phrase consists of

an appositive and its modifiers. An appositive phrase can be either

essential (restrictive) or nonessential (nonrestrictive).

An essential appositive phrase provides information that is

necessary for identifying the noun or pronoun that precedes it. Without

the essential appositive phrase, the sentence doesn’t make much sense.

In contrast, a nonessential appositive phrase provides additional

information about a noun or pronoun in a sentence whose meaning is

already clear. It gives the reader extra—but nonessential—information. A

nonessential appositive phrase should be set off with commas.

Essential Appositive Phrase Examples:

Actor Coco Martin used to be a janitor in America.

Coco Martin is the appositive phrase. It identifies actor.

President Rodrigo Duterte extended the Enhanced Community

Quarantine in Mtero Manila.

Rodrigo Duterte is the appositive phrase. It identifies president.

Nonessential appositive phrase examples:

Dr. Leilani Pamo, the English professor, teaches Research and

Statistics.

In this sentence, the English professor is the appositive phrase.

It identifies or refers to Dr. Leilani Pamo.

Athena, the girl wearing red shoes, won the sports dance contest.

The appositive phrase is the girl wearing red shoes. It identifies

Athena.

Whether they are essential or nonessential, appositives and

appositive phrases make your writing more descriptive by providing key

details about a person, place, or thing.

Absolute Phrase

When someone wonders, "What is an absolute phrase?" the answer

is simple: absolute phrases modify sentences. Commonly, they are set

apart by a comma. They're not essential to a sentence, but they provide

additional detail. Before we dive deeper, let's look at an example of an

absolute phrase:

We finished our very first yoga class, our souls replenished.

Did you notice the phrase at the end of the sentence, separated by

a comma? That's a nice absolute phrase because it provided further

depth. However, you'll also notice it wasn't essential to the sentence, like
a subject, verb, or direct object.

Components of an Absolute Phrase

Absolute phrases don't attach themselves to a sentence with a

conjunction, all that's needed is a comma. Typically, these phrases

consist of a noun and a modifier. Referring back to our example above,

you'll see there was no conjunction such as "and" before the phrase.

Also, there was a noun (souls) and a modifier (replenished).

One thing absolute phrases cannot contain is a finite verb. That is,

a verb that has a subject. Essentially, that would turn the phrase into a

sentence, completely ruling it out as an absolute phrase.

For example, if we added the verb "were" to the above phrase, it

would read: We finished out first yoga class, our souls were replenished.

That verb turned this entire scenario into a run-on sentence.

You should be on the lookout for absolute phrases when you see a

comma in the sentence. Sometimes commas merely indicate a clause or

an aside. But, when they set a noun and a modifier apart to add depth,

you'll know you have an absolute phrase.

Types of Absolute Phrases

There are two kinds of absolute phrases. The first explains a

"cause for" or a "condition of" something.

For example:

Her heart sadder than ever, Alexis decided to dull the pain.

The second type of absolute phrase adds detail or narrows the

readers' focus.

For example:

Alexis walked down the path to the chapel, completely unaware he

was there.

Absolute phrases help us add beautiful imagery to sentences. No

matter which type you decide to include, just make sure it has a strong

connection to the rest of the sentence. Don't use an absolute phrase

simply for its beauty.

For example, we wouldn't want to write: "Alexis walked down the

path to the chapel, blackbirds overhead." Now, if those birds provided

some greater meaning to her mood or her venture to the chapel, that's

great. Otherwise, it's important to be selective when using these phrases.

Make sure your next absolute phrase connects to the sentence and

provides greater depth. And always remember it should either expand

the sentence (by explaining a cause or a condition) or focus the readers'

attention on added detail.

Examples of Absolute Phrases

Sometimes the best way to comprehend the intricacies of the

English language is to see them in action. Let's take a look.

1) His love stronger than ever, Anton swept her up in one last

dance.

2) Lacey boarded the train, her past behind her.

3) Anton and Lacey met, completely unaware of their love for one

another.

4) They finished their first meal together, their tummies satisfied

and their hearts satiated.

5) All things equal, you should be able to board your train on time.

6) Taken by her magic, Anton fell in love.

7) Though she was long gone, her perfume still lingered in the air.

