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Use For Data Analysis and Test RunThesis

This thesis explores young adults' perspectives on gambling and its media representation through qualitative interviews with participants aged 18-25. Thematic analysis revealed three main themes: 'Temptation', 'Stay Away', and 'What Would Others Think?', highlighting the ambivalence young adults feel towards gambling influenced by societal and media factors. The findings emphasize the need for increased awareness of gambling consequences and tailored support services for young individuals facing gambling-related issues.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
38 views182 pages

Use For Data Analysis and Test RunThesis

This thesis explores young adults' perspectives on gambling and its media representation through qualitative interviews with participants aged 18-25. Thematic analysis revealed three main themes: 'Temptation', 'Stay Away', and 'What Would Others Think?', highlighting the ambivalence young adults feel towards gambling influenced by societal and media factors. The findings emphasize the need for increased awareness of gambling consequences and tailored support services for young individuals facing gambling-related issues.

Uploaded by

Grace Wangithi
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd
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YOUNG ADULTS’ PERSPECTIVES OF GAMBLING AND REPRESENTATION ON MEDIA

A Thematic Analysis of Young

Adults’ Perspectives of Gambling

and its Representation on Media

Tanya A. Rajmangal

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements

of the University of East London for the degree of

Professional Doctorate in Counselling Psychology

Student No. U1326868

August 2017

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Abstract

The impact of technology has been a key interest in gambling literature.

Quantitative research studies appear to be prominent in the gambling field identifying

positive correlations between positive attitudes towards gambling and problem

gambling. Given the increased coverage of gambling in the media and the advances in

technology, young people are more exposed to the behaviour. Young adults at the age

of 18 are legal to gamble anywhere, it would be important for us to understand how they

perceive gambling in order to shape support services for young people with problem

gambling.

This study aims to shed light on young adults’ perspectives of gambling and its

representation in the media using a qualitative design. Semi-structured interviews were

conducted with a sample of 10 participants between 18-25 years of age as they were

deemed as young adults. Thematic analysis (TA) was used to analysis the transcripts.

The analysis revealed three main themes; ‘Temptation’, ‘Stay Away’ and ‘What Would

Others Think?’. Each theme consisted of four subthemes which illustrates how the

participants perceived gambling and the factors that contributed to their perspective and

understanding.

The research findings illustrated that society and the media play a vital role in

providing the participants with details of gambling. Participants all appeared to be

enticed by advertisements and chances of winning in gambling but displayed

ambivalence due to the consequences and stereotypes in gambling. There appeared to be

evidence of a dilemmatic element in regard to gambling which was understood as the

participants battling with common-sense.

The research highlights a need to raise awareness of the consequences of

gambling amongst young people and shape support services to acknowledge the

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tensions that gambling clients may face. The limitations of the study, implications for

Counselling psychologists and recommendations for future research are presented.

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Acknowledgements

Firstly, I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor, Dr Yannis Fronimos for

his ongoing support and guidance throughout the write up of this project. I would also

like to thank Dr Kendra Gilbert for her support from the initial ideas to getting this

research off the ground.

This study would have not been possible without the good will of my

participants. Thank you so much for taking the time to share your perspectives with me.

To my fellow trainee counselling psychologist, Monika Copija, I am grateful to have

shared this journey with you, I thank you for all your support.

Thank you to my family and friends for your unconditional love and support. To

My Mother and brother who have always believed in my academia and ability to be

successful. With patience and hard work, you have taught me that nothing is impossible.

A special thank you to Jemel and Thee – your patience and ongoing encouragement

have helped fuel this research. I would like to acknowledge my father, who sadly is not

with us, I thank him for his everlasting love and I will be forever grateful for the values

he and my mother have instilled in me. Without that, I would have never pursued

counselling psychology.

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Contents Page

INTRODUCTION TO THE THESIS 1

Chapter 1: Literature Review 3

1.1 Young People and Mental Health 3

1.2 Gambling 5

1.3 Psychological Problems associated with Gambling 7

1.4 Psychological Perspectives of Problem Gambling 14

Psychoanalytical perspective. 14

Biological perspective. 15

Behavioural perspective. 17

Cognitive perspective. 19

Cognitive-behavioural perspective. 21

Sociological perspective. 22

1.5 Recent developments in gambling 22

Mobile gambling 25

Social media, gambling and gaming. 26

Impact of accessibility 29

1.6 Media and Gambling 31

1.7 Rationale for the Current Study 35

1.8 Aims of the Study and its Relevance to Counselling Psychology 36

Chapter 2: Methodology 39

2.1 Research Design 39

Qualitative design. 39

Epistemology. 39

2.2 Thematic Analysis 41

2.3 Participants 45

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2.4 Recruitment 48

2.5 Ethics 49

2.6 Data Collection 50

2.7 Data Analysis 52

2.8 Credibility of the research process 54

Chapter 3: Findings 56

3.1 Overview of the main themes 56

3.2 Temptation 58

3.3 Stay Away 68

3.4 What would others think? 80

3.5 Summary and preliminary discussion 90

3.6 Reflection on the process of analysis 91

Chapter 4: Discussion 93

4.1 Discussion of findings 93

4.2 Implications for Counselling Psychology 101

4.3 Limitations 104

4.4 Recommendations for future research 105

4.5 Conclusion 107

4.6 Reflexivity 108

References 113

Appendices 160

Appendix A: Research Advertisement 160

Appendix B: Participant information sheet 161

Appendix C: Participant consent form 163

Appendix D: Ethical approval- University of East London’s research

ethics committee (UREC) 164

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Appendix E: Participant Debriefing Information 167

Appendix F: Interview schedule 168

Appendix G: Images shown to participants 169

Appendix H: Examples of interview transcripts 167

Appendix I: Example of transcript with hand written codes, phase 2 168

Appendix J: Image from the 3rd phase of analysis 171

Appendix K: Thematic map of phase 4 themes 175

List of Tables

Table 1: Phases of Thematic Analysis 43

Table 2: Participant details 48

List of Figures

Figure 1: Final thematic map

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Introduction to the Thesis

The gambling industry has seen significant changes in the last 15 years due to

the increased availability of internet gambling (Gainsbury, 2015). Technology has

always played a role in gambling however, the use of applications on mobile phones has

made it accessible to anyone at any time (Griffiths, 2011). Furthermore, the increased

prevalence of gambling advertisements ensures that there is an increased exposure to

youths, which has been found to influence early gambling experiences (Korn, Hurson &

Reynolds, 2005). There has been a considerable amount of research on correlations

between gambling advertisements and attitudes, using quantitative designs; however,

there appears to be little research exploring how gambling is perceived, especially

amongst young adults who are at the legal age to gamble in the United Kingdom. The

main aim of this study is to explore young adults’ perceptions of gambling and

perceptions of media representations of gambling. The first chapter provides a review of

the literature, presents the rationale for the current study and outlines the aims and its

relevance to Counselling Psychology.

The researcher positioned herself philosophical standpoints as associated with a

critical realist approach where she acknowledges her interest in subjectivity. The

methodology chosen in this study was Thematic Analysis (TA). The data analysis

involved one-to-one semi-structured interviews with ten participants aged 18–25 years.

Chapter two discusses the researcher’s epistemological position, chosen method of

analysis, and provides details on the procedure of the study.

From analysis of transcripts, three main themes were identified, each with four

subthemes. ‘Temptation’ was characterised by enticement, enjoyment, fun, and life

experience. ‘Stay away’ consisted of participants’ descriptions of disgust, wealth, fear,

and alienation. The final theme, ‘What would others think?’, comprises: media tells us,

stigma, apps alleviate shame, and peer influence. The analysis chapter presents each

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theme and its subsequent subtheme, along with quotes from the transcripts. There

appeared to be existing literature that supported these findings which is discussed in

more detail.

The final chapter discusses the findings in relation to existing literature, and

outlines the contribution to counselling psychology, limitations of the study, and

recommendations for future research. Lastly, the researcher reflexive comments are

presented.

The thesis followed the APA 6th edition, apart from the page numbers, which

followed University of East London (UEL) guidelines.

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Chapter One

Literature Review

This chapter provides a review and critical appraisal of the existing literature on

gambling in order to provide a background and context of the research and to outline

existing knowledge relevant to the research questions. Furthermore, this review

discusses the developments in gambling and psychological problems associated with

gambling, along with theories of problem gambling. Literature on youth gambling and

the overlap with gaming is presented. Following the review of literature, the research

questions, aims and relevance to counselling psychology are outlined.

1.1 Young people and Mental Health

The emotional wellbeing of children and young people is equally important as

their physical health (Public Health England, 2016). The Mental Health Foundation

(1999) describes children and young people who are mentally healthy as having the

ability to develop psychologically, intellectually, emotionally, creatively, and spiritually

in a positive and fulfilling manner. They should also enjoy mutually satisfying personal

relationships, have empathy, use and enjoy solitude, play and learn, develop a sense of

right and wrong and have the ability to resolve problem and setbacks in their lives

(MHF, 1999). Good mental Health in young people allows them to develop the

resilience to cope with life and grow into mentally healthy adults (MHF, 1999).

Young people’s mental health problems are common and have long-lasting

consequences. Research has identified that one in ten of Britain’s 5 – 16 year olds suffer

a clinically impairing disorder (Green et al, 2005) commonly including depression,

anxiety, attention deficit hyperactivity disorders (ADHD) and conduct disorders.

Depressive disorders within adolescence have been associated with a number of

negative outcomes such as academic difficulties, difficulties with interpersonal

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relationships, physical health, substance misuse, smoking and suicide (Fergusson,

Woodward & Horwood, 2000; Weissman, et al, 1999). It has been noted that

depressive disorders are more prevalent in girls (Hyde, Mezulis & Abramson, 2008) and

young people in deprived areas (Yoshikawa, Aber & Beardslee, 2012). The England

Public Health (2016) statistics reported that about 67,600 young people in England are

seriously depressed and each year 150,000 attend A&E following self-harm. One in

seven 15 year olds reported low life satisfaction in 2014 – 2015 (England Public Health,

2016). Studies have found that young people can be predisposed to suicide if they

experience stressful life events, childhood maltreatment and/or sexual abuse,

interpersonal and familial difficulties, parental divorce, maladaptive parenting,

psychiatric disorders, substance abuse and family history of suicide (Gould et al, 2003;

Kelly et al, 2002; Nower et al, 2004)

Anxiety disorders in adolescence are associated with increased rates of anxiety and

also depression in early adulthood (Creswell, Waite, Cooper, 2014). It has also been

linked later in life with major depression, substance misuse, underachievement in

education, early parenthood and suicide (Woodward & Fergusson, 2001). Anxiety and

depressive disorders are often co-occurring with gambling problems in youth (Arbinaga,

2000; Gupta & Derevensky, 1998). For youth and adults gambling can result in

significant psychological distress (Nower, et al, 2004) affecting their overall mental

health. Gambling problems have been associated with various mental health disorders

including depression, anxiety, substance misuse, ADHD and suicide. Adolescent

gambling has also been linked to severe gambling problems later on in life (Burge et al,

2004). This is discussed further throughout.

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1.2 Gambling

Aasved (2002, p. 3) argued that according to most definitions, gambling means

“risking something of value on the unknown outcome of some future event”. Wildman

(1997, p. 1) suggested that gambling is “a conscious, deliberate effort to stake valuables,

usually but not always currency”. It is usually associated with poker games, casinos, or

bets on competitive events such as horse racing or football (Aasved, 2002). However,

there are also gambling opportunities in the stock market, real estate, and business

ventures (Aasved, 2002). According to the Gambling Commission (2007), gambling

now includes the buying of lottery tickets. There is a spectrum of gambling comprising

of social, recreational, or professional, where gambling does not result in any significant

problems (Petry, Stinson & Grant, 2005), all the way to problem gambling (Bowden-

Jones & George, 2015). There has been a growing concern over the increasing gambling

problem in youths. Statistics from the Gambling Commission (2016) show that in the

UK, 16% of 11–15 year olds from a sample of 2,411 had gambled in the previous week.

8% of the sample gambled on commercial premises and 8% played games for money

with peers. Research in the US and Canada identified that approximately 80% of

adolescents have participated in some form of gambling during their lifetime (Shaffer &

Hall, 1996).

Recently, there has been an increase in the number of gambling outlets that have

opened in the UK. The Gambling Commission’s (2014) research shows that in March

2010, bingo clubs had, on average, 18,069 gaming machines, whereas in March 2014

there were, on average, 47,788 machines. During this period, total casino attendance

increased. London-based casinos have seen the biggest growth in customer numbers,

increasing from 3.58 million from April 2009–March 2010, to 6.47 million from April

2013–March 2014 (Gambling Commission, 2014). The most recent UK gambling

industry statistics in 2016 show that between April 2015 and March 2016, the regulated

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UK gambling industry generated a gross gambling yield (GGY) of £13.6bn, an increase

of 20.8% compared to the previous year. Between these dates, statistics identify that the

majority of gambling was remote betting, bingo, and casino (Gambling Commission,

2016). Remote gambling is defined as gambling in which persons participate by the use

of remote communication; typically via the internet (accessed via computers, tablets,

and smartphones), telephone, or television.

There has been considerable research into the influence of the decision making of

whether to gamble or not. A model that provides an insight into the decision making

process in addictive behaviours is the expectancy theory (Jones, Corbin & Fromme,

2001). This draws on social learning theories, and proposes that an individual’s choice

to engage in a behaviour is influenced by their expectations of the reinforcing or

punishing effects (Bandura, 1977). Li, Tse & Chong (2015) supported this assertion and

suggested that positive and negative perceptions of gambling and gambling

expectancies (Spurrier & Blaszczynski, 2014) are important factors that motivate

people, particularly youths, to gamble. Expectancies are considered as a more conscious

type of information processing compared to behavioural attitudes that are more

unconscious (Gerrard et al, 2008). Expectancies are primarily formed through social

influence and observations prior to engagement with any gambling. It can be modified

through personal experience and further social influence and observational learning.

The expectancies learnt, influence the expectations of the outcome of gambling and as a

result increases or decreases the engagement of the behaviour (Chan, Zane & Wong,

2015). Studies have identified that gambling outcome expectancies are associated with

increased and problem gambling (Shead & Hodgins, 2009; St-Pierre et al, 2014;

Stewart, Stewart, Yi & Ellery, 2015; Wickwire, Whelan & Meyers, 2010). Positive

expectancies have been identified as enjoyment/ arousal, self- enhancement and

monetary gain. Whereas negative expectancies consist of over-involvement and

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negative emotional impact (Gillespie, Derevensky & Gupta, 2007). Although gambling

can be a leisure and nominal behaviour (Powell et al., 1999), it can also be a source of

considerable harm to individuals, due to the negative impact on the gambler themselves,

their families, and communities (Blaszczynski et al., 2011; Reith, 2006). This will be

looked at in more detail below.

1.3 Psychological Problems associated with Gambling

Over the last two decades, there has been an unprecedented explosion of

commercial gambling; this has developed an increasing interest into the impact of

gambling on psychological health and mental wellbeing (Zangeneh, Blaszczynski &

Turner, 2008). Gambling can give rise to different types and levels of harm, ranging

from personal, social, and vocational, to financial and legal difficulties (Rickwood et al.,

2010). Arguments related to gambling as an addiction and terminologies used will

firstly be presented.