8) The night air encapsulated by fog, she vanished like a ghost.

9) Anton continued to stand there, entranced by her spell.

10) He, bold in resolve, planned to win her over.

11) Lacey, heart pounding, stepped into his embrace.

12) Rain pouring against the window, they floated through the night

sky.

13) Eyes filling, she kissed him goodbye.

14) His arms wrapped around her, he pressed his cheek to hers.

15) They lingered in the embrace, their hearts beating as one.

 A good absolute phrase can alter the mood of any piece of writing.

In the above examples, they illustrated Anton's love and demonstrated

Lacey's longing. As you progress in your English proficiency, enjoy

adding depth and breadth to your writing with the infinite possibilities

that are absolute phrases.

In Review

Let's run through this one more time. Here are the main functions

of absolute phrases:

➢ They contain a noun and a modifier, at minimum.

➢ Absolute phrases do not contain a specific type of verb - the finite

verb. While absolute phrases may contain verbs, they're never

verbs with a subject.

➢ Absolute phrases are optional and none can stand alone as a

complete sentence. They're simply there to explain something or

provide greater detail.

World Englishes

English clearly is the world’s most widely used language in the

early 21st century: the language of formal and other interactions in very

many countries, the main tool of globalization, and the default choice for

transnational communication. Initially, the expansion of the British

Empire, beginning in the 17th century and driven by various motives for

colonization, brought it to all continents: North America and the

Caribbean, the southern hemisphere (including Australia, New Zealand,

South Africa, and other territories), and also Asia, Africa, and the Pacific

region. In contact with indigenous languages new, increasingly stable

and localized varieties of English with properties and functions of their

own have grown in many countries.

These varieties have come to be summarily labeled as “World

Englishes,” and a new subdiscipline in linguistics has emerged since the

1980s investigating their features and conditions of use. It's also known

as international English and global English. They have conventionally

been classified according to their status in specific countries and

territories, as native, second, or foreign languages, respectively, and

several theoretical models have been proposed to account for their

status, developments, and mutual relationships. Vibrant changes of the

recent past, broadly associated with a sociolinguistics of globalization

and increasing superdiversity, have continued to push the dissemination

of English to new contexts, both socially and individually, and a “post-

varieties approach” is now being envisaged.

The English language is now spoken in more than 100 countries.

Varieties of World English include American English, Australian English,

Babu English, Banglish, British English, Canadian English, Caribbean

English, Chicano English, Chinese English, Denglish (Denglisch), Euro-

English, Hinglish, Indian English, Irish English, Japanese English, New

Zealand English, Nigerian English, Philippine English, Scottish English,

Singapore English, South African English, Spanglish, Taglish, Welsh

English, West African Pidgin English, and Zimbabwean English.

In an article titled "Squaring Circles," in the International Journal

of Applied Linguistics, linguist Braj Kachru has divided the varieties of

World English into three concentric circles: inner, outer, and expanding.

Although these labels are imprecise and in some ways misleading, many

scholars would agree with [academic author and writer,] Paul Bruthiaux,

[Ph.D.,] that they offer "a useful shorthand for classifying contexts of

English worldwide." Kachru also provides a simple graphic of the circle

model of World Englishes in the slideshow, "World Englishes:

Approaches, Issues, and Resources."

Author Henry Hitchings notes in his book, "The Language Wars,"

that the term world English "is still in use, but is contested by critics

who believe it strikes too strong a note of dominance."

The Origin of World Englishes

This section, which is not meant to be exhaustive, provides a

simplified narrative of how World Englishes emerged as a field of inquiry.

1965

Linguist Braj Kachru (1932-2016) publishes his first journal

article, entitled “The Indianness in Indian English.” In the article, he lays

the theoretical groundwork for the idea of World Englishes by

interpreting how English is nativized in India, delineating some of its

unique sociological and cultural aspects, and showing that “Indian

English” is a unique variety of English which is neither an American or

British English.

1984

Kachru formally introduces the term “World Englishes” at the

Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages (TESOL) Conference

along with the global profile of English. Later, he proposes the three

concentric circles model. Both papers are subsequently published.

 The inner circle refers to the countries where English is used as

the primary language, such as the USA, Britain, Canada, New Zealand,

and Australia.

The outer/middle circle denotes those countries where English

usage has some colonial history. This includes nations such as India,

Bangladesh, Ghana, Kenya, Malaysia, Nigeria, Pakistan, Philippines,

Singapore, Sri Lanka, Tanzania, and Zambia.

The expanding circle includes countries where English is spoken

but where it does not necessarily have a colonial history or

primary/official language status. This includes nations such as China,

Japan, South Korea, Egypt, Nepal, Indonesia, Israel, Korea, Saudi

Arabia, Taiwan, USSR, and Zimbabwe. Any country where English is

regularly spoken (even in limited contexts—e.g., for international

business) that does not fall under the first two categories is considered to

be in the expanding circle.

The boundaries between outer and expanding circles can be

blurred as the users of English in any of these specific countries may

fluctuate because of the demographic shifts, economic motivations, and

language education policy.

Kachru argues that it is important to view each variety of English

in its own historical, political, sociolinguistic, and literary contexts. This

concentric circle model does not only show the wide spread of English

across the world, but also emphasizes “the concept of pluralism,

linguistic heterogeneity, cultural diversity and the different theoretical

and methodological foundations for teaching and research in English”

(1984, p. 26).

Kachru also defines the quality of “nativeness” in World Englishes

“in terms of both its functional domains and range, and its depth in

social penetration and resultant acculturation” (1997, p. 68). A

community acquires “native” English-speaking status as it uses English

in broader a greater number of societal contexts. This process, however,

is shaped by the historical role of English in the community (e.g., as the

language of a colonizing force). It is this interaction between functionality

and history that leads to the nativization of English in a particular

society or population group. Consequently, Kachru argues, the English

language belongs not only to its native speakers but also to its various

non-native users throughout the world.

1992

Larry E. Smith contributes a chapter titled, “Spread of English and

Issues of Intelligibility” to The Other Tongue: English Across Cultures,

edited by Braj B. Kachru. Smith, in this chapter, mentions that since the

global spread of English has been very rapid by historical standards, not

all these English varieties will necessarily be intelligible to each other.

Thus, he argues that the idea of English’s “intelligibility” should be

thought of as a matter of its ability to be understood by a speaker and

listener within the same speech community, rather than its degree to be

understood solely by native speakers of English. He also proposes the

following three terms to understand the interaction between speaker and

listener: 1) intelligibility (word/utterance recognition), 2)

comprehensibility (word/utterance meaning, or “locutionary force”), and

3) interpretability (meaning behind word/utterance, “illocutionary force”).

A Phase in the History of English

"World English has been defined as a phase in the history of the

English language. This phase has witnessed the transformation of

English from the mother tongue of a handful of nations to a language

being used by far more speakers in non-mother tongue settings. The

changes that have accompanied this spread—the multiplicity of varieties

—result not from the faulty and imperfect learning of the non-mother

tongue speakers, but from the nature of the process of microacquisition,

language spread and change," says Janina Brutt-Griffler in her book

"World English."

Standardized Patterns

In the introduction to the book, "English in the World: Global

Rules, Global Roles," Rani Rubdy and Mario Saraceni point out: "The

global spread of English, its causes and consequences, have long been a

focus of critical discussion. One of the main concerns has been that of

standardization. This is also because, unlike other international

languages such as Spanish and French, English lacks any official body

setting and prescribing the norms of the language. This apparent

linguistic anarchy has generated a tension between those who seek

stability of the code through some form of convergence and the forces of

linguistic diversity that are inevitably set in motion when new demands

are made on a language that has assumed a global role of such immense

proportions.

"One consequence of the global predominance that English has

gained over the last few decades is that today non-native speakers of
English far outnumber its native speakers (Graddol 1997, Crystal 2003)."

In the "Oxford Guide to World English," Tom McArthur says,

"[A]lthough world English is varied, certain varieties and registers are

fairly tightly controlled, often through standardized patterns of use....

Thus, there is a marked uniformity in the following areas:

Airports

In the public usage of international airports, where, on signboards,

English is often twinned with other languages, and announcements are

commonly in English or are multilingual including English.

Newspapers and periodicals

English-language broadsheet newspapers and magazine-style

periodicals, in which the texts are tightly edited...