According to the American Psychiatric Association’s fifth edition of the

Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5), gambling problems

are an indicated mental illness. The DSM-5 has provided a diagnostic criterion for a

Gambling Disorder (originally classified as pathological gambling), which is defined as

“persistent and recurrent problematic gambling behaviour leading to clinically

significant impairment or distress” (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). This

disorder varies from mild to pathological. The DSM-5 reclassified the term

‘pathological gambling’, which was categorised in the “impulse control disorders not

elsewhere classified”, as ‘gambling disorder’ in the category “substance related and

addictive disorders”. This was in order to reflect research findings that a gambling

disorder is similar to substance-related disorders in clinical expression, brain origin,

comorbidity, physiology, and treatment (Yau & Potenza, 2015). The concept of whether

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gambling can be included under the term addiction, has been under much debate as

theories of addiction have been based upon chemical and physiological body elements

rather than behavioural addiction (Yau & Potenza, 2015). A number of common

components of addiction have been identified (Brown, 1993; Griffiths, 1996). Firstly,

‘salience’, where the activity is dominating their life, thinking and their social life

deteriorates due to cognitive distortions. ‘Conflict’ arises in life which may be personal

or with others and the person builds up a ‘tolerance’ which increases engagement of the

behaviour. ‘Withdrawal’, when the activity is stopped or reduced is common which

results in ‘mood modification’. Commonly, there is a tendency for ‘relapse’ which

means reverting to previous behaviours.

The term “pathological gambling” is often used interchangeably with “problem

gambling” in the gambling research literature (Griffiths, 2006; Horch & Hodgins, 2013;

McCormack, 2011; Rigbye, 2013). There have also been other terms used such as

‘addictive’, ‘compulsive’, ‘disordered’ and ‘at-risk’ which are employed to reflect

different severities (Griffiths, 2007). However, Delfabbro (2008) has made a clear

distinction between the terms ‘pathological’ and ‘problem’. According to Delfabbro

(2008), the term “pathological”, though favoured by early researchers in the field

(Custer & Milt, 1985), carries a medical connotation. It conveys the opinion that

problem or excessive gambling involves a biological or hereditary origin. Within this

context, the term “problem gambling” would then be considered a result of maladaptive

brain functioning that culminates in the decrease in impulse control of behaviour – in

this case, the control of gambling (Delfabbro, 2008). Griffiths (2014, p. 6) stated that in

Great Britain, “the term ‘problem gambling’ has been used by many researchers, bodies,

and organisations, to describe gambling that compromises, disrupts or damages family,

employment, personal, or recreational pursuits”. He argued that these terms need to be

considered along a continuum where gambling addiction would be at the extreme end of

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the scale, as problem gamblers do not display all the classic indicators of an addiction,

for example, withdrawal (Griffiths, 2005). For the purpose of this thesis, terminology

will be used in accordance with the literature being discussed and problem gambling

will be used at any other time to refer to gambling that has caused disruption to the

person’s life, in line with Griffiths’ (2014) statement.

Research has identified a range of risk factors and comorbidities associated with

problem gambling. An array of psychosocial and psychological difficulties is often

associated with a diagnosis of pathological gambling (Thomsen et al., 2009). A national

telephone survey in 2008 on problem gambling and comorbid disorders found that

approximately 75% of all pathological gamblers also had problems with alcohol

(Carlbring & Smit, 2008). Research has also identified that problem gamblers reported

intimate relationship and family difficulties due to the neglect and disengagement with

peers (Rickwood et al., 2010). For those in treatment for pathological gambling, it was

found that 40–60% of problem gamblers in treatment samples experience clinical

depression (Battersby & Tolchard, 1996; MacCallum, Blaszczynski, Joukhador &

Bettie, 1999), display suicidal ideation (Battersby & Tolchard, 1996; Sullivan, Abbott,

McAvoy & Arroll, 1994), or have significant levels of anxiety (Battersby & Tolchard,

1996). Nower et al. (2004) aimed to compare the relationship of suicidality, depression,

and gambling severity in youths with three separate adolescent samples. They found

that problem and pathological gamblers reported significantly higher rates of depression

than non-gamblers and social gamblers. Blaszczynski and Farrell (1998) additionally

found that if comorbid depressive symptoms were present, the risk of completed suicide

increased.

Research has also taken into consideration the impact of a gambling problem on

the families of a gambler. Wenzel, Oren and Bakken (2008) found that considerable

consequences were reported with almost two thirds of close significant others reporting

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family conflicts, and almost half of the close significant others indicating worsening of

the family’s financial situation. Research on the spouses of problem gamblers found that

as well as financial worries (Bergh & Kuhlhorn, 1994), they also reported similar

emotional states as the gambler themselves, such as depressive symptoms (Poirier-

Arbour et al., 2014), self-blame, and emotional stress (Blaszczynski & Farrell., 1998;

Dickson-Swift et al., 2005). Suicide attempts by spouses were reported as triple that of

the general population (Lorenz & Yaffee, 1988). Evidently, there are high rates of

separation or divorce (Potenza et al, 2002). In two qualitative studies conducted by

Patford (2008, 2009), both male and female partners of gamblers (current or previous)

were interviewed to explore their experiences. The overall themes included financial

conflicts, diminished quality of life with partner, relationship tension and loss of trust,

and effects on children. Furthermore, Franklin and Thomas (1989) reported that

children of the gamblers often feel responsible for the emotional atmosphere at home,

and are often conflicted between which role to take on, including the role of the

peacemaker, serving as a scapegoat, or taking on blame. Moreover, problem gamblers

themselves reported elevated levels of problem gambling by their parents (Gupta &

Derevensky, 1997). In addressing the parents of a young gambler, Moody (1989) found

that parents tend to self-blame; the father distances himself and the mother attempts to

move closer to the gambler. This shows that a gambling problem does not only have an

impact on the individual themselves but also those who are close around them.

Surveys have shown that those with gambling problems often do not seek help

(Griffiths, 2001; Slutske, 2006; Suurvali et al., 2009). Research has identified a number

of reasons that influence this, including problem gamblers wanting to solve the problem

alone (McMillen et al, 2004), shame/embarrassment/stigma (Evans & Delfabbro, 2005;

Gainsbury et al, 2014), reluctance to admit their problem, and issues related to treatment

(Evans & Delfabbro, 2005; Ladouceur, Lachance &Fournier, 2009; Suurvali et al.,

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2009). Hing et al (2016) conducted a study which confirmed that people with gambling

problems are socially stigmatized, they attract negative stereo types, experience social

distancing, status loss and discrimination. This finding has been similarly found in other

studies (Dhillion et al, 2013; Horch & Hodgins, 2013). It has been also noted that there

is a fear of being labelled as a “problem gambler” as these negative stereotypes hides

good qualities and the individual begins to stigmatise themselves (Hing et al, 2016).

Research related to stigma in problem gambling and mental illness have stressed the

need to increased public contact with those groups in order to reduce stigma and

increase support. Researchers have consistently reported that few young people seek

treatment for problem gambling (Chevalier & Griffiths, 2004; Gupta & Derevensky,

2000; Rigby, 2014) indicating that the rates are lower than adult gamblers seeking

treatment (Rickwood et al, 2007).

With increased exposure and availability of various forms of gambling, more

young people are surrendering to the temptation and pressure to engage in these

activities as a form of entertainment (Jacobs, 2000). Researchers have argued that those

who begin gambling in childhood are more likely to later develop gambling problems

(Griffiths, 1995; Ide-Smith & Lea, 1988; Shaffer & Hall, 2001).

Problem gambling in adolescence has been identified to lead to adverse

outcomes similar to adults, such as relationship strain, delinquent and criminal

behaviour, depression, and even suicide (Derevensky & Gupta, 2004; Feigelman et al.,

2006) as well as increased risks of alcohol and substance misuse (Hardoon et al., 2002;

Huang et al., 2007). Poor ability to cope with emotions such as stress, anger, and

anxiety (Slutske et al., 2005) has also been noted. An early study by Lesieur (1991)

supported this notion, as in a college sample of pathological gamblers, it was found that

they were more likely to binge drink, smoke cigarettes and use marijuana than social or

non-gamblers. More recently, gambling has been found in youths to increase levels of

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truancy (Valentine, 2016) and impaired academic performance (Yani-de-Soriano et al.,

2012). Some studies suggest that youths of a lower socio-economic status gamble more

frequently than those of higher socio-economic status (Messerlian et al., 2007; Turchi &

Derevensky, 2006). Auger et al. (2010), additionally, found that amongst youths of low

socio-economic status, impulsivity is a key risk factor for gambling onset. Problem rates

amongst youths have been found to be higher than those generally identified among

adults (Derevensky et al, 2003; Petry, 2005; Shaffer & Hall, 1997). Valentine (2016, p.

41) argued that families may go to great lengths to support their children, or young

people, who may have a gambling problem, including “paying off their debts”

(Valentine, 2016, p. 41). Arguably, this implies that gambling problems can go

unrecognised by not only the wider community, but by the young person themselves

(Valentine, 2016). Life stress has also been associated with erroneous gambling

cognitions and has been identified as a risk factor for adolescent problem gambling

behaviour (Tang & Oei, 2011). As well as trait anxiety, tendency to take part in risky

activities and ineffective coping styles (Dickson & Derevensky, 2006). Furthermore,

problematic and pathological gambling have been associated with a means to escape

problems, reduce depression, a way to cope with loneliness, to relax and as a way to

socialize (Gillespie et al, 2007b).

An individual’s system is important to consider in their behaviour and

perceptions. Families and peers have been strongly associated as a risk factor in young

people’s development of a gambling problems (McCombe & Sebiston, 2010). Parental

and peer modelling have been found to be positively correlated with adolescents’

participation in gambling (Magoon & Ingersoll, 2006). Langhinrichsen-Rohling et al

(2004) found that peers may influence the engagement with risky behaviours. Research

has identified that adolescents usually share the same social norms which are seen as

socially acceptable and have a powerful effect on an individual’s behaviour (Berkowitz,

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2003). Pitt et al (2017) found that children’s families, especially their parents, were a

key factor in shaping their gambling attitudes and behaviours, similar to previous

studies (Gupta & Derevensky, 1997; Thomas, 2014). Children are more likely to want

to try gambling if they believe that their parents gamble (Magoon & Ingersoll, 2006).

Research has also identified that children’s first formal introduction or contact with

gambling are often via parents or other family members (Jacobs, 2005; Reith & Dobbie,

2011). Furthermore, the research presented suggests that family and systems tend to

share similar behaviours, it could be argued that as they share similar behaviours they

have similar values and perceptions. Bowen’s (1974) family systems theory views

families as tensely emotionally connected. He asserts that family members affect each

other’s thoughts, feelings and actions. A change in one members functioning is

reciprocated by other members. Drawing on Bowen’s (1974) theory, it could be argued

that family members may also influence each other’s perceptions and behaviours. This

could also be related to their perceptions of gambling.

Research has identified that outcome expectancies is a significant predictor of

adolescent risk-taking behaviour (Barnes et al, 2009; Dunn et al, 2000; Wahl et al

2005). Research on gambling expectancies have produced similar findings to that of

alcohol and drug research (Simmons et al, 2016). Wickwire et al (2010) found that

adolescent’s positive expectancies were related to more frequent and problematic

gambling behaviour. Gillespie et al (2007) supported this finding and additionally found

that young males’ expectancies about enjoyment, money and possible social

consequence of excessive gambling, were related to reports of symptoms of problem

gambling. Simmons et al (2016) similarly found that in a sample of African-American

adolescent’s males gambled more frequently and problematically than females and also

had more positive expectancies of the outcome of gambling. Psychological theories

have attempted to understand problem gambling and provide appropriate treatment.

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1.4 Psychological Perspectives of Problem Gambling

Psychoanalytic perspective. The psychodynamic perspective seeks to

understand pathological gambling through motivational forces that derive from

unconscious mental processes (Wong, 1989). Gambling is seen as “a symptom of, or an

expression of, an underlying psychological condition” (Myrseth, 2011, p. 22), however,

theorists have proposed different views. Some psychoanalysts maintain the view that

gambling has been seen to fill a void of pleasure, excitement, and promise of gain,

which stems from the absence of love and attention from parents (Simmel, 1921). Van

Hattenberg (1914) suggested that gambling was a form of self-punishment that

recompenses the individual’s guilt, this leads to a cycle of losses and gains. Stekel

(1924) asserted that compulsive gambling was similar to alcohol abuse, where both are

induced due to a need to escape and regress to childhood. Freud (1945) similarly

proposed that gamblers gamble to lose, “as losing is a means of self-inflicted

punishment to atone for guilt over the compulsion to masturbate, which in time is

related to unresolved Oedipal conflict” (Raylu & Oei, 2002, p. 1038).

There is extensive literature on psychoanalytic explanations for pathological

gambling. In summary, the three major aspects include gambling being “an unconscious

substitute for pre-genital libidinal and aggressive outlets associated with Oedipal

conflicts”, a desire “for punishment in reaction to the guilt”, and a means for recurrent

“re-enactments, but not resolutions, of the conflict” (Allcock, 1986, p. 262). The

psychodynamic model has been praised for the in-depth focus on internal processes

(Raylu & Oei, 2002). However, as it relates to unconscious processes, it has been

criticized for being untestable (Lesieur & Custer, 1984). Additionally, it overlooks

factors related to the individual’s environment or social factors.

Psychoanalysis has been thought to be a helpful treatment for pathological

gamblers as it aims to resolve interpersonal conflicts within therapy, and subsequently,

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a reduction in gambling behaviour would follow (Fong, 2005). Bergler (1957) reported

using psychoanalysis to treat 60 pathological gamblers with an abstinence rate of 75%.

However, it was not specified as to the types of gamblers treated or the specific

psychoanalysis techniques used. Psychodynamic psychotherapy for pathological

gamblers focuses on identifying the meaning behind ongoing gambling and resolving

conflicts that may have led to it, as well as focusing on reducing guilt and shame (Fong,

2005). Similar to other addictive disorders, pathological gamblers employ immature

defences, such as denial, rationalisation, or rejection (Fong, 2005). In a review of

literature on psychodynamic psychotherapy for gambling, it has been concluded that

short term treatment focusing on core issues is essential for the gambler’s need to avoid

or escape intolerable effects, and longer therapies are needed to modify coping styles

and defences (Rosenthal, 2008).

Biological perspective. In contrast to the psychodynamic model, the biological

model assumes that problematic gambling is caused by a biological predisposition. This

predisposition can give rise to gambling related problems, such as difficulty to control

impulses (Ladouceur et al., 2002). The biological perspective asserts that pathological

gambling stems from altered activity in different regions or biochemical dysfunctions

(Greck et al., 2010). Research has suggested that excitement produced from gambling is

central to problem gambling, and is associated with the physiological measures of

arousal (Moodie & Finnigan, 2005; Wulfert et al., 2005). Excitement levels in

pathological gambling may also be related to dopamine levels (Linnet et al., 2010),

which are associated with reinforcement of behaviour. Dopamine has been linked to

drug addiction (Volkow et al., 1997) as well as pathological gambling (Holden, 2001).

A study by Greck et al. (2010) on pathological gamblers found a ‘double deficit’

function of dopamine, where the maladaptive gambling was reinforced by the release of

dopamine, which increased excitement or reduced inhibition of risky decision-making,

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they suggested it could do both. Other neurotransmitter systems that have been found to

be associated with pathological gambling are norepinephrine and serotonin. Research

has identified that norepinephrine could be associated with excitement and arousal (Roy

et al, 1989) and low levels of serotonin have been found to be responsible for gambling

and other impulsive behaviour (Blanco et al, 2009; Comings et al, 1996).

The positioning of the biological perspective assumes that the gambler is either

pathological or not. This view does not allow for difference between types of gambling

behaviour patterns, and those who have a gambling problem and those who don’t. A

criticism of this model is the labelling of the gambler as ‘sick’, where single relapses

could develop a sense of hopelessness, and this therefore increases the likelihood of a

full-blown relapse (Rosecrance, 1986). Research has, however, supported the biological

model as findings identify that addictions run in families (e.g. Agrawal & Lynskey,

2008). Evidence from twin studies demonstrates the importance of hereditary factors in

the development of pathological gambling. Slutske et al (2010) suggested that genetics

accounted for nearly half of the variance for problem gambling between men and

women with no evidence indicating shared environmental influences. Xian et al (2008)

also found that after controlling for genetic and shared environment influences, in a

sample of 1,354 twins, symptoms of problem gambling were associated with cognitive

distortions. However, genetic studies do not provide evidence for predisposition of

gambling problem genes but rather describe a range of genes that may be responsible

for a propensity towards experiencing impulse control disorders (Orford et al, 2003).