Broadcast media

The programming of CNN, the BBC, and other especially TV news-

and-views services, in which presentational formulas and formats are at

least as crucial as in newspapers.

Computer use, email, and the internet/web

In such computer and internet services as those offered by

Microsoft...."

Teaching World English

From Liz Ford's article in The Guardian, "UK Must Embrace

'Modern' English, Report Warns":

"The UK needs to abandon its outdated attitudes to English and

embrace new forms of the language to maintain its influence in the

global market, the left-wing think tank Demos said today.

"In a series of recommendations, the report, 'As you like it:

Catching up in an age of global English,' says that far from being

corruptions of English, new versions of the language, such as 'Chinglish'

and 'Singlish' (Chinese and Singaporean varieties of English) have values

'that we must learn to accommodate and relate to.'

"It says the UK should focus English teaching on how the language

is now used around the world, 'not according to arcane strictures of how

it should be spoken and written.'...

"The report's authors, Samuel Jones and Peter Bradwell, say

change is vital if the UK wants to maintain its influence around the

world....

"'We have retained ways of thinking about the English language

that were more suited to empire than they are to a modern, globalised

world, and we are at risk of becoming outdated,' says the report."

Issues of curriculum and materials

While setting a uniform target variety is important for English

language instruction, designing effective curricula (although there are

disagreements, I use the term syllabus and curriculum interchangeably

in this paper, see Brown, 1995 for more) and developing suitable

materials are also part of important considerations in ELT. With an ever-

expanding landscape of English, ELT curriculum and materials need to

be innovative to meet the burgeoning complexities surrounding English

language pedagogy. Below, I discuss why it is often difficult to make ELT

curriculum and materials effective while facing the challenges that

various WE phenomena pose.

Innovation and flexibility are two major themes in the twenty-first

century to deal with the new challenges one encounters on a daily basis.

Like other spheres of life, this phenomenon is applicable in ELT as well.

Likewise, it is important to consider the adaptability factors in ELT—

factors that would make various aspects of ELT—curriculum and

materials, methods and approaches serve the desired purposes most

efficiently. The ensuing discussions will show this task is not easy.

Hadley (1999) reports on novelty in ELT curricula at the tertiary level in

some Japanese colleges and universities. To keep up with the need for

effective English language pedagogy and at the discretion of the Japanese

Ministry of Education, these colleges and universities introduced what

Hadley describes as "innovative" ELT curricula. Some of the

characteristics of these curricula are: only English language usage in

classrooms (also known as immersion), no teacher-centered classes–

students may express themselves the way they wanted—"laughing,

joking, and expressing their opinions in English" (Fukuda & Sasaki,

1995; cited in Hadley, 1999, p. 93). Also prevalent were practices such as

"English lounges" where English was the only language for

communication, native-speaker-conducted English classes, pairing

students with native-English-speaking roommates (e.g., American), and

increasing the number of native-speaking teachers to promote co-

operative learning based on interactions between teachers and learners.

Furthermore, English content courses taught exclusively in English were

introduced.

As one examines the characteristics of "innovative" ELT curricula,

several interesting phenomena emerge. Clearly, making learners

communicatively competent is an objective that was taken seriously by

administrators at these institutions. Furthermore, there is an attempt to

provide learners with as much exposure to English as possible, by

creating English-speaking environments within a non-native context. In

fact, there are overt efforts to have native-speaking teachers/students

involved in the process (which may remind one of the "Anglo-Saxon

attitudes" [Seidlhofer, 2005, p. 167] of grassroots-level administrators).

While it is heartening to see efforts for innovation in ELT, one cannot

help wondering about potential challenges associated with it. For

instance, implementing the mandatory use of English at all times may

help improve learners' spoken abilities, but the question remains as to

how an instructor may objectively write and give a test on such open-

ended skills acquired by learners. How about learners' reading and

writing skills–do the administrators consider them entirely irrelevant to

learners for effective communication in English? Having as many native-

speaking teachers as possible may sound exciting, but is it not, in

essence, reverting to the old days of approximating native varieties of

English, and thus undermining the "World Englishes movement"? Issues

such as these continue to baffle ELT circles far and wide.

Drawing on the "functional" dimensions of language use, Coffin

(2003) recommends that curriculum designers/language teachers

organize and structure the language curriculum in ways that would fall

in line with the "theory of language as 'social action'" (p. 11). She

identifies four areas of language use on which learners need to build

their knowledge, namely, text structure, experiential, interpersonal, and

textual grammar. Each of these four areas serves various aspects of

language use in everyday life. Knowledge of text structure, for example,

would help learners with different types of written and spoken texts in

different cultures and contexts. Knowledge of experiential grammar

provides learners with "grammatical resources for representing the

world" (p.15)—making them aware of the people or things, processes, and

circumstances involved in language use. And, while interpersonal

grammar relates to knowledge of successful incorporation of linguistic

choices based on various social relations and attitudes, textual grammar

helps learners organize the message so as to facilitate the smooth "flow of

information" (Coffin, 2003).

Coffin (2003) argues that a careful and systematic analysis of these

four areas of language use can provide important insights into devising

syllabuses for English language learners. What is interesting in Coffin's

(2003) argument is that she proposes the identification of a set of spoken

and written genres that directly relate to the social and cultural contexts

in which language learners are most likely to operate. These genres then

could be incorporated into the language syllabus. While Coffin's (2003)

acknowledgement of social and cultural sensitivity renders support to the

pluricentrism that is central to the discussion of a World Englishes

perspective of ELT, there are potential shortcomings to her notion of ELT

syllabus. English education in the twenty-first century has crossed all

national borders. Therefore, it is extremely difficult to devise a localized,

context-specific syllabus that would address all possible social and

cultural contexts in which English learners would operate. Also, for the

most part, the major theme of ELT in our time is to acquire

communicative competence. Having students learn a handful of spoken

and written genres would certainly not serve them well to this end.

Adding second language acquisition perspectives to the current

discussions on ELT, Ellis (1993) argues for structural syllabuses in

English language programs. Structural syllabuses would incorporate

structures of the language at various levels (e.g., phonology, morphology,

syntax) for English language learners. The rationale behind Ellis'

argument rests upon the claim that grammar teaching should be done as

part of "consciousness-raising" act among learners. In short,

consciousness-raising refers to instilling an understanding of the various

"formal and functional properties" of the target language in learners'

minds. This process of consciousness-raising is compatible with L2

acquisition theory of "learnability" (Ellis, 1993). While Ellis' (1993)

accounts add interesting L2 acquisition perspectives to ELT syllabus

design, it must be remembered that there have been long-drawn debates

regarding whether or not grammar instruction helps language learning in

the first place (e.g., Ferris, 1999; Truscott, 1996). Furthermore, much of

English language learning in the twenty-first century occurs in informal,

out-of-class settings and learners are generally exposed to a myriad of

language input, derived from different varieties of English in various

contexts. Therefore, ELT syllabuses that do not account for contextual

variables such as these may turn out to be ineffective.

As research aims to reach a common ground for intelligibility of

different varieties of English across the world, Jenkins (1998) presents

some core phonological issues to be included in the pronunciation

syllabus of English language programs. Jenkins (1998) identifies

problems with setting the unrealistic goal of approximating native

speakers (e.g., either British or American) norms in the syllabus. Instead,

she argues for a compromise norm of pronunciation of English as an

International Language (EIL). EIL norms would have three core areas of

instruction namely segmental, nuclear stress, and the effective use of

articulatory setting. Jenkins (1998) maintains that EIL norms of

pronunciation would promote international intelligibility, freedom to

express EIL speakers' own variety, and stop approximation of native

speakers' norms. Jenkins' (1998) argument, while persuasive, it is just a

proposal and likewise, we must examine it carefully. As one would

imagine, codifying all pronunciation problems with non-native speakers

of English is an extremely difficult task. Also, it is quite daunting to

address pronunciation difficulties of non-native speakers with so many

different L1s and to come up with a uniform set of core pronunciation

instruction areas. All in all, one may see that designing an effective

English curriculum entails a great deal of difficulty.