Several medications have been studied as treatment of pathological gambling,

including opioid antagonists, serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SRIs), and mood stabilisers

(Grant & Kim, 2007). However, there is currently no medication approved by the Food

and Drug Administration for treatment of pathological gambling (Fong, 2005; Grant &

Kim, 2006; Zangeneh, Blaszczynski & Turner, 2008). Amongst youths, antidepressants

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and mood stabilisers are commonly incorporated into psychological treatment to help

with depression, anxiety and impulsivity (Bowden-Jones & George, 2015). The most

consistent evidence for the efficacy of a pharmacotherapy for problem gambling has

been reported for naltrexone which has been approved for drug and alcohol dependence

(Anton, 2008). Naltrexone is an opioid antagonist, and can be helpful following

detoxification in enabling a person to maintain abstinence (DoH, 2009). The National

Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) guidelines have suggested that

naltrexone can be used for young people where they are supported by a community and

substance misuse specialists (Department of Health, 2009). Naltrexone has been

subscribed to young people, and considered for adolescence if provided under

supervision (DoH, 2009). Lahti, et al, (2006) conducted a pilot study using naltrexone

as a treatment for pathological gambling. Results indicated that participant’s obsessive-

compulsive gambling and depressive symptoms had significantly decreased. Similarly,

a 12-week double-blind placebo- controlled trail, naltrexone was effective in reducing

the frequency and intensity of gambling urges and also the behaviour (Kim et al, 2001).

Behavioural perspective. The behavioural model of pathological gambling

holds the view that gambling is a learned maladaptive behaviour, which is developed

and maintained through classical and operant conditioning. Classical conditioning

involves creating an association with an existing stimulus (Pavlov, 1927), and operant

conditioning uses reinforcement and punishment to create associations with

consequences (Skinner, 1938). Reinforcements may be financial (winning money),

physiological (the thrill of gambling), psychological (increased self-esteem) or

psychosocial (the social meaning of the activity) (Griffiths, 1999).

According to Skinner and other behaviourists, the strongest and most

compelling reward sequence for shaping behaviour and maintaining gambling

behaviour is a variable-ratio schedule (Ferster & Skinner, 1957). This is where the

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response is reinforced after a number of unpredictable responses. In most gambling

cases, the monetary pay-out may always be the same, but the reward of a win is random

and unpredictable; whether the gambler has a win or a loss, they hold the view that the

next bet could always be a win.

It has been argued that addictive behaviours are strongly associated with

situational cues, whether the behaviour is intended to induce positive states or reduce

negative states (Sharpe & Tarrier, 1993). The gambling environment becomes

associated with feelings of excitement through classical conditioning, this is then

reinforced further through a combination of financial rewards and increased autonomic

arousal (Sharpe & Tarrier, 1993). Aasved (2002) provided a clear example of a

situational cue, where an overeater may be triggered to overeat by the smell of certain

foods. These behaviours may not only be triggered by the environment, but also by

internally-felt cues; for example, a substance user may understand any change in

physiological arousal as a craving, tension, boredom, or feelings of anxiety (Aasved,

2002). In regards to gambling, an example of an external cue may be the spinning of a

roulette wheel, the sound or sight of chips, or the shuffle of cards. These cues induce

internal states of arousal, which reinforce the response to gambling (Nower et al, 2004).

In agreement with classical and operant conditioning, Bandura (1977) developed

the ‘social learning theory’, which suggests that people learn how to behave by

observing and mimicking others. This implies that children learn acceptable (or non-

acceptable) behaviours from their parents, siblings, peers, and other significant people

in their lives. In relation to gambling, Walker (2008) stated that even the simplest and

most straight forward games would require some form of teaching and learning. He

suggested that the novice gambler will have to learn how to play a simple game, such as

the slot machines, and also learn the social rules that may apply. This may include

learning how to convert credits to money. Gambling research has supported this theory,

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as significant relationships have been identified between adolescent gambling behaviour

and parent gambling behaviour (e.g. Browne & Brown, 1994). Children may learn

about the excitement of gambling through vicarious reinforcement, as they watch the

positive reactions from their parents (Walker, 2008). It has been suggested that there is

a potential for the media to vicariously reinforce gambling behaviour, as attention is

usually drawn to big lottery winners rather than the millions of losses (Abrams &

Kushner, 2004). Gupta and Derevensky (1997) noted that 81% of children aged 9–14

gambled with members of their family. The social learning theory also provides the

perspective that youths who learn to gamble and become recognised as a gambler or

risk-taker gain social recognition, which can often lead to a higher status amongst peers

(Smith & Abt, 1984). The social learning theory has been praised for including the

entire population of gamblers, and not distinguishing between problematic and non-

problematic gambling (Thrasher et al., 2011). However, it minimises the individual’s

motivation, emotions, and perceptions (Brown, 1987). Given the increase in gambling

exposure and the rates of people who gamble, social learning theory can arguably help

to explain the increase in youth gambling (Li, Tse & Chong, 2014).

Behaviour therapies for pathological gambling are based on the principles of

classical and operant conditioning. Behaviour is reshaped by changing the individuals’

learned responses and reducing arousal (Fong, 2005). Methods attempting to change the

behaviour may include aversion therapy (Barker and Miller, 1966), imaginal

desensitisation (McConaghy et al., 1988) and in-vivo exposure with response

prevention (Fong, 2005).

Cognitive perspective. According to the cognitive perspective, the problem

gambler continues to play because they possess distorted beliefs about gambling that

cause them to over-estimate their chances of winning (Ladouceur & Walker, 1996).

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Gamblers develop an illusion of control and assume a greater chance of winning; their

cognitive distortions contribute to erroneous perceptions of gambling events.

Raylu and Oei (2004) developed a scale to measure cognitions that are related to

gambling. The Gambling Related Cognitions Scale (GRCS) comprises five categories

of gambling related cognitions, which are as follows: 1) Illusion of control, which

includes superstitious behaviours, for example “I have specific rituals and behaviours

that increase my chances of winning”; 2) Prediction control, which is a belief in the

ability to predict the outcome of gambling, for example “if I keep changing my

numbers, I have less chance of winning than if I keep the same numbers every time”; 3)

Interpretive bias involves reframing the outcomes of gambling in order to justify

continuing to gamble despite monetary losses. This includes attributing wins to

dispositional influences, and losses to situational influences, for example, “relating my

losses to probability makes me continue gambling”; 4) The gambling expectancies

category involves specific thoughts about the benefits of gambling, for example,

“gambling makes the future brighter”; 5) the perceived inability to stop the behaviour of

gambling, for example, “I can’t function without gambling”. The five categories are a

mixture of irrational beliefs and affective bases for gambling. Raylu and Oei (2004)

reported that scores on the Gambling Related Cognitions Scale (GRCS) were

significantly related to measures of gambling motivation and gambling problems.

There have been several studies identifying cognitive distortions in problematic

or pathological gambling, such as skill misperception, illusion of control, skewed

temporal orientation, superstitious beliefs, selective memory, and interpretative biases

(Ladouceur et al., 2002; Ladouceur & Walker, 1996). Steenbergh et al. (2004) found

that the level of cognitive distortion was related to the severity of the problematic

gambling, and the level of cognitive distortion varied with their gaming preference. This

study, therefore, shows a relationship between cognitive distortion and problem

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gambling, but due to the cross-sectional design, conclusions cannot be made about a

direct cause and effect (Myrseth, 2011). It therefore appears unclear whether gamblers

develop a gambling problem due to initial high levels for cognitive distortions, or if

excessive gambling causes increased cognitive distortions (Myrseth, 2011). What seems

to be clear, however, is that money motivation and gambling-related cognitions were

the only significant independent predictors of gambling severity amongst involvement,

motivation, impulsivity, and cognitions (Marmurek, Switzer & D’Alvise, 2014).

The cognitive treatment for pathological gambling comprises four major

components: education of gambling, developing awareness and identification of

cognitive errors, challenging the validity of irrational cognitions, and restructuring

cognitive distortions (Hodgins & Petry, 2004; Ledgerwood & Petry, 2006).

Cognitive-behavioural perspective. Some cognitive psychologists felt that

purely behavioural explanations are inadequate. Sharpe and Tarrier (1993) combined

behavioural approaches with cognitive perspectives of the gamblers’ erroneous

perceptions, producing the cognitive-behaviour model. This evolved the treatment of

problem gambling, as cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT) has shown high levels of

effectiveness (Okuda et al., 2009). The cognitive component of CBT deals with

identifying cognitive distortions, erroneous perceptions, and false expectations of

gambling, whilst using behavioural management techniques, such as limiting access to

money or increasing the degree of difficulty to gamble (Fong, 2005). CBT is intended to

stop gambling behaviour by supporting the client to acquire specific skills using

exercises that are introduced in each therapy session. It also includes homework tasks to

facilitate practise and reinforcement of skills between sessions. Treatment aims to

provide an overall framework to facilitate lifestyle changes and restructure the

environment to increase reinforcement from non-gambling behaviours (Okuda et al.,

2009).

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Sylvain et al. (1997) assessed the benefits of cognitive and cognitive-

behavioural treatment. They randomly assigned forty pathological gamblers to either a

cognitive-behavioural group or a waiting list condition, where it was found that those in

the cognitive-behavioural group had greater reductions in gambling problems. Petry et

al. (2006) further investigated the efficacy of CBT, where those in treatment for

pathological gambling had significantly reduced gambling related problems six months

later.

Sociological perspective. The sociological perspective of gambling attempts to

explain gambling as a functional purpose for society. Problem gambling is seen as a

result of a social condition, so gambling then becomes the function of helping

individuals adjust to the demands of society (Aasved, 2003). For example, according to

Devereux (1968), gambling fulfils three vital functions in society. Firstly, gambling is

seen as “fitting in nicely as the society’s safety valve, as it gives frustrated persons

opportunities in a capitalist world, such as decision making, risk-taking and the

potential of winning a large sum of money in a short time” (Chan, 2011, p. 79). The

second function is that gambling provides hope for those who don’t have comfortable

and secure earnings. Last, Devereux argues that gambling helps maintain and preserve

the social system (Aasved, 2003), as it has the possibility of easing (or even ending) the

frustration of low paid workers.

1.5 Recent Developments in Gambling

In recent years, the introduction of new technology has changed the nature of

many forms of gambling, and provides new interactive modes. As access to the internet

expanded to workplaces and private residences in the early to mid 1990s, gamblers in

western societies were introduced to a new realm of gambling opportunities (Wood &

Williams, 2007). Land-based traditional forms of gambling appeared in electronic

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formats via the internet and have now become accessible to anyone with an internet

connection (Gainsbury et al., 2015). Along with the use of the internet, technology

innovation has introduced an entirely new way of engaging in gambling activity and has

disrupted the gambling markets (Gainsbury et al., 2016). Gambling games can now be

downloaded via applications on computers, tablets, mobile phones, and interactive

television. Portable technology, such as mobile phones and tablets, makes it accessible

anywhere at any time. It is now easier than ever before to gamble, with a huge number

of online betting sites and game sites enabling people to gamble 24 hours a day. “Great

Britain arguably has one of the most diverse and accessible commercial gambling

markets in the world” (Bowden-Jones & George, 2015, p. 2), with over £7 billion spent

every year (Gambling Addiction, 2010). The Gambling Commission’s most recent

statistics (2016) identify that online gambling accounts for 33% of gambling in Britain,

and generated £4.5 billion between April 2015 and March 2016.

Griffiths (1999) argued that technology has always played a role in gambling

behaviour, as it provides new market opportunities and will continue to do so, not only

through the use of internet gambling, but also in the shape of more technologically

advanced slot machines, video lottery terminals (VLTs), interactive television (i-TV)

gambling, and telephone wagering (Griffiths, 2005). The Gambling Commission (2016)

statistics show that the use of mobile phones or tablets to gamble has increased to 43%

in 2016, compared to 10% in 2015, and 78% of respondents felt that there are too many

opportunities to gamble nowadays.

As research in the gambling field developed, some researchers suggested that

internet gambling is fundamentally more dangerous than land-based opportunities

(Gray, LaPlante & Shaffer, 2012). Yani-de-Soriano et al. (2012) collected convenience

samples and behaviour self-reports from internet gamblers. In their sample of UK

college students, it was found that 60% who reported internet gambling in the past

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month would meet the criteria for at-risk or pathological gambling. This is in line with

Petry (2006) who, similarly, found that 66% of regular gamblers were categorised as

probable pathological gamblers. Griffiths (2003) suggested a number of factors that

make online activities, like internet gambling, potentially seductive. These factors

include anonymity, convenience, escape, dissociation/immersion, accessibility, event

frequency, interactivity, disinhibition, simulation, and associability. Some of the main

variables that may account for acquisition and maintenance of online gambling are

outlined below. Accessibility allows gambling to take place anywhere. Prevalence of

behaviours has been found to strongly correlate with increased access (George et al,

2016; James et al, 2016; Gainsbury, 2015; Storer, 2009). This is discussed in more

detail later in this chapter. Anonymity of the internet allows individuals to engage

privately without fear of stigma (Griffiths, 2003). It may also provide the user with a

greater sense of perceived control, tone, and nature of the online experience. Parke and

Griffiths (2007) stated that the anonymity of the internet may reduce social barriers;

furthermore, Griffiths, Kuss & King (2012) suggested that the mood modification of the

online experience can provide emotional or mental escape, which further reinforces

gambling behaviour. The feelings of escape are facilitated by dissociation and

immersion. This can include losing track of time, feeling as if you are someone else,

and being in a trance-like state. Online technology is seen as reducing the

fundamentally social nature of gambling to an activity that is asocial (McCormack &

Griffiths, 2012). It has been found that those with a gambling problem are more likely

to be gambling alone (Shek & Lee, 2010). Griffiths (2003) argued that as gambling

becomes more accessible online, gambling problems may increase, as it loses its social

nature. A mode of technology that has received considerable attention with access to

gambling is mobile phones.

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Mobile gambling. Within online gambling, the remote gambling platform (via

smartphones and tablets) is growing rapidly, with the number of users increasing from

64 million in 2013 to a predicted 164 million by 2018 (Epstein, 2013). The online

gambling company, Betfair, claims that the number of bets it received from mobiles

grew by 122% between 2010 and 2011 (Dredge, 2011). Mobile gambling makes the

opportunity to gamble accessible anywhere, even if in transit (Griffiths, 2011). Much

research has suggested that greater accessibility is related to increased gambling,

increased money spent on gambling and increased rates of problem gambling (Engel et

al., 2013; Griffiths, 2001).

According to Gainsbury et al. (2016, p. 2) “mobile gambling customers differ

from other internet gamblers, and have been found to have longer and more frequent

sessions, greater average bet size, and generate a higher gross margin than gamblers

using a computer”. Use of a mobile phone to gamble also allows for online gambling

companies to promote and send advertisements directly to mobile phones that are

possibly being used to bet with (Drakeford & Hudson Smith, 2015). Griffiths (2011)

suggested that mobile gambling is a research area of increasing interest, due to its

implications regarding the physiological impact and the way gambling is perceived.

Despite the extent to which mobile phones, tablets, and other devices have impacted

gambling, there has only been one study conducted on the use of different devices and

their relationship with gambling problems. Gainsbury et al. (2016) found that those who

preferred to gamble online via computers had lower rates of gambling problems

compared to those using mobile and supplementary devices (for example, applications

and tablets). However, when the individual’s life circumstance was considered such as

their age, marital and occupational status, their gambling preference changed. For

example, for those over 50 years of age were more likely to gamble online if they were

single, and less likely if they are working. In another study with a group of young men,

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mobile gambling led them to gamble when they wouldn’t normally (Deans et al, 2016).

The authors reported that the combination of land based and online access created a

risk-prompting setting (Deans et al, 2016). Accessibility to mobile phones for gambling

remains a concern amongst healthcare practitioners (James et al, 2016; Gainsbury et al

2015).