Since curriculum design and materials development go hand in

hand, failing to shed some light on materials development, this section of

the paper would remain incomplete. Good materials are essential for

achieving the goals and objectives stated in the syllabus. Lately, the

concept of authentic texts (Little, Devitt, & Singleton, 1988) is quite

pervasive in ELT circles. It is believed that "…exposing students to the

language of the real world will help them acquire an effective receptive

competence in the target language" (Guariento & Morley, 2001, p. 347). It

is also believed that authentic texts bridge the gap between students'

linguistic knowledge and their capacity to use the language in real life

situation (Wilkins, 1976 as cited in Guariento & Morley, 2001). Literature

in the field suggests that, in spite of their supposed effectiveness,

authentic texts/materials are not devoid of their own share of problems.

One of the problems voiced by Guariento and Morley (2001) is the

mismatch between authentic texts and language tasks. They argue that

authentic materials are of no help unless they can derive authentic

responses from language learners.

This phenomenon is especially true in the case of English language

materials. In ELT, for example, learners' tasks are typically based upon

guessing rather than a complete control and understanding of the tasks

as students cannot relate the tasks to the contexts (i.e., materials used

come from contexts such as USA or Britain that are completely foreign to

them). The claim that authentic materials stimulate motivation in

language tasks also needs to be considered with caution. Peacock (1997)

shows how authentic materials were found less interesting than artificial

materials. On a separate note, Wong, Kwok, and Choi (1995) maintain

that the effectiveness of authentic materials depends upon, among other

things, teacher's knowledge of "each student's ability," students'

"temperament and readiness," and the teacher's judgment on

manipulation of the materials. González (2010), in this regard, argues for

an incorporation of local teacher educators' voices into the design of

curricula and development of materials.

As one can see, materials by themselves cannot involve students in

tasks for language learning. It requires a great deal of perseverance and

hard work on the part of the teachers. In fact, without teachers'

conscientious efforts, it is extremely difficult for language learners to

make the best use of the materials. The bottom line is that unless more

localized culture- and context-specific materials are used in ELT

classrooms, it is difficult for both teachers and learners to relate to the

language tasks. Matsuda (2003) fittingly argues that textbooks should

provide English language learners more exposure to English as an

International Language (EIL) by incorporating more characters from

outer- and expanding-circle countries. In order for a successful

incorporation of EIL components into the materials, textbook writers/

materials developers must be conscientious of the appropriacy of the

characters and activities/tasks so that they derive "authentic" response

from learners.

What to test, how to test?

Tests are integral part of any language program. No matter how

undesirable tests are, for both teachers and learners, there needs to be

some form of tests in order for teachers to assess learners' achievement

and to evaluate the effectiveness of instructions. Furthermore, tests may

be required for gate-keeping measures for various purposes (e.g., jobs,

immigration, pay raise, etc.). More often than not, language tests entail

high-stakes choices. Tests in ELT are particularly complicated, at least

on two counts: First, there are an unprecedented number of test takers

(more generally, "users," which include both test givers and test takers,

and all others who use test scores for some reasons) of English and the

stakes involved in these tests are enormous. Second, as mentioned

earlier, there is no single reference point for SE, making both teachers

and learners grapple with the design and preparation for these tests. It is

the latter that relates more directly to various WE phenomena. Because

there is no uniform reference point for SE, it is difficult for test givers to

design and administer tests that would truly test learners' knowledge for

communication in the pluricentric world. Furthermore, although there

are various local varieties of English, they are invariably excluded from

most high-stakes proficiency tests in English. At the local level, too,

teachers are compounded by questions such as how to test learners'

proficiency in English objectively and what skills reflect learners' actual

proficiency.

Hamp-Lyons and Davies (2008) maintain that high-stakes English

proficiency tests such as TOEFL and IELTS are often condemned on the

grounds that they are biased and unfair to test takers who follow

exonormative standards. The contention revolves around the fact that

while an International English (IE) view of the situation suggests that

there is and should be only one norm of English, the norm of the
educated native speakers of English, the more liberal of WE is that to

impose an IE norm on non-native English speakers, many of whom

already have local standards/norms (such as Singaporean English,

Indian English), is discriminatory (Hamp- Lyons & Davies 2008).