Social media, gambling and gaming. Social media has been defined as

“websites and computer programs that allow people to communicate and share

information on the internet using a computer or mobile phone” (Cambridge University

Press, 2008). It has been argued that due to the relatively new nature of social media, it

requires further research to increase understanding of the psychological processes

associated with its use (Brett-Taylor, 2013). However, there is a rising concern amongst

clinicians who work with young people, parents, and wider society, regarding the risks

associated with the role social media plays in young people’s lives (Pantic, 2014).

Social media has been used by many companies as a way of marketing their

products (Oyza & Edwin, 2015). This includes promotion of tobacco, alcohol, and junk

food (Dunlop et al., 2015). “Marketing often attempts to elicit emotive responses, such

as triggering memories of pleasant or exciting times, while also attempting to evoke

consumer loyalty” (Gainsbury, et al., 2016, p. 126). The impact of marketing on online

gambling is particularly important due to the continuous availability (Hing et al., 2014).

It was found that internet gamblers were more likely to gamble more in response to

gambling promotions (Hing et al., 2014). In the UK, it has been found that 68% of 18–

24 year olds have been prompted to gamble by adverts and posts on social

media (Gambling Commission, 2016).

Young people, including adolescents, have the highest use of the internet and

social media, and research found that 72% of them use the internet more than once a

day (Raco, 2014). Facebook, recorded its highest ever number of users of 1.94 billion

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worldwide in the first quarter of 2017 (Statista, 2017), making it the most popular social

network site. There has been concern over gambling content in Facebook games, as the

gambling industry uses some Facebook groups to recruit consumers through ads and

promotional publicities (Downs, 2010). Researchers have raised concern as some

gambling game developers are also developing Facebook games and may include some

similar content. Gainsbury et al. (2014) suggested that this may make it difficult to

differentiate gambling games from regular online games. Jacques et al. (2016) explored

the presence of gambling content in Facebook games. It was found that 54% of games

had some form of gambling content present, most of these relating to slot machines.

Exposure to gambling content on Facebook games could contribute to familiarisation

with gambling. On the other hand, in a later study, Gainsbury et al (2015) found that

social media had no impact on the way or extent to which adults gambled. Only 1 in 10

participants indicated that gambling content on social media increased how much they

gambled. Furthermore, they found that a greater proportion reported a decreased desire

to gamble and a decrease in the amount they participated. This finding suggests that the

impact of gambling content may not only increase gambling behaviour, but may reduce

interest (Gainsbury et al., 2015). This study, however, was conducted on adults, and

therefore may be related to a developmental difference between youths and adults.

Further research will be needed to explain this in more depth.

Psychological research suggests that there are increasing opportunities to

participate in digital gambling and gambling-themed games and activities (Gainsbury et

al, 2014; King et al., 2015). Griffiths et al (2008) identify a diverse range of what they

term ‘gambling like’ activities, which are increasingly apparent on smartphone devices

and social networking sites, as well as in video gaming technologies. These simulate the

experience of gambling by allowing players to play without spending any money, and

with rewards in the form of achievement points and ‘trophies’ (King, Delfabbro &

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Griffiths, 2010). This has been identified as similar to gambling, due to the fact “that

some gambling activities, such as electronic gambling machines, are already

intentionally referred to and publicly promoted as ‘gaming’ by the gambling industry, a

discursive shift toward emphasising the ‘entertainment’ component of gambling” (King

et al., 2015, p. 125). Forrest et al. (2009) compiled data from a survey of 8,598 British

adolescents. It was identified that over a quarter of the participants played a game in

“money-free mode”. Moreover, they found that gambling for virtual currency had a

strong correlation with gambling for real money, and it was also an important predictor

of problem gambling. In another study, 19.4% of adult participants reported that

gambling was a result of social games that did not include spending money (Gainsbury

et al., 2016).

In a review of the relationship between gambling and gaming, King et al. (2015)

concluded that gambling products, including gambling themes, are being integrated into

games, and operators are also encouraging customers to engage in both gambling and

gaming activities; they referred to this as convergence. Converging has been

particularly noticeable on ‘social casino games’ on social media (Gainsbury et al, 2016;

Hollingshead et al, 2016). To identify the distinctive and overlapping characteristics,

King et al. (2016, p.216) developed a typology of the features, which state that gaming

is “principally defined by its interactivity, predominantly skill-based play, and

contextual indicators of progression and success”, whereas gambling is defined by

“betting and wagering mechanics, predominantly chance-determined outcomes, and

monetisation features that involve risk and pay-out to the player” (King et al., 2015, p.

216). The element of financial pay-out was viewed as particularly important to the

concept of gambling. This overlap seems concerning as young people may not know

whether they are participating in gambling or not and additionally it arguably introduces

them to how gambling works.

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There appears to be an ongoing debate in the UK as to whether regulations

similar to gambling should be put on social gaming (Valentine, 2016). The most recent

legislation is the Gambling Act 2005, which aims to regulate commercial gambling and

protect minors from online gambling in Great Britain. Operators must not make sites

attractive for children, they should carry out random credit card checks to verify age,

they should have in place warnings, and verification of age must take place when

entering the site (Gambling Act, 2005). Although request of credit card details makes

payments difficult for minors, an increasing number of young people have access to

credit or debit cards (Valentine, 2016). Nevertheless, some restrictions have been put

into place, it has been argued that further regulations need to be added, as these are not

enough to protect young people (Carran, 2015), and do not recognise the impact this has

for problem gambling in their adult life (Valentine, 2016).

Impact of accessibility. Most research has suggested that accessibility of

gambling increases the level of participation, which can potentially lead to excessive

gambling and gambling problems (Engel et al., 2013; Welte et al., 2006). Blaszczynski

and Nower (2002) proposed a theoretical model that illustrates the importance of

accessibility in problem gambling. This model sees the role of accessibility in the

causation of problem gambling. They proposed that ecological factors, especially

availability and accessibility, are the initial stimulators that facilitate the behavioural

conditioning of players’ arousal and cognitive schemas. Non-ecological factors, such as

substance misuse and psychiatric diagnosis, are considered to be facilitated by

availability and accessibility within this model. This consequently leads to habituation

and loss-chasing, which eventually results in pathological and problem gambling.

Research on the proximity of gambling has identified an increase in gambling

participation and overall expenditure from those living closer to a gambling venue

(Sévigny et al., 2008). Welte et al. (2015) found that individuals living within ten miles

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of a casino had substantially higher levels of a gambling problem than those living

outside that radius. The possibility that problem gamblers may relocate near a casino

was considered, rather than the fact that they develop problems due to the close

proximity. These findings suggest a concern with the proximity and accessibility of

gambling on the development of a gambling problem, and are consistent with

Blaszczynski and Nower’s (2002) model.

The ability to gamble over mobile phones has arguably increased the access to

gambling. Wood and Williams (2007) found that 73.8% of internet gamblers preferred

internet gambling to land based due to the ease of accessibility. Gainsbury et al (2012)

study similarly found that gamblers perceived ’24-hour availability’ and ‘not leaving the

house’ as the biggest factors that make internet gambling accessible. Drakeford and

Hudson Smith (2015) conducted qualitative research to understand accessibility of

mobile gambling and the impact it has on gambling behaviour. The results indicated

that mobile gambling is equally as accessible as computer gambling, but more

accessible in terms of ‘proximity’, ‘ease of use’, ‘a social place’, and ‘part of a wider

social experience’. The results also suggested terrestrial venues as being socially

unacceptable to the sample age of 21–35 years, indicating a possible reason for internet

gamblers being younger (Dowling, Lorains & Jackson, 2015).

As well as gambling being accessible through mobile phones, there appears to

be an increase in gambling displayed in the media, especially through advertisements

(Binde, 2014; Zangeneh et al 2008). This in hindsight, increases gambling exposure.

Previous research has therefore identified relationships between accessibility and

increased gambling behaviour. Given the developments in gambling technology,

arguably there is a concern for young people who are more exposed and potentially

influenced by gambling.

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1.6 Media and Gambling

Gambling advertising has been perceived, to a large extent, as being deceptive,

unethical, and causing harm to society, as it incites excessive gambling (Binde, 2014).

Research has been conducted on the influence of the media on other psychological

problems such as body image (Groesz, Levine & Murnen, 2002), where it has been

found that the ideal weight projected by the media is correlated with decreased body

satisfaction in females. The media has been criticised for glorifying addictive

behaviours (Sussman, 2017) such as drinking excessive alcohol and gambling in movies

(Fischer et al., 2011). A longitudinal study examined exposure to alcohol-related media

at the age of 15–18, and measured alcohol consumption at 18 years of age. Among men,

there was a consistent positive relationship, so much so that those who had recalled

more alcohol advertisements at the age of 15 drank large quantities of beer at 18

(Connolly et al., 2006). Advertising has been said to be a process of attracting attention

to raise interest, creating a desire for the product and promoting customers to purchase

(Russell, 1921). Promotions are often used in conjunction with advertisements, but are

only a short term offer to attract attention by use of immediate incentives. These

strategies aim to increase consumption by attracting new customers, maintaining

existing customers or aim to gain a greater segment of the market (Hing et al, 2014).

The volume and expenditure of gambling advertising has escalated at a similar rate to

the growth of participation of internet gambling (Hing et al, 2014; Friend & Ladd, 2009;

Derevensky et al, 2010). Yet, there appears to be a general lack of empirical evidence

that advertising influences gambling participation (Hanss et al, 2015; Griffiths, 2010;

Derevensky et al, 2010; Messerlian & Derevensky, 2006). Nevertheless, some

researchers have attempted to shed light on this issue. It has been suggested that media

representations of gambling represent opportunities to gain wealth, and, subject to the

potential size of the prize, to change one’s lifestyle (Griffiths, 2010; Korn et al, 2005).

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The prospect of winning large prizes (expectancies of reward) generates excitement by

allowing participants to dream and fantasise about the impact that such a windfall would

have on their work, finances, leisure, and capacity to support immediate family

members (Rickwood et al., 2010). Hollingshead et al. (2007) found that use of bright

flashy colours and symbols of winning in gambling advertisements are perceived as

stimulating and exciting. However, Hanns et al (2015) argued that from this finding it

cannot be implied that behaviour is influenced by advertising messages. In a later study,

Derevensky et al. (2010) found that amongst a sample of youths aged 12–19, gambling

advertisements served the function of maintaining established gambling habits rather

than enticing new gamblers. Furthermore, Grant and Kim (2001) reported that in a

sample of problem gamblers seeking treatment, 46% self-reported television, radio, and

billboard advertisements as triggering an urge to gamble. From these findings, it can be

speculated that gambling advertisements could potentially contribute to the maintenance

or development of gambling. This argument has been support by Hing et al (2014) who

conducted qualitative study and found that the general population of gamblers had a

higher intention to gamble following gambling incentives from advertisements.

Similarly, gamblers seeking treatment reported that the advertisements provoked urges

to gamble, and appeared to target those who had taken steps to reduce or stop gambling.

Another qualitative study by Binde (2009) explored the impact of gambling advertising

on problem gambling. Twenty-five Swedish gamblers from self-help services and

treatment centres who met the criteria for pathological gambling took part in the

research. There were four parts to the process: first, they were asked about development

and progression of their problem; second, they were asked to describe self-perceived

impact of gambling advertisements. This was followed by showing them images of

gambling adverts, and finally, they were asked to describe their attitude towards the

advertisements. Results found that the more severe the problem, the larger the self-

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perceived negative impact of gambling adverts tended to be. Binde (2009) stated that

the “study reported that gambling advertising has a tangible negative impact on their

problems; however, none of them judged advertising to be a major cause of the

problems” (p. 549). Binde’s (2009) results also found that advertising had strengthened

the motivation to not gamble with two participants who had recently stopped gambling.

It was described that advertising caused them to reflect on their gambling habit and

reminded them of the risks.

Participants in a study by Skinner et al. (2004) reported that dares, betting, and

gambling were social activities that are frequently used to relieve boredom and establish

roles in their social networks. In contrast to this social element, Quinlan, Goldstein and

Stewart (2013), found that motives for gambling were positively correlated with

gambling alone. Kristiansen & Jensen (2014) stated that in a sample of students aged

11–17, the most frequently reported reasons for gambling were: to win money, to

socialise with family and friends, and to have fun. The authors suggested that at-risk

gambling behaviour patterns may be a part of normal adolescent life where gambling

serves a purpose of recreation and leisure.

Korn et al’s (2005) study used an inductive qualitative content analysis to

examine the possible impact of gambling advertisements of youths knowledges,

attitudes, beliefs and behaviour intensions. The results yielded five main messages

about gambling; Gambling is fun and exciting, this was often centred around friends

and social use; advertisements promoted the sense that there is a large financial payout;

it promoted that games allowed an escape from daily pressures and gambling was seen

as a form of entertainment. Lastly, the advertisements implied a high chance of winning

that were also seen as unrealistic. They found that overall, adverts were intended to put

across an appeal. These included the appeal of excitement, sophisticated lifestyle

choices, possible wealth, happiness, material gain, freedom and in some cases, behaving
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in a socially responsible way. Korn et al (2005) noted that some participants viewed

gambling as an enjoyable activity and some participants reported it as “part of [their]

social fabric” (Korn et al., 2005, p. 17). They reported that there was a strong sense of

the participants’ personal rights to choose how they spend their time and money.

Overall, it was identified that young people generally viewed gambling as acceptable

and not a problem if it is done responsibly. The authors concluded the main factors that

appear to motivate youths to gamble were financial gain, fun and excitement, lifestyle

or status attainment, socialising, peer pressure, or addiction. On the other hand, Fam et

al (2008) found that participants were disappointment with gambling advertising as

gambling is seen as lazy and a non-productive way to pass time.

In addition to advertisements, the media umbrella comprises of movies and

television shows. Movies often reflect history, culture and social norms (Strinati, 2004)

and can often provide insight into people’s psychology and fantasies (Chan & Ohtsuka,

2010). Additionally, movies have been noted for altering social views on behaviour

through social learning (Turner et al, 2007). Interestingly, Chan and Ohtsuka (2010)

found that movies reflect the changes in social attitudes towards gambling. Gambling

has been portrayed in movies as glamourous and an exciting lifestyle choice (Monaghan

& Derevensky, 2008). Tuner et al (2007) reviewed sixty-five western movies from the

past 20 years to understand the depiction of gambling conveyed to audiences. The

themes they produced were; pathological gamblers, magic skills, miraculous endings,

gamblers as suckers, gamblers as cheaters, organized crime, stealing from a casinos and

symbolic background. Turner et al (2007) concluded that gambling was often portrayed

negatively and argued that it may encourage irresponsible gambling. Un & Lam (2016)

also found that Chinese movies portrayed gambling as a positive activity which implied

that movies present distorted images which could encourage more participation.

Moreover, Monaghan & Derevensky (2008) argued that movies confuse the concepts of

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gambling as on one hand it is depicted by glamour and excitement and on the other

hand suggests that casinos are operated by criminals. They further highlight the concern

that the depiction of media has on children and adolescents. There has been significant

attempt to limit exposure of violent or sexual behaviour on TV however, few guidelines

to protect youth from the depiction of gambling in the media (Monaghan &

Derevensky, 2008). Researchers have highlighted that youth problem gambling remains

a serious concern (King et al, 2015; Edgerton et al, 2015) as the entertainment industry

potentially allows gambling to be seen as a harmless, recreational, entertaining and

socially acceptable activity (Gainsbury et al, 2014; Griffiths, 2011; Downs, 2010;

Monaghan & Derevensky, 2008).

Although minors are largely restricted from regulated gambling, the greater

incidents of problem gambling amongst youths than adults, suggests that the perception

of gambling as a harmless entertainment activity is inaccurate (Monaghan &

Derevensky, 2008). The idea that gambling is seen as harmless has been supported by

research findings that parents and carers purchase lottery tickets for their children as

gifts (Halpern-Felsher et al., 2004). While gambling is intended as a recreational

activity, which is played in a responsible manner by the majority (Monaghan &

Derevensky, 2008), the acceptance of gambling as a form of entertainment vastly

underestimates the level of risk that could potentially be involved (Monaghan &

Derevensky, 2008).

1.7 Rationale for the Current Study

It is clear from the review of literature, that there is a general concern regarding

the impact of accessible gambling on society. Research has identified that accessibility

and advances in technology influence gambling behaviour in young people and adults

(Drakeford et al, 2015; Gainsbury et al, 2014; Griffiths, 2011). There has been a

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substantial amount of quantitative research indicating correlations between availability

and increases in gambling behaviour (Drakesford & Hudson-Smith, 2015; George et al,

2016; Gainsbury, 2012; James et al, 2016; Petry, 2006; Yani-de-soriano et al, 2012).

Furthermore, studies have begun to explore how gambling is being portrayed in the

media. Nevertheless, what appears to be limited amongst the literature is qualitative

research of how gambling is being perceived especially on the media. There appears to

be extensive research on adult gambling and growing body of research on youths with

problem gambling. Most research is conducted in countries such as Sweden (Binde,

2010), Australia (Rickwood et al., 2010) and the United States of America (Lee,

Lemanski & Jun, 2008). It will be valuable to have research from the UK, as gambling

laws, regulations, and popularity vary across countries. In the UK, the legal gambling

age is 18, and therefore they have opened access to all types of gambling. This research

intends to explore how a general population of young adults in the UK perceives

gambling and how its represented on the media.

Researchers have raised the concern of social media providing opportunities to

learn about gambling through gaming (Hollingshead et al, 2016). It has been argued that

there is an overlap between gambling and gaming which allows young people to gamble

without using money (Wohl et al 2017), thus introducing them to the concept of

gambling (King et al, 2016). This research will ask, ‘How do young people perceive

gambling’, ‘How do young people perceive online gambling sites?’ and ‘What do

young people understand of the terms ‘gambling’ and ‘gaming’?’.

1.8 Aims of the Study and Relevance to Counselling Psychology

This study aims to explore young adults’ perceptions of gambling using a

qualitative design. Rafalin (2010, p. 41) puts forward the view that “counselling

psychology defines itself as being concerned with the individual’s subjective

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experience, appreciating the complexity of difference and a focus upon wellbeing”. It

appears that much previous research within the area of gambling has been dominated by

statistical analysis to determine a relationship. Unlike quantitative methods, qualitative

methodologies are open-ended and flexible, to generate the emergence of new

information, allowing the participants’ meanings to be heard (Willig, 2013). Qualitative

research highlights “human experience in its richness” (Ashworth, 2003, p. 4) and

investigates “in depth into the complexities and processes” (Marshall & Rossman, 2006,

p. 46). Participants have the opportunity to respond more elaborately and in greater

detail than is typically the case with quantitative methods (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000).

The Division of Counselling Psychology within the British Psychological Society

(2006) states within its professional practice guidelines that the phenomenological

models of practice and inquiry of counselling psychology seek “to engage with the

subjectivity and intersubjectivity, values and beliefs”, and “to know empathically and to

respect first person accounts as valid in their own term”. Therefore, within counselling

psychology, it is essential to have research that is subjective without assuming an

automatic, one way of experiencing; moreover, this provides a rationale that qualitative

research in gambling is needed.

In line with the main aim of the research, this study is aimed at exploring the

influence of the media on young adults’ perceptions of gambling. This includes

participants’ statements of how they perceive gambling media. This study also aims to

shed light on how young adults understand gambling, and the differences between

gambling and gaming. Counselling Psychologists work with those who have a gambling

problem and having this understanding will enhance their learning and knowledge of

this client group and could potentially be supplementary information that those

providing treatment could consider. This research has the potential to inform services

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that work with young people and can add to the evidence that is available in order to

further inform policy, training and treatment protocols.

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Chapter 2

Methodology

This chapter presents the chosen methodology alongside the philosophical

underpinnings and will then provide details on how the study was conducted including

the stages of ethical approval, decisions in participant sampling, recruitment, data

collection and the analysis process. The steps taken to ensure creditability will also be

outlined.

2.1 Research Design

Qualitative design. The present study endeavours to answer research questions

that lie within a qualitative paradigm. Qualitative methods allow participants the

freedom to elucidate their ideas and respond to questions in their own words (Barker et

al, 2002) and captures the voice of specific groups (Carroll & Rothe, 2010). Qualitative

research has been deemed useful in identifying various responses that may result from

an individual’s experience (Alderfer & Sood, 2016) and is concerned with the way in

which people make sense of their world and experience events (Willig, 2008).

Furthermore, qualitative methodologies complement the ethos of counselling

psychology where the focus lies within individuals’ subjectivity (British Psychological

Society, 2005).

Epistemology. Literature suggests that within qualitative research paradigms

there are different ontological beliefs and epistemological positions that the researcher

should be explicit about (Madill, Jordan & Shirley, 2000). A paradigm is defined as a

“set of interrelated assumptions about the social world, which provides a philosophical

and conceptual framework for the organised study of that world” (Filstead, 1979, p. 34).

Accordingly, ontological questions ask about the nature of reality, while

epistemological questions ask about the relationship between the enquirer and the

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known (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998). Ponterotto (2005) identifies four major paradigms

within counselling psychology, which have been adopted from Guba and Lincoln’s

(1994) schemes: positivism, postpositivism, constructivism-interpretivism, and critical-

ideological. Each paradigm adopts different views on ontology, epistemology and,

therefore, methodology.

A researcher can move between different positions. However, within each

research project it is important to state a position that essentially communicates the

underlying assumptions and beliefs guiding the research (Hays & Wood, 2011; Madill,

Jordan & Shirley, 2000). It appears that the majority of previous research discussed in

gambling literature adopts a positivist paradigm. Positivism is grounded on a

hypothetico-deductive method, which relies on quantitative methods to verify a

hypothesis through statistical testing, and views reality as universal, objective, and

quantifiable (Ponterotto, 2005). This research adopts a critical realist position, which

aims to provide an alternative philosophy to positivism in the social sciences (Bhasker,

1975). Critical realist epistemological beliefs accept that there are stable and enduring

aspects of reality that exist independently of human conceptualisation (Fade, 2004),

whilst also recognising the socially embedded and fallible nature of scientific enquiry

(Bhasker, 1975). Ontology exists on a continuum between realism and relativism;

critical realists accommodate aspects of both and therefore are positioned in the middle

(Willig, 2008). Moreover, the differences attached to individuals’ meaning of their

experiences are considered valuable regarding their experience of reality (Ponterotto,

2005). Within critical realism, reality is viewed as complex, and recognises the role of

both agentic and structural factors. Agentic is the way individuals are seen as atomized,

positing a voluntarist approach to human action, and structural factors are essentially the

influence of social/economic/political contexts where action occurs (Maxwell, 1996).

Critical realism adopts three domains of reality: the real, the empirical, and the actual,
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and it is asserted that these cannot be thought of in isolation (Bhasker, 1975). Consistent

with theoretical underpinnings of counselling psychology, which emphasises

empowerment of research participants (British Psychological Society, 2005), critical

realists attempt to promote a collaborative relationship in an active role with research

participants (Robson, 2002).

In considering an epistemological position, I considered my views as an

individual and as a psychological researcher. I take on the position that reality may have

an aspect of being socially defined but how we perceive this reality is different for

everyone (Bhaskar, 1975). This view is in line with the way in which I view therapeutic

practice, where I am interested in understanding the subjective experience of each

client’s world. This research accepts that there is a social reality of gambling that can be

experienced by the participants, however the way in which each participant experience

gambling will be different. In line with critical realist ideas, I endeavoured to explore

the participants subjective perception of their experience of the gambling world. The

positions on which I reflect sit within a qualitative research design. Alongside

consideration of the research questions, the method chosen for this study is Thematic

Analysis.

2.2 Thematic Analysis

Thematic Analysis (TA) is widely used in qualitative research to identify,

analyse, and report patterns (themes) within data (Braun & Clarke, 2006). This process

is a search for themes that are important to the description of the phenomenon and its

relation to social issues (Daly, Kellehear & Gliksman, 1997). Braun and Clarke (2006)

state that TA is a foundational method for any qualitative analysis, and that it provides

the researcher with core skills that will be useful for conducting many other forms of

qualitative analysis, as many of them are essentially thematic. TA is widely used in

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psychological research and is recognised as a method in its own right (Braun & Clarke,

2006). Braun and Clarke (2006) proposed six phases of thematic analysis that can be

seen in table 1.

Thematic analysis is a flexible method that can encompass different

epistemological positions as it is not wed into any pre-existing theoretical framework

(Braun & Clarke, 2006). Although these positions are flexible, it is suggested that they

are made clear within the research, as the research epistemology guides what can be

said about the data, and informs how meaning is theorised (Willig, 2012). Thematic

analysis, from the critical realist position, “acknowledges the ways in which individuals

make meaning of their experience, and, in turn, the ways the broader social context

impinges on those meanings, whilst retaining focus on the material and other limits of

reality” (Priya & Dalal, 2015, p. 211). Thematic analysis therefore allows for a social

and psychological interpretation across the data set (Braun and Clarke, 2006).

When using thematic analysis, there are a number of choices that the researcher

must reflect on, which Braun and Clarke (2006) discuss. First, it is suggested that the

researcher must make a decision on what counts as a theme. Braun and Clarke (2006)

highlight the importance of researcher judgement and retaining flexibility in this

decision. It was deemed appropriate that a theme will be considered if it appears to

capture something important in relation to the research questions. The researcher must

decide on the approach they are going to take to identify themes or patterns within the

data. This can be done in an inductive or bottom-up method, which means the themes

identified are strongly linked to the data themselves (Patton, 1990). In this case, data has

been specifically collected for the research process, and may have little relationship

with the questions asked of the participants. This method is not driven by theoretical

interest of the researcher, and the data is not coded with any analytical preconceptions.

In contrast, a theoretical or deductive or top-down approach can be used, in which the

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thematic analysis is driven by the researcher’s theoretical framework. Braun and Clarke

(2006) suggest that the researcher should make a decision on the level in which the

themes are to be identified. This can be done at a semantic level, in which the “themes

are identified within the explicit or surface meanings of the data and the analyst is not

looking for anything beyond what a participant has said or what has been written” (p.

13). Thematic analysis can also take place at a latent level, which starts to “identify or

examine the underlying ideas, assumptions, and conceptualisations and ideologies that

are theorised as shaping or informing the semantic content of the data” (p. 13). A latent

level of analysis was adopted in this study.

Braun and Clarke (2006) recommended that thematic analysis is a useful method

when investigating an area that may be under-researched, or if the research involves the

views of participants that are not known. It also seeks to understand meanings that

people give to their social reality (Schutz, 1962). A particular value of thematic analysis

is the flexibility of the method to identify constructs (Lawrence, 2012). TA was

therefore deemed as beneficial for the aims of this study.

Braun and Clarke provided a six phase process for carrying out thematic

analysis (table 1). The first phase involves becoming familiar with data through

transcribing, reading, and repeated reading of the data. It is important that the researcher

immerses themselves in the data so that they become familiar with the depth and

breadth of the content. Once the researcher is familiar with the data, initial codes can be

identified. Boyatzis (1998) describes a code as “the most basic segment, or element, of

the raw data or information that can be accessed in a meaningful way regarding the

phenomenon” (p. 63). Phase three involves sorting the codes into potential themes. As

the researcher begins the process, an initial thematic map may be helpful to sort the

codes into themes. Once a set of main themes have been devised, phase four involves

refining the themes and subthemes. The thematic map is revisited to check if it reflects

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the data set. At one level, Braun and Clarke suggest reviewing the coded extracts by re-

reading and considering if they appear in a coherent pattern. Level two involves this

similar process where the research considers the validity of the themes in relation to the

data set. This produces a final idea of the different themes and how they fit together.

The final phase involves identifying the ‘essence’ of each theme and what aspects of the

data it captures. Each theme can then be named to give the reader an awareness of what

the theme is about.

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Table 1: Phases of Thematic Analysis

Phase Description of process

1. Familiarising self with the data Transcribing data; reading and re-

reading the data and noting ideas

2. Generating initial codes Coding for interesting features of the

data, systematically across the data set

3. Searching for patterns and themes Reviewing codes and beginning to

collate these into potential themes across

the data set

4. Reviewing themes Checking whether the data supports the

themes i.e. at the level of the coded

extracts and across the data set;

generating an initial map of themes

5. Defining and naming themes Refining the thematic map in relation to

specific themes and how these link to tell

a story; generating clear definition and

names of themes

6. Writing the analysis Selecting vivid extracts to illustrate

themes; analysing these in relation to the

research questions

2.3 Participants

Qualitative research aims to “provide an in-depth understanding of the world as

seen through the eyes of the people being studied” (Wilmot, 2005, p. 1). Ten

participants, between the ages of 18 and 25, were purposively recruited to take part in
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this study, which fits well with Braun and Clarke’s (2006) suggestion for the number of

participants for a doctoral research.

Inclusion and exclusion criteria. The aim of the study was to explore general

perceptions of gambling; therefore, the participants were not required to have any direct

gambling experience but must be between 18 – 25 years of age. However, those with a

diagnosis of a gambling problem were excluded from the research in order to protect

their health and wellbeing. It was essential for all participants to be fluent English

speakers to ensure that information was not lost through translation.

Of the ten participants, four were male and six females. A demographics table

including gender and age can be seen below (table 2). For the purpose of anonymity,

participants have been given pseudonyms. Demographics for ethnicity and participation

in gambling were not assessed. It was noticed that most of the females in the study were

not gamblers and most of the males did gamble. Research on gender difference in youth

gambling has been limited and has yielded mixed results (Weidberg et al, 2018). One

study found that males experience more gambling problems but females tend to begin

gambling at a younger age (Kaminer, Burleson, Jadamec, 2002; Weidberg et al, 2018).

Stinchfield (2002) found that males tended to gamble more on the lottery and in casinos

compared to females, whereas Desai et al (2005) found no gender differences in casino

gambling. Despite this mixed result, potential factors underlying gender difference in

gambling have been identified. Psychological factors such as gambling for managing

depression is typically reported in females whereas males gamble as a form of self-

enhancement (Petry, Stinson & Grant, 2005). Social environment, such as peer and

parental gambling has also been found to affect genders differently (Donati, et al, 2013).

Given that previous research has identified gender differences in gambling, this could

possibly have impacted the data by generating results more related to a female

perception of those who do not gamble. As it has been identified that males and females

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may be interested in different modes of gambling, the participants may be responding to

the gambling mode that interests them. The limitation of gender is further addressed in

the discussion section.

The decision for the age range was based on previous research. The term ‘young

people’ has been used in literature as an umbrella term to relate to anyone under the age

of 24 years (Rigbye, 2013; Skelton & Valentine, 1998). Studies using young adults have

used ranges such as 18–24 (e.g. Cullen et al, 2011) or 18–35 (e.g. Petry, 2002). People

are generally considered an adult at the age of 18, which is also in line with the legal

age in UK when all gambling opportunities can be accessed. This was therefore

implemented as the minimum age for all participants. It was decided to use the

maximum age of 25 to ensure the age range is not too broad to lose depth, as it has been

found that different age groups have different perspectives (Gruhn et al, 2016; Scott et

al, 2013; Elder, 1979). Consistent with previous research (King et al, 2017; Meyer,

2016; Cullen et al, 2011; Pasanella & Willingham, 1968), 18–25 is considered in this

study as a young adult.

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Table 2: Participant details

Name Gender Age

Tina F 24

Anna F 21

James M 22

Anaya F 25

Alice F 19

Khadija F 18

Francis M 20

Jason M 21

Kayla F 23

Luke M 25

2.4 Recruitment

Advertisements (Appendix A) were displayed at the Stratford Campus of the

University of East London (UEL). It was intended for advertisements to be placed on

online gambling forums to recruit participants who may be interested in discussing the

topic; however, advertisements were not accepted by the forum administrators, in order

to protect their customers from communication away from the security of the forum.