Additionally, though high-stakes proficiency tests of English such

as IELTS, TOEFL, TOEIC, etc. are often claimed to be international in

their scope of potential test takers and the varieties of English tested,

Chalhoub-Deville and Wigglesworth (2005) express their reservations

about such claims. While it is true that IELTS has international

partnership (i.e., University of Cambridge, The British Council, and IDP

Australia) for developing tests, it still fails to provide a uniform reference

point as to what should be considered as an international knowledge

base for English (Chalhoub-Deville & Wigglesworth, 2005). The same is

true about TOEFL. For instance, although TOEFL's purpose statement

endorses the use of the TOEFL scores by various institutions such as

government agencies around the world, its research agenda and test

design and development do not support the incorporation of such uses of

English (Chalhoub-Deville & Wigglesworth, 2005). Test of Spoken

English (TSE), a component of TOEFL, supposedly measures test takers'

proficiency in communicating in English. However, Chalhoub-Deville and

Wigglesworth (2005) maintain that the "design, development, and

research… [are] …oriented by and focused on North American contexts"

(p. 386), ignoring the vast majority of other contexts around the world in
which the test results are to be used.

High-stakes proficiency tests aside, localized English tests too are

compounded by various phenomena of WE, for the most part, by the fact

that there are so many varieties and norms of English. As a result, while

writing tests, local test administrators fail to set the appropriate target

model of English. Additionally, because there is no uniform variety of

English to be used as a reference point, English language learners often

go through enormous stress as well.

Another level of problem emerges when test givers have to decide

what kind of proficiency is to be tested. Generally speaking, one's

language proficiency entails a holistic measure of one's competence in

the target language. However, in reality, especially after the inception of

the communicative method of language teaching, English educators are

caught-up between testing learners' communicative competence and

discrete-point grammatical knowledge. In outer- and expanding-circle

countries, it is still not certain whether it is enough to test learners'

communicative competence as an appropriate measure for proficiency in

English, since testing communicative competence by itself may not be

able to provide a true indication of learners' writing and reading skills

necessary for various academic and professional contexts. That is,

someone who is communicatively competent in non-academic, informal

situations may still have difficulty in reading and writing tasks at

academic and professional levels.

 Conundrums relating to standards of English pose a different kind

of problem in testing spoken English. As mentioned earlier, because

there is no uniform reference point for SE pronunciation, it is extremely

difficult for test administrators to set uniform grading rubrics for testing

pronunciation. Although Levis' (2005) "intelligibility principle" may be

considered to be a compromise position in assessing pronunciation,

researchers argue that there is no universally-agreed-upon measure for

"intelligibility" of speech (Derwing & Munro, 2005; Jenkins, 2000). In

fact, there are so many variables that affect intelligibility measurement

that it is almost impossible to obtain a truly objective score of

intelligibility. Finally, most second language acquisition research shows

that foreign accent is a natural phenomenon for post-puberty learners of

any given language. Therefore, there are questions regarding whether or

not it is practical to set native-like pronunciation norms for testing

spoken English.

As one can see, testing in ELT can be extremely difficult. It is

evident from the discussions above that many of the problems occur due

to the unavailability of a uniform, universally-agreed-upon standard

variety of English that can be modeled while designing tests.

Additionally, diverse global communication scenarios as well as new

needs and new demands coupled with an ever-changing landscape of

English language because of its continuous spread over the last few

decades make it challenging for educators to determine English language

testing norms. Needless to say, this continues to confound English

language teachers in their classroom teaching and beyond.

New age, new challenges, new roles of English teachers

English teachers these days are confronted with unprecedented

challenges that make their job difficult. Because teachers play a central

role in language pedagogy both in and outside the classroom, the way

they go about doing their tasks has a profound impact on ultimate

teaching and learning outcomes. Literature in the field suggests how

English teachers' jobs have become complex with the emerging norms

and varieties of English across the globe. Additionally, English teachers

have to work within various local exigencies, which keep changing across

contexts and cultures and give rise to further challenges (e.g.,

Baumgartner, 2007). Overall, in order for English teachers to be

successful in their job, it is imperative that they are aware of the various

nuances of ELT at present. Matsuda (2006) amply maintains that

changing curriculum alone does not help materialize the changes in ELT.

Since teachers play a crucial role in carrying out the actual teaching

activities, teacher training is an important process that must be given

due importance.