Snowballing then became the main source of recruitment, which entailed identifying

respondents who then referred on to other respondents (Atkinson & Flint, 2001).

Participants expressed interest in the study by sending an email to the researcher.

Once their email was received, they were sent an information sheet (Appendix B),

which outlined the purpose of the research, the criteria required to take part, information

on what the process would entail, confidentiality, and participants’ rights. Participants

were given time to digest the purpose of the research and reflect on their suitability. An
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opportunity was given to ask any questions before the interviews were arranged. Once

the criteria were met and verbal consent was given, a time was arranged to meet at

UEL. Participants then signed a formal consent form preceding their interview

(Appendix C). Face-to face or Skype interviews were offered. Six participants were

seen face-to-face and four via Skype. Those who were seen via Skype were sent a

consent form via email, which they signed and sent back to the researcher prior to the

interview taking place.

2.5 Ethics

Ethical approval for the research was granted by the University of East London

Ethics Committee in September 2015 (Appendix D). All of the research and work

undertaken adhered strictly to the British Psychological Society Code of Ethics and

Conduct (BPS, 2006), and was carried out by the researcher as part of their Professional

Doctorate in Counselling Psychology.

The BPS Code of Ethics and Conduct state that “researchers should ensure that

every person from whom data are gathered for the purposes of research consents freely

to the process on the basis of adequate information”. In accordance, detailed

information was sent to all participants, including information on the procedure of the

study, protection of their data, protection of selves, and their right to withdraw.

Information was also reiterated preceding the interview. Once any questions were

answered and the participants were happy, consent forms were signed.

To ensure anonymity and confidentiality, signed consent forms and participants’

details were kept separately from the digital recordings, transcribed materials, and

demographic details, in accordance with the Data Protection Act (1998). All information

was kept in locked filing cabinets and any identifiable material within the transcripts

was anonymised. Interviews were transcribed solely by the researcher. Participants were

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informed that only the researcher, supervisors, and examiners have access to the

transcribed material. Data will only be accessed via a password on a computer and will

be kept for three years after the study has finished, with the view of a possibility to

develop the research in the future.

It was considered that due to the topic of the research, participants may become

emotionally distressed if they had a prior difficult experience with gambling

themselves, or if there was an issue with a family member or a friend. A plan was set in

place to be mindful of potential indicators of participant distress during the interview,

and to offer the participant the opportunity to stop the interview at any point.

Participants were reminded of their right to withdraw or take a break from the study,

and were provided with information on where they could access support. At no point

during this study did interviews have to be paused or terminated. Consideration was

taken for participants’ disclosure; in these cases, the research would be stopped and the

participant would be informed and encouraged to access support. Support service

information was provided to all participants as part of the debrief procedure (Appendix

E).

To ensure the researcher’s safety, face-to-face interviews took place at the

University of East London. Interview times and arrangements were passed on to the

research supervisor, who ensured that there was a member of staff present in the

building during interviews. Once the interviews were completed and participants had

left the UEL campus, the prescribed staff were informed.

2.6 Data collection

Qualitative interviews aim to provide an insight into a phenomenon, as they

allow the respondents to reflect and reason (Folkestad, 2008). In line with this, a semi-

structured interview schedule was deemed the most appropriate, to allow the

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participants to respond using their own words and meanings (Willig, 2008). Semi-

structured interviews offer topics and questions to the interviewee, but are carefully

designed to elicit the interviewee’s ideas and opinions on the topic of interest, as

opposed to leading the interviewee toward preconceived choices (Cohen & Crabtree,

2006). It is recommended that interview schedules include a relatively small number of

open-ended and non-leading questions to best enable the interviewer to elicit an account

that is not heavily shaped by the question, but can generate detailed responses that

answer the research questions (Hugh-Jones, 2010; Willig, 2008). The semi-structured

interview (Appendix F) therefore consisted of seven questions, which were intended to

be open-ended and not leading. To elaborate on participants’ answers, questions were

followed up by prompts or probes, which assisted the participants to give examples and

expand on their explanations (Leech, 2002).

When designing the interview schedule, the researcher considered the use of

visual aids and images, also known as photo-elicitation (Clark-Ibanez, 1994). This is

defined as “the simple idea of inserting a photograph into a research interview” (Harper,

2002, p. 14). Images generally function as a catalyst to encourage a verbal narrative

from respondents, which communicates the topic acutely more than words alone

(Felstead et al., 2004). The use of a visual stimulus has been known to open floodgates

to information, leading to insights (Morrison et al., 2002) on the topic being discussed,

and has especially been found to increase engagement of young people in the research

process (Didkowsky, Ungar & Liebenberg, 2010). It was decided the images would be

beneficial integrated into the interview process (Comi, Bischof & Eppler, 2013) as a

means of engagement and elicitation of depth of the topic. Four online images were

used of the home page of internet gambling websites and gambling applications found

on smartphones or tablets (Appendix G). To ensure that these images did not impact the

participants’ initial perceptions of gambling, they were asked about their understandings

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of gambling prior to being shown the images. The images were then presented and the

participants were asked about their thoughts. The images were a very helpful tool in

facilitating accounts from the participants and focusing them to the topic.

A pilot study was conducted initially to determine if the interview questions

generated discussion and relevant information, and to ensure the questions were not

leading. Following the interview, the recording was transcribed, and a preliminary

analysis was carried out. As the researcher was a novice in qualitative research, this was

a key learning curve in the process of qualitative interviewing. It was apparent from the

transcription that there was a lack of exploration of the participant’s account. The

interview questions were appropriate and focused but required the use of more prompts

from the researcher. The researcher recalled that nerves in her first interview resulted in

a ‘freeze moment’ when the participant provided a brief answer. This was a vital

learning process in being a qualitative psychological researcher, which highlighted the

importance of the value of prompts in semi-structured interviews. Following this, a list

of prompts was noted at the bottom of the interview schedule for the researcher to refer

to; this is known as planned prompts (McCracken, 1988). This built the researcher’s

confidence and skills in interviewing, and resulted in the other interviews being more

explorative, which enhanced the depth and richness of the data.

2.7 Data analysis

The analysis followed the six phases of Thematic Analysis proposed by Braun

and Clarke (2006), as seen in table 1. The first phase of analysis consisted of reading

and transcribing each interview; a verbatim account with punctuation was adopted to

retain the sense of what the participants conveyed (Braun & Clarke, 2006). It has been

argued that this phase was the key stage in becoming familiar with the data (Bird,

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2005). The transcripts included all words, laughter and pauses in the interview

(Appendix H). No specific transcription tool (for example, Jefferson, 2004) was used.

During phase two and inductive, a bottom-up approach was used to code the

data. The transcripts were read through in detail and interesting codes were noted at the

side of the transcript (Appendix I). As the transcripts were being coded, key features

began to become noticeable, and similarities and differences across the data became

apparent. Braun and Clarke’s (2013) skill of reading and interpreting the data through

the theoretical lens, known as ‘analytic sensibility’, was held in mind by the researcher

throughout the process of thematic analysis. It also refers to the ability to produce

insights into the meaning of the data beyond the surface; to recognise patterns or

meaning that links to broader psychological, social, or theoretical concerns. When

engaging with the data, the researcher noticed that there were dilemmatic elements

across the participants’ talk. They appeared to use linguistic features such as metaphors

to convey their perception of gambling. Drawing from social construction ideas on the

constructive nature of language, language is seen as conveying an argument or

particular viewpoint (Billig, 1991). Therefore, to encompass language, linguistic

elements were incorporated into the coding. Smith (2008) suggests that researchers can

attend to linguistic features such as use of pronouns, laughter, pauses, functional aspects

of language, tone, repetition, and metaphor. The linguistic elements were seen as

constructive to the participants’ perspectives.

Extracts of data were highlighted and noted on post-it notes and clustered

according to their similarity, which eventually created themes (Appendix J) in phase

three. The themes were named according to the perceived meaning and representation

of the codes. The analysis of the data was a recursive process, where there was a back

and forth movement throughout all six phases (Braun & Clarke, 2006).

As the analysis moved into phase 4, five main themes were identified (Appendix

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K). At this stage, the themes and subthemes were not finalised and there were some

overlaps. After taking some time away from the data, it was revisited with a fresh mind,

where five themes collapsed into three main themes with four subthemes each. It was

important during the collapsing of themes that the participants’ stories were not lost;

therefore, there was a constant revisiting of the transcripts and initial codes to ensure

credibility.

It can be noted that although the use of images during the interviews were

helpful to generate data, as discussed previously, it appeared that the participants were

providing perceptions mainly of how they view the advertisements. It could be possible

that the images may have primed the participants to express their views only on those

media images presented. This resulted in the participants accounts being based on their

positive and negative perceptions of only those media representations. The participants

appeared to stick with their thoughts on those images therefore dismissing any other

discussions on media representations that they may have come across. Limitations and

consideration of priming in future research is addressed in the discussion.

2.8 Credibility of the research process

The rapid evolution of qualitative methods in psychological research has led to

debates about their quality and validity (Yardley, 2008). Yardley (2008) produced a

framework that sets out four core recommendations for evaluating qualitative research:

‘sensitivity to context’, ‘commitment and rigour’, ‘transparency and coherence’, and

‘impact and importance’. These principles are recognised and applied in this research. A

researcher can show sensitivity to context in a number of ways, which include showing

an awareness of the existing literature in the topic being studied, or from research that

has employed similar methods. This has been demonstrated through the critical

evaluation of the literature in the introduction and through the engagement of theoretical

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concepts discussed in relation to the data. Throughout this study, the researcher took

into consideration how her position as a psychological researcher could influence the

balance of power in the interviewing process. Commitment and rigor has been

maintained during the analysis process through the degree of attentiveness and

sensitivity towards the data and continued care with each case. Transparency and

coherence can be shown through a detailed description of each stage of the research and

the decision made where each argument is presented, and the degree of fit between the

research and the underlying theoretical assumptions of the approach implemented.

Transparency was ensured through continuous reflexivity towards the research process.

According to some researchers, being transparent about the nature of the researcher’s

personal views through reflexivity is an important way that qualitative research achieves

validity (Lawrence, 2012; Willig, 2008). The impact and importance of the study is

demonstrated through whether the research reported interesting, useful, or important

findings.

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Chapter 3

Findings

This chapter presents the findings produced by the analysis, highlighting how

participants understand and talk about gambling. The analysis suggests that there are

three distinct themes that seem to reflect the participants’ perceptions. These are:

‘Temptation’, ‘Stay away’ and ‘What would others think?’. Each theme, and its

subthemes, are subsequently described using quotes from across the interviews with the

participants.

3.1 Overview of the Main Themes

Participants described being lured and enticed by portrayals of winning in

gambling advertisements. This seems to have created a thrill that tempted the

participants to gamble. The impact of social groups appeared to be enhancing the

temptation to participate in gambling activities. Participants also described negative

feelings, which make them want to stay away from gambling. Their avoidance was

found to be related to the fear of negative consequences that can arise. These negative

perspectives were identified to have stemmed from the way media portrays gambling

and associated negative stereotypes in their immediate social environment. The role of

society’s perceptions was acknowledged by the participants as having an influence on

the type of gambling they may participate in or avoid. Analysis suggests that the media

and the immediate social environment seem to have played the main role in shaping

young people’s perceptions. The three main themes derived from the analysis are

‘Temptation’, ‘Stay away’, and ‘What would others think?’ (Figure 1).

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Excitement

Enticement
Temptation
Life Experience

Fun

Disgust

Wealth
Stay Away
Fear

Alienation

Stigma

Apps alleviate shame


What Would Others
Think
Peer influence

Media tells us

Figure 1. Final thematic map

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Theme 1: Temptation

Participants discussed gambling as attractive and endearing. They described it as

something that lures them in, which creates an element of excitement. For example, in

the extract below, Luke shows how gambling websites tempt him to play.

Luke: Actually ... I think it makes it look really fun ... like they’ve got ... got these

characters that look like they are having a good time [laughs] and erm ... it’s

kind of like they are saying ‘look at us, come and join us, win lots of money’

[laughs]. And err ... They have the £30 large bang in the middle so it does catch

your eye. You kind of put two and two together and think yeah I’ll play this one

[laughs].

(Lines 78–83)

Luke’s extract identifies the temptation to gamble from the enticing elements of

the cartoon characters appearing to have fun and winning money. The images seem to

suggest a carefree social life that is enjoyable and possibly enticing for Luke. He also

draws on explicit connections to wealth and its benefits. The combination of the fun and

of winning a lot of money appears to be appealing to Luke, which tempts him to play.

Luke’s laughter could further imply feelings of excitement and enjoyment, which

suggest that the advertisement elicits positive feelings.

Jason, below, also refers to the financial incentives that make gambling exciting.

It is evident that, for Jason, a reward tempts him to bet more money and compensates

the risk of losing. Jason’s use of the words ‘definitely’ and ‘obviously’ implies that he

perceives financial gain as a sure win that he would not hesitate to question. He also

appears to possibly validate his reason, as he refers to it as ‘great fun’.

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Jason: Yeah definitely [sees the benefits in gambling] completely, because

obviously I could win a lot of money and therefore like you could put £5 on and

win loads back. To be fair the risk versus the reward are... like I would definitely

put more down. It can be great fun!

(Lines 63–66)

In contrast to Jason’s immediate certainty of the positive rewards of gambling,

James describes below his temptation to gamble, through what appears to be a process

of decision making. James initially notices the variety of choices presented, which

appear to give the impression that winning is possible; however, he questions the truth

in them. This tempting element of incentives from gambling advertisements shows that

James is in a dilemma between his concern of whether the advertisements are truthful

and his acceptance that the incentives are good enough for him to join. Despite not

being completely convinced, it is evident that James gives into the temptation to join.

James: I think they are on to something ... they have given people lots of options

and from what I can see it looks like pretty good options ... erm yeah some of

them kind of give you the impression that you are guaranteed a win ... I don’t

think that’s true [laughs] but I think they’ve got a good concept ... I probably

would try one of these ones because the outcome looks good.

(Lines 121–126)

Excitement. Across the data, participants noted the excitement that gambling

arouses and how this leads to a decision to play. All participants perceived gambling as

exciting when thinking about the possibility of a monetary gain. Participants described

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their temptation to gamble through the excitement of a “hope to gain” and feeling of

luck.

James: Oh you know what ... it was fantastic… that feeling you get is just

brilliant. Like... when you feel lucky it’s good to just go with that and place the

bet that you feel is right. There are some days where I do just feel good and feel

lucky so I make a bet on a match or horse or something like that.

(Lines 30–33)

It is evident in James’s extract that gambling creates feelings of excitement.

James’s description identifies excitement and impulsivity to bet. It could be argued that

gambling is creating an adrenaline rush of excitement for James, which he perceives as

feeling lucky. This rush and feeling of luck seems to drive his spontaneity to place a bet.

Gambling, therefore, becomes tempting. Similarly, with Kelly below, having won in the

past and having at times considered herself as lucky, this seems to be adding to the

excitement of possible future wins, thus making gambling tempting.

Kelly: Erm... yeah I have bet a couple of times but it’s not something... I will

only do it if I feel lucky enough or if I feel like ... because we’ve been playing a

certain way I feel like I’m more likely to win with money back.

(Lines 23–25)

Jason also appears to be talking about his excitement, which he describes as a

‘buzz’, and similarly to James's extract above, Jason’s ‘buzz’ could suggest a rush of

excitement. After he gambles, he experiences positive feelings from excitement, which

continue to make gambling appealing. He describes this feeling in contrast to a loss

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where he appears to feel deflated. Winning in gambling appears to create excitement,

which reinforces and strengthens the temptation to play due to the experience of

positive feelings.

Jason: Yeah definitely because you get a buzz (line 127).

When you know you’ve won that’s great ... it’s.. yeah... the losses are shit...

After I win... after I lose I’m just like ah no, I need to think through this. But if

I’ve won I’m like... let’s go.

(Lines 129–133)

Enticement. Enticement is related to feelings of being attracted and drawn in,

making participants tempted to gamble. This perception of gambling was primarily

drawn from advertisements. It was evident that all participants were enticed by at least

one of the images presented during the interview.