Non-native English-speaking teachers (NNESTs) constitute about

80 percent of the total English teachers in the world (Canagarajah,

1999). Considering the current status of English language education, it

is neither practical nor possible to employ only native English-speaking

teachers (NESTs) to teach English (Pasternak & Bailey, 2004). What this

means is that NNESTs need to be properly trained and educated with the

current theories of language and methods of language teaching. In

addition, they must also be abreast of the latest language acquisition

theories so that they can employ the requisite knowledge of ELT.

This brings us to the core issue of teacher education: How are

language proficiency and professional qualifications viewed in ELT? It is

indeed an intriguing issue that has left scholars in the field occupied in

debate for years. Pasternak and Bailey's (2004) view on the matter is that

language proficiency is only one aspect of English language teachers'

professional qualification. English teachers must also have appropriate

professional preparations to be able to teach (Phillipson, 1992). They

must have declarative knowledge–knowledge about the subject area, in

this case the English language, as well as an understanding of various

facts relating to educational psychology, second language acquisition,

and current socio-political events. They must also have procedural

knowledge– knowledge about how to/ability to do things, in this case the

actual teaching. Pasternak and Bailey (2004) maintain that English

language teachers should be able to accomplish at least three key things:

Knowing about (1) how to use the target language; (2) how to teach in a

culturally sensitive way; and (3) how to behave in a target culture (p.

158). As explained in Pasternak and Bailey's (2004) accounts, ELT in our

times is much more complicated than many believe. English teachers

need much more than just being native speakers of English. In fact,

being native English speakers and having proficiency in English do not

necessarily go hand in hand (Pasternak & Bailey, 2004). Furthermore,

even if an English teacher is proficient in English, that alone does not

qualify him or her to be a good teacher–he or she needs much more

professional preparation to be eligible for teaching. This means that

associating native English speakers with an automatic choice for English

teaching positions is quite problematic since native English teachers may

be completely foreign to various local needs and preferences.

Drawing on the examples of the teacher education programs in

Egypt and Uzbekistan, Snow, Kamhi-Stein, and Brinton (2006) outline

important points that need to be taken into consideration for both pre-

and in-service English teacher training programs. They stress that "…the

immediate context of language teaching and the socio-cultural factors…"

(p. 274) should be important criteria while devising teacher training

programs for English-as-a-lingua-franca settings. Indeed, contextual

variables are too important to be ignored in teacher education

curriculum since teachers have to work under various local constraints.

Snow, Kamhi-Stein, and Brinton's (2006) further recommendations

include going beyond the inner-circle variety of English both in teacher

training programs and classroom teaching and deconstructing the myth

of the native speaker. They also argue that while there can be
collaboration between local and outside experts, professional

development should be guided by local norms. González (2010), for

example, shows how Columbian teachers and teacher educators are

gaining "respected space" in ELT and "displacing some traditional voices

of world-renowned scholars" (pp. 344-45).

Overall, literature in the field recognizes the importance of

promoting local norms for the English language in teacher training

programs. There is also enough indication for going beyond inner-circle

varieties of English and training English teachers to value local varieties

of the language (e.g., Snow, Kamhi-Stein, & Brinton, 2006). However, the

fact remains that it is difficult to entirely do away with inner-circle-

centric norms, partly because in many cases teacher education programs

are either funded or administered by inner-circle English language

educators (Snow, Kamhi-Stein, & Brinton, 2006). A corollary of this is

that English teacher training objectives, materials, or even the training

itself rarely addresses context-specific needs. In fact, inner-circle-centric

ideologies are so profoundly embedded into the teacher training curricula

that native-speaking norms are automatically transmitted into the

training activities. Since there is still a lack of a well-laid-out and

comprehensive non-native-speaking English teacher training program,

realistically it is going to take a lot of time before one can move beyond

the inner-circle norms.

As with the three other areas discussed previously, teacher training

programs are heavily dependent upon inner-circle norms. Although

literature abounds arguing for a pluricentric, all-encompassing ELT

approach that would recognize non-inner-circle varieties of English, the

accounts above show that while we are well underway to that end,

problems are still prevalent. In order to take ELT forward, both educators

and theorists in the field must recognize these facts sooner than later.