Anna: So I think the first one and the last one were a little bit more catchy I

guess. Erm, yeah they make it look more like, more gamey than kind of betting, I

mean it is a betting game but it looks more like a game with some weird

characters or something. (Lines 103–106)

Well the first one is kind of like these cartoon characters on the side that makes

it look more like a game I think and the way they’re dressed as well, they’re kind

of dressed a bit wacky too. And the last one because you’ve got the mini table

there and little poker chips, that’s probably why it looks more gamey, I think

definitely the first one looks the most like a game just because of the characters.

(Lines 109–114)

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It kind of makes it look a little bit interesting to be honest because they are quite

quirky. Erm so it does in that way ... it catches, it’s a little bit enticing you

know... compared to like the second one where you’ve just got two guys playing

football, erm, which is a bit, it’s more kind of a normal image. So that one I

suppose is less intriguing to me. So I think the first one grabs my interest a little

bit more.

(Lines 120–125)

Anna describes her appeal to the images in the advertisement. Anna’s talk

suggests that the cartoon images and nature of the advertisement put across a fun and

playful environment. This is reinforced by her description of the images as “wacky” and

“quirky”. She also refers to the advertisement as being “more gamey” suggesting its

light-hearted nature. Interestingly, the use of these words can arguably be suggested as a

description of a safe environment. Moreover, it could imply an image of safety related

to less involvement of risk. This is further supported as Anna makes a contrast and

identifies little interest in what seems to be a “normal image” of men playing football.

Therefore, the image creates a perception of a safe environment that makes gambling

enticing to Anna and tempts her to gamble. This is further demonstrated in Tina’s

extract below.

Tina: So, the first image is what I class as kind of like, less kind of gambling

addiction. It’s more playful, more like ‘hey you can play’ even though it is, it’s

kind of more playful, whereas the second one ... err ... is more for a dedicated

gambler I think.

(Lines 49–52)

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Tina provides a description of being lured and enticed by the playful images.

Her reference of others as more suited to a “dedicated gambler” enforces the

understanding that playfulness in the advertisements makes it more like a game and

provides a safe environment, which possibly minimises any associated risk.

Below, Alice also demonstrates an element of enticement from the animation.

Alice: The cartoons appeal to me more, but in general, because it says

Ladbrokes, you know it’s a betting company and I just... it’s not something I

would do.

(Lines 153–154)

I prefer like the colouring to the green ... it’s full of smiling people, so it’s more

appealing, the advertising... it just makes it look easy. Sign up, get £30 and join

now...

(Lines 161–163)

It looks like something I would play to be fair... like, I don’t think I would pay

for it straight away but I would probably like... try a free version and if I like

that then... Maybe play it.

(Lines 170–171)

Alice initially seems to be sceptical to play the game as it is associated with the

betting company “Ladbrokes”. She evidently associates betting companies with

something negative that she would not want to participate in. Later, she shows her

enticement to the images that portray the game as “easy”. Despite her initial scepticism,

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she gives in to the temptation and shows willingness to try out the game. From this

description, it appears that the images also enticed Alice and increased her temptation to

gamble.

It has been identified in previous extracts that the monetary incentives provided

by the gambling industry appear to make games more enticing. Jason’s extract below

provides evidence that these incentives enticed him to his first experience of gambling.

Jason appears to be convinced that he will be financially rewarded in some way.

Jason: They all encourage you to start ... they’ve all got bonuses... like 100% to

£200 ... like a 100% deposit up to £200 I guess that’s something that lured me to

some sites... I went to... I started using Paddy Power because whatever you put,

whatever deposit you put they double, erm... which is great you get like free bets

and stuff ... I don’t know... It’s encouraging.

(Lines 98–102)

Life experience. Participants seem to suggest that gambling involves excitement

and risk, which appears to be valuable to life experience; this therefore makes gambling

tempting. This is demonstrated by Tara in the extract below.

Tara: It could be a detrimental behaviour and another way is that some people

need to take a bit of a risk when it comes to life in general, when people are

overly cautious, don’t take any risk whatsoever so don’t experience life ... (line

18 – 21)

Say you’re at the top of a diving board, you’re there, it’s a risk to jump off, but

you could hurt yourself but you could be exhilarated and feel like you’ve

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achieved something after you’ve done, after you’ve jumped off the balancing

board or the diving board.

(Lines 24–27)

Tara’s extract evidences her perception of a risk as valuable to experiencing life.

Her use of a metaphor creates a seemingly tempting image to “jump” into something

exciting, such as diving into a swimming pool. Her expression of “say you’re at the top

of a diving board, you’re there” suggests the build-up to the event with possible feelings

of nervousness as well as excitement. In relation to gambling, this could be understood

as the wait before finding out the outcome of a bet. Using the word “exhilarated”

evidences her perception that there could be a positive outcome. This extract shows that

Tara relates gambling to a thrill-seeking activity that could be experienced in order to

have a well-rounded and not overly cautious life. Moreover, having this perception

makes gambling tempting.

James: I do think that people should take a chance ... obviously there’s no need

to bet your house and that but a fiver here and there wouldn’t make too much of

a difference ... and if you win it’s an even better pay out. I mean living a little is

ok (laughs).

(Line 79 – 82)

James’s extract identifies that he believes in taking small risks or chances in life.

He seems to imply that betting small amounts of money is more acceptable compared to

larger bets that could possibly be harmful. His laughter and suggestion for others to live

a little demonstrates his somewhat care-free and relaxed perception of gambling and its

value for others to experience life.

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Participants appeared to talk about gambling as a life experience in different

ways. Below, Luke talks about gambling as a way in which his peers can be

spontaneous. From his extracts, it is evident that being spontaneous means that they are

experiencing life and taking chances that are not too harmful.

Luke: I think amongst my mates it is our way of being a bit spontaneous… or

like… enjoying taking chances knowing that it’s not going to kill us (laughs).

(Line 58 – 60)

Kelly also describes herself and partner as cautious people who gamble as a way

they can relax and not worry. It appears that Kelly perceives her gambling behaviour as

a casual, fun experience. It could be interpreted that it is valuable to her life experience

to not be overly cautious and enjoy life.

Kelly: We don’t do something that ... say ... has the potential to be harmful. I

think we are both cautious like that but at the same time ... having a little bet or game

here and there is just our way of ... having fun I guess and maybe ... like... we don’t take

it seriously because it’s not big money.

(Line 49 – 52)

Fun. Participants described a fun and social environment associated with

gambling and its tempting nature. They described elements of excitement and pleasure,

as well as describing an element of competition amongst a group, which enhances the

temptation to place a bet. Francis’s extract below describes the fun environment with

peers.

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Francis: Erm if I’m with them in like an environment where we are all watching

the game then like if I see them do it then I could probably be tempted.

Especially if like there’s a few drinks flying around and we’re a bit ... what’s the

word... erm ... susceptible to err ... yeah

(Lines 55–58)

Erm... I don’t know... I guess there’s a bit of a thrill really and also I guess you

can just like showboat on things if you’ve won and it’s like a happy

environment, whereas if you are kind of sitting at home watching a sport, it’s a

bit like unnecessary I feel like.

(Lines 64–67)

Francis describes a social event with friends, and makes reference to alcohol

making him more “susceptible”. It appears that there is a playful and fun environment

within his peer group that makes gambling more appealing compared to other settings

where he may be alone. It could be assumed that the relaxed nature of the environment

makes him more tempted to take part in activities such as gambling. Moreover, it can be

interpreted that the fun environment makes gambling seem safer and less risky than

gambling alone.

Jason’s extract does not explicitly describe a fun environment, but clearly

demonstrates how gambling elevates his boredom and also adds to the excitement

within a group. He describes gambling related conversations amongst friends, where it

appears that placing a bet would introduce an element of fun, and also excitement, into

the discussion. Placing a bet when he’s at home also appears to alleviate his boredom. It

is therefore evident that for Jason, gambling is perceived as a behaviour that will

produce a feeling of enjoyment.

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Jason: Yeah like to be honest... I don’t mind [betting] anywhere really. Like, if

I’m with my mates then yeah... sometimes we’ll be chatting about a match that’s

coming up and all have different views so it’s like ... why not bet on it? Or if I’m

home and I’m bored then I might check out what events are on and sometimes

put a little bit down.

(Lines 47–51)

Similarly, with James, gambling is described as an activity that adds an element

of fun and light-heartedness.

James: We have a good laugh over it... if we [him and his friends] are together

it’s a laugh when we all make a bet and see who wins ... especially in football

matches... that’s the best time to do that. Whoever loses will usually have to buy

the next round of drinks.

Line 49 - 52

The analysis suggests that participants talk about gambling as something that

can be tempting to participate in. Another common way that gambling was described by

participants is that gambling is associated with negative consequences. This perception

made participants want to stay away from gambling.

3.3 Stay away

It was evident across the data that the participants perceived gambling as a

behaviour that holds negative consequences and outcomes that should be kept away

from. The extent to which the participants perceived gambling as a behaviour that

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should be avoided was evident in their constructs of disgust, wealth, alienation, and

fear.

Kayla: I really don’t think it’s something that appeals to me. I’m far from

interested and hardly see the point. All I hear is about people losing and some getting

into debt and family problems. I mean... I know people do win but I just can’t

understand why they would chance losing so much money. I would perhaps... do

something like the lottery. I would only do it every so often but... that I feel like... there’s

not so much money being put down... losing a pound or two is reasonable. Anything

more than that is a no go from me.

(Lines 167–174)

Kayla’s extracts evidence her feelings of wanting to stay away from gambling,

which appears to stem from hearing about others’ loss of money. Although Kayla

appears at the start to have a strong opinion not to gamble, she seems to perceive the

lottery as acceptable since there is a smaller loss. Kayla draws from discourses of debt

and family problems in gambling to construct gambling as something negative and risky

that should be avoided.

Luke: I have got one friend, actually he’s more of an acquaintance ... and he

always goes to the casino and puts down like fifty quid. I mean that’s great if

you have that money and know that you are going to win it back... but in reality

are you? I… I… think losing money will worry me, because... I’m not like him

who will be happy to lose. I mean... he’s not happy to lose but he can handle it. I

can’t because I’ll be kicking myself knowing I could have spent it more wisely.

Losing is really what puts me off.

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(Lines 23–30)

It is evident that Luke perceives gambling as dangerous due to the uncertainty of

a financial loss or gain. He openly questions this in the interview by asking “are you?”.

Luke could possibly be looking for reassurance in order to confirm his ideas of

gambling. It seems that Luke compares his financial circumstances with a “friend”; it

appears that Luke identifies himself as somebody who cannot afford to lose. His

description of “kicking himself” implies that losing money in gambling will

significantly impact him financially. This uncertainty and chance of losing appears to

make Luke want to stay away from gambling.

Disgust. Participants’ accounts of staying away from gambling included the

observation that gambling industries are untrustworthy and disgusting, as they attempt

to lure and entice people. As well as noticing positive features of gambling

advertisements, participants would describe these incentives as deceitful and destructive

to vulnerable people in society. These perceptions led to participants’ description of

disgust towards the gambling industry. Some participants demonstrated disgust after the

gambling images were shown. This is evident in Tara’s extract below.

Tara: People that are predisposed to be a bit more influenced by things like that

and people that have that kind of personality that, I don’t know, not to say

they’re like a crow and they see something shiny and they want to grab it but

there’s people that are excited by things like that and think ‘yes!’ When they see

an advert ‘I should have that’ ... (line 85 – 89)

I’ve got a sales background so I’m used to helping people market and helping

people with their brand development. So, these are tips and tricks that you are

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actually taught in upselling, and in general in sales this is what you are taught.

So you are aware that it catches people’s attention and that’s how it works ...

(line 96 – 100)

I think it’s disgusting and I think you lose a bit of your soul because sometimes

you’re told to sell something and you don’t believe in it.

(Lines 102–103)

Tara shares her experience of working in the marketing industry. Her description

implies that she perceives marketing as deceiving and spiteful. Tara uses a metaphor,

“like a crow and they see something shiny and they want to grab it”, which appears to

be an attempt to describe her perception of people’s nature to want or get excited by

something that has been advertised. It appears that Tara believes the marketing industry

has the ability to take advantage of this, and therefore entice gamblers through exciting

advertisements and incentives. Her description of “losing a bit of your soul” puts across

an image of her going against her moral values and beliefs. It appears that Tara has been

told to sell or advertise something that she does not believe in. In relation to gambling,

it could be understood that gamblers are tricked to play through the use of marketing

strategies. Tara’s description of her negative experience in marketing appears to have

resulted in her feeling “disgusted” at marketing industries.

In the extract below, Kayla similarly expresses feelings of aversion towards

gambling.

Kayla: It’s actually really bad ... that it can be so easy to gamble anywhere and

you don’t really have to make an effort to do it. Like people are always on their

phones now... so being able to gamble on apps is just putting it in front of

people’s face. When you think about it... it’s a serious issue for some people.

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(Lines 118–121)

I feel terrible ... like ... not for me but like for people who need to gamble and for

people that lose their money. I feel sorry for them but I’m thinking if it’s always

there it’s so easy.

(Lines 123–125)

Kayla talks about the accessibility of gambling as negative. She describes it

being put “in front of people’s face”, which gives the impression of her being

bombarded by gambling advertising. She appears to be processing this impact on those

who may have a gambling problem, which results in her feeling angry and, later on,

evidently disappointed. It could be argued that Kayla is also disgusted at the gambling

market and industry as it impacts those with a gambling problem. This perception of the

gambling market results in participants wanting to avoid gambling themselves.

Tina: It’s dangerous isn’t it? It’s a bit wrong. It is a bit wrong. With everyone in

debt, it entices people to come in to potentially get into more debt, I don’t agree

with it but it’s the world we live in right?

(Lines 81–83)

It seems that Tina is processing her thoughts around the danger of incentives.

She appears to ask for clarity as she says “isn’t it?” to the researcher. Repetition of the

words “it’s a bit wrong” emphasises a connection between her feelings towards

gambling and the realisation of gambling incentives as dangerous. Despite these strong

emotions, Tina shows acceptance through her words “it’s the world we live in right?”.

Tina’s low tone of voice and pause further suggests her disappointment and possible

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disgust towards gambling marketing. Moreover, her language and demeanour gives the

impression that Tina feels helpless and must accept that the world is not always good.

Wealth. Analysis suggested that participants perceived gambling as an activity

associated with wealth. It was seen as more acceptable for those with money to gamble.

They also described people who attend casinos as wealthy individuals who associate

within the casino network. Participants talked about this world being different from

theirs, and therefore depicted that they should stay away from gambling.

Anna: I don’t know if I would do it myself, err ... I suppose if you were someone

who’s kind of very wealthy and you’ve got connections and it’s not so risky, but

I think if you’re just an ordinary person like myself, it does kind of ... warning

signals pop up a little bit when I think about it. It’s not something I would never

do but it’s just(..) I would be a little bit wary about it because I think it could go

quite wrong and you could find yourself getting in too deep into it and you could

potentially get addicted. So I think from that perspective it’s not something that I

probably want to do.

(Lines 39 –46)

Anna describes gambling as an activity that would be suitable for people of

wealth and those who also have “connections” within the gambling field. She constructs

herself as an “ordinary person”, which, arguably, suggests a divide between herself and

the world of gambling. When discussing wealth and gambling, Anna uses words such as

“warning signals”, “wary”, “wrong”, “too deep”, and “get addicted”. These words

identify that she constructs gambling as a negative and harmful behaviour, which makes

her apprehensive. Anna’s description suggests that she perceives gambling as very

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separate from her, in a world that appears to be too dangerous for her. This therefore

means that she should stay away from gambling.

This divide between wealthy and non-wealthy is also evident in Luke’s extract,

as he describes the differences in the ways in which people of wealth spend money. He

compares the way he may spend money to those who gamble in a casino, which

suggests that he clearly positions a distinction from them. Luke appears to hold the

perception that wealthy people have the assets to afford to lose money in gambling,

which he does not identify with. Within Luke’s account, he refers to wealthy people as

“they”, which further suggests the distinction from himself. Furthermore, this evidences

Luke’s reason to stay away from gambling.

Luke: It’s kind of like... those people who have money can do what they want

really they can go into casinos every Saturday night and would have no issue if

they lost some money because I guess for them it’s like a night out drinking. The

money that we would spend on a drink, for them is money that they can put

down.

(Line 50 - 54)

Kayla: I do know one person from home he did ... he got into gambling at

casinos and spent his whole student loan on it, yeah ... that’s just one person

and I think all the others thought ... well we can’t... if they’re earning I can

understand if they want to do it and if they are earning a good amount and they

can afford to lose £100 then that’s fair enough but… I think it’s a dangerous

thing to get into if you are young or a student because it can just easily take

your money away very quickly can’t it?

(Lines 28–34)

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Kayla also seems to perceive that gambling is more acceptable for those for who

“can afford to lose” money. She talks about a group of people who say that they can’t

afford to gamble. As she refers to the group as “we”, it can be assumed that Kayla also

identifies herself as part of that group. She refers to the financial danger of students and

young people gambling, which are two groups Kayla falls into. Therefore, it can be

suggested that as Kayla doesn’t assert herself as wealthy, she stays away from

gambling.

Fear. Another aspect that displays participants’ position that gambling needs to

be avoided is the fear participants expressed regarding losing money, and the impact

this potentially has on themselves and their families. This fear was generally associated

with a gambling addiction, which seems to further reinforce that gambling is something

they should stay away from.

Tara: A lot of them are trapped in their own behaviour and it’s affected their life

detrimentally, to the point that they can’t function normally because they’re so

obsessed and absorbed in the next thrill and the next ‘I could win’, and they’re

convinced the next time they do it they are going to make a massive windfall.

There’s no guarantee! It’s like they’re high off the rush and it can be just as

detrimental as drinking or smoking or taking drugs.

(Lines 37–42)

Tara describes those who gamble as being possibly “trapped” and unable to

function, which demonstrates her perception of the severity of the negative

consequences of gambling. It is apparent that she associates the dangers of gambling

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with the dangers of substance misuse. This highlights the level of risk that Tara

perceives gambling to have, which clearly indicates that she should avoid such

behaviour. During the interview, Tara said this in a strong and passionate tone, which

further reinforced her fear associated with gambling.

Kayla: Erm… I think it can be a bad habit [gambling] but if the person is able to

control themselves and know when to stop then I guess it’s a choice that they

can do ... I can see how it can be addictive and stuff.

(Lines 41–43)

Erm... I see it more as a loss because I think you are more likely to lose than

win. If you are really smart and lucky and stuff then obviously it’s a different

story but I just... I would have no idea what I’m doing.

(Lines 74–76)

Kayla appears to be fearful about gambling due to the risk of losing money and

the chance that the games are noticeably addictive. She mentions the individual being

“able to control” their “habit”. Firstly, her use of the word “habit” suggests that she sees

it as an addictive behaviour and possibly something that somebody cannot change. She

also links this with the ability to control, which suggests that she sees it as something

that can become uncontrollable. Kayla’s perception of the uncertainty of the outcome in

gambling arguably leads her to be fearful.

Alienation. Participants appeared to perceive gambling as a behaviour that takes

you away from the world. This was identified around their descriptions of loneliness,

secrecy, and withdrawal.

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Tara: They’re very obsessed and I feel like they’re missing out on life because

they’re spending so much time in their own head and too much time in the game.

And they’re missing out on life and they’re going to wake up and realise hold

on, wait, is all that time wasted? I could have done something that I could have

achieved something.

(Lines 176–180)

…they spend so much time locked in their rooms; I have no idea what they’re

doing. Apart from telling me they’re playing a game or I’ve got this new game, I

have no idea what they’re doing.

(Lines 182–183)

So if people can secretly have an addiction or a gambling addiction, no one

would have a clue because it’s on your phone. People could think you are just

fiddling on your phone or on Facebook, you’re on social media. But really they

could be ... they’re playing gambling games.

(Lines 187–190)

Tara’s description of her siblings who play games on their phones suggests a

disconnect with real life. She uses the words such as “missing out on life”, which

demonstrates her perception that they are taken away from life and the world, which is

potentially affecting their life development. She states that “they spend so much time

locked in their rooms” where “no one would have a clue” what they are doing. This

further identifies that, as well as gambling and gaming alienating people, there is also a

chance for people to alienate themselves with accessible gambling and gaming

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opportunities. Tara’s description appears to be around the use of a mobile phone, which

suggests that access to these games on technology eliminates the social interaction.

Kelly: … as soon as it interrupts your daily routine...or if it interrupts work or...

if it ... Like shows breaking down in relationships and you know the person is

withdrawn from day to day, erm, socialising on their phone or continuously

being in the bookies ... so yeah I’ll say that’ll be an addiction and when it’s gone

too far.

(Lines 56–60)

Kelly describes gambling as damaging to relationships, which results in

alienation. She uses the word “withdrawal”, which suggests a total disconnect from life

and portrays the gambler as struggling to keep away from the gambling world.

Luke: I think it’s something that can really take you away. I don’t know how to

describe it ... but you see people who don’t talk to friends or even family

anymore because they are so stuck in this... This... trap, I guess... that’s

probably the best way I can think to describe it.

(Lines 66–70)

Luke also highlights that an individual can become alienated from family and

friends. He describes it as a “trap”, which suggests that someone who is heavily

involved in gambling cannot get out, therefore implying that the consequences of

gambling alienate the individual.

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James: The apps are good if you want to gamble, but it means that it’s easy

again. Like... you don’t have to go anywhere and if you want to bet you can. It’s

kind of like another social media app... like people are always on their phones,

constantly. Gambling on your phone just means that you can do it quietly

without anybody knowing. I wouldn’t do it regularly because ... I feel that we

are always on our phones ... and if I was to start gambling a lot on my phone it

would potentially be addictive, which means my life is spent on my phone

(laughs).

(Lines 66–72)

James’s extract identifies that the accessibility of gambling contributes to

gambling in secrecy. Secrecy is evident as James states it “just means that you can do it

quietly without anybody knowing”. He talks about gambling apps in reference to “other

social media apps”, which suggests that since apps are commonly accessed, others do

not question when gambling apps are accessed, further highlighting the element of

secrecy. James points out the potential of gambling being addictive through use of

mobile phones; therefore, he avoids it.

This theme of ‘stay away’ encompasses participants’ views that gambling can

potentially have negative consequences and needs to be avoided. Participants tend to

talk about gambling as a behaviour that holds a high level of risk, which they do not

want to be part of. Participants’ constructs of ‘stay away’ identify their fear and

concerns with those who gamble, and the potential consequences that could arise. Much

of the participants’ perceptions have been derived from the media and what they see in

society. The next theme of ‘What would others think?’ highlights this in further detail.

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3.4 What would others think?

Participants emphasised the role of society and stereotypes on their perceptions

and gambling behaviour. The analysis suggests that the views of others contribute to the

way participants perceive gambling and those who gamble. It appears that the media

and society has reinforced negative stereotypes which seems to have an influence on the

participants’ perspectives as they worry about how they may be seen. The following

extracts show how participants consider the perception of their social groups in

gambling.

Kayla: I think they [friends] might find it weird if I was to gamble because ...

like... it’s not the norm.

(Lines 50–51)

Luke: I’m not sure how my closest friends will feel about going to a casino every

night. They more like a bit of casual fun. I feel like if I was to go to casinos and

things like that I would probably have a very different group of friends; my

mates won’t enjoy anything like that.

(Lines 29–33)

Kayla’s extract clearly identifies that gambling is not an activity that her friends

would regularly do; therefore, she would be seen as “weird”, evidencing her

consideration of how she would be perceived by peers. It could be suggested that Kayla

would not want to be seen as different from her social group, and therefore would,

arguably, not participate in gambling. Luke’s extract further provides evidence to this

idea, as he suggests that he would have a “different group of friends” if he was to go to

casinos for fun. Both these extracts highlight that the views of social groups are taken

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into consideration when deciding if to gamble. Both Kayla and Luke provide evidence

that the participants consider what others will think of them.

James’s extract below provides evidence of the assumptions made about the

perceptions of those in a casino environment, and how this impacts his behaviour.

James: I don’t think casinos are my thing. I mean ... I have been once or twice

but to be honest I find it a bit ... pretentious and ... that’s not me, I don’t like

that. Similar with betting shops, I think that’s weird... I wouldn’t want to be seen

in one of those [laughs] ... It’s just the way in which people are seen, I’m not a

hard gambler and don’t want people to think I am. I like it every so often for a

bit of fun but that’s it.

(Lines 43–49)

James’s extract illustrates the discomfort from attending a casino or betting

shop; it highlights that he is concerned with the image society may have of him if he

were to be seen in a betting shop. James states that he’s not a “hard gambler”, which is

evidence that he assumes that he may be perceived that way if he attends a casino or

betting shop. This identifies that James is concerned with how others will perceive him

in that environment, which arguably may evolve from his own stereotypes of those in a

casino.

Stigma. Participants were able to put across their concerns of what others think

through the discussion of stigmas. Participants described images of those who they

identify as a gambler. This image appears to have a negative portrayal, which

participants reflected on in relation to how they would be seen in society if they were to

gamble.

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Francis: Yeah, I kind of imagine just like seedy old guys kind of sitting in there

and betting on horses all day... it’s not really a good image when you are

walking past it. And yeah there’s just a… when I went there it was just a bit

depressing... but that was my view on it.

(Lines 163–166)

Francis’s extract is a response to someone who he thinks attends a betting shop.

Francis’s use of the words “seedy old guys” and his description of them “sitting there

all day”, suggests that he also holds a negative portrayal of those who attend a betting

shop. The latter also gives the impression of someone who may be unproductive and not

be working. It could be assumed that his description means the individual is also lonely

or potentially a failure. He refers to his experience of it being “depressing”, which

highlights his perception of a gloomy and morbid environment. These descriptions

appear to be Francis’s stigmas of a gambler, which he is concerned of being seen as.

Kayla: I feel like... people who do those things actually have nothing else to do.

Like... they spend a lot of time gambling so I feel like they have money to waste,

and then when they get in debt it’s an issue... I mean if you gamble regularly

there’s a chance that you will end up in debt. Those people that gamble are just

impulsive and I guess they can’t control themselves.

(Lines 43–48)

Similarly to Francis, Kayla’s stigma also appears to be around someone who has

failed in life. Kayla refers to them having “nothing to do”, further highlighting a

perception of someone who doesn’t have much in life apart from gambling.

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These constructs of those who gamble appear to create discomfort for young

people to go into a betting shop, as they believe there is a negative stigma. Due to the

participants’ similar constructs of an old man in a betting shop, it could be understood

that this is a shared social image. Moreover, young adults avoid attending betting shops

because others may hold this negative image of them.

Alice: I don’t think I ... want to be seen in that way ... Like as a gambler... I think

... I don’t see it as a positive message. It sounds so bad... it’s not even like I’ve had a

bad experience with a gambler or anything, it’s just the way that I feel. I personally...

don’t want to be associated with that kind of stuff.

(Line 112 – 116)

From Alice’s extract, it appears that she holds negative stigmas towards

gambling, which she doesn’t want to be associated with. It is evident that she is

concerned about how others will perceive her if she was to gamble. As she states that

she has not “had a bad experience with a gambler”, it can be argued that she holds a

negative image that can be assumed to have been shaped from society or the media.

This further results in Alice’s concern about what others will think of her.

Apps escape shame. The analysis suggests that access to mobile applications

alleviates the discomfort from attending betting shops and casinos. Participants who

gambled would usually do so via apps for ease of access and comfort.

For example, Francis, in the previous theme, provided a description of someone

in a betting shop as a failure. In the extract below, he goes on to describe his discomfort

as “intense” as he is inexperienced. The word “intense” implies that there was a

pressure for him to do well in a betting shop. However, having apps means that he

doesn’t have to experience that discomfort. Being able to gamble “in the comfort of

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your environment” arguably suggests that gambling in a safe environment means that

there will be no judgement.

Francis: Yeah... it just feels a bit intense going in there especially like if I’m not

that experienced in betting ... I don’t really know what I’m doing... it’s a lot

easier to just like have your app in the comfort of your environment and just

have a look yourself.

(Lines 168–171)

This description of “intensity” was also captured in Jason’s extract below. His

repetition of “I don’t like the intensity” highlights his discomfort of a betting shop. It is

evident that his discomfort comes from others in the environment, where he possibly

feels as if he is being judged. Having mobile applications for gambling clearly allows

Jason to gamble without being watched or judged by others; therefore relieving his

feelings of shame.

Jason: I don’t like the intensity ... I don’t like the intensity ... people watching

you, people enquiring; obviously it’s like my own private business if it’s on my

phone.

(Lines 43–45)

Further to this, Alice also talks about the discomfort of attending a betting shop.

She also refers to it as being “more of a game” at home, which arguably suggests that

Alice also feels safer gambling in an environment that she is comfortable in. She talked

about feeling as if she wouldn’t “belong” in a betting shop or casino, arguably

highlighting the way that access to apps allows her to gamble without social judgement.

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Alice: Well… a lot of it is online now, so... You like... especially... because our

generation it’s easy and you can do it from home and it’s more of a game. I

wouldn’t want to go into a betting shop where there’s loads of middle-aged

guys, that doesn’t appeal to me but if I was interested in gambling I would much

rather do it from my phone or computer in the comfort of your own home.

(Lines 121–125)

If I went into a betting shop, I would feel uncomfortable as if I don’t really

belong there. Erm also with a casino... I feel like I wouldn’t know what I’m

doing and I’m out my depth. I guess it’s just judgement from other people

whether it’s like... what are you doing here or what are you betting or like you

don’t belong here I guess...

(Lines 217–221)

Peer influence. The analysis suggests that the participants tend to follow their

peers in taking part in gambling, and would be more likely to gamble if this was

common in their immediate social group or family environment. Participants who do

not gamble regularly also described being influenced if the majority of their peers

would try.

Anna: If you’re in a casino or if you’re with a bunch of friends and they’re like

‘oh let’s play this game’... then I think it’s a little bit harder to not get involved

compared to if you’re just sitting at home on the computer and you see an ad,

you know ... I think I definitely feel a lot less compelled if I’m at home and I just

see an ad ... if I was with a group of friends and they’re like ‘oh let’s play’… a

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bit of like the peer pressure element involved ... I’m not saying because there are

other people... you might think ... like, oh it might kind of be a bit more fun that

way you know...yeah.

(Lines 371–379)

Anna illustrates that there is an element of feeling coerced to gamble in a social

situation. Anna describes not being interested in gambling alone, but perceives

gambling as a different experience if it’s with friends. Anna’s description of it being

“harder to not get involved” suggests that there is a pressure to be involved in an

activity if peers are keen to participate. It could also be seen that Anna may not want to

be left out of an activity that could potentially be fun. Moreover, it could be argued that

if Anna was not to get involved, she may be perceived in a negative way by her peers.

This further highlights the pressure from peers and the concern of what others will

think.

Francis’s extract, below, is evident that within his peer circle they encourage

each other to gamble, and appears to demonstrate an element of competition. Francis’s

extract evidenced that there is an influence from peers to participate in gambling.

Francis: Er... well... if you’re in an environment with a load of guys you kind of...

you guess you will want to show off and be... motivated by each other and carry

on playing... just a dangerous environment really.

(Lines 182–184)

Kelly’s extract below identifies that her boyfriend’s account provided an

opportunity to gamble. It appears that she places bets from her boyfriend’s account. It

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could be assumed that she was influenced by her boyfriend to gamble as he has an

account and it’s an activity that they do together.

Kelly: Yeah sometimes we bet together erm... I mean usually when I’ve bet it’s

through his account and I’m like... ‘ah I’ll put the bet on for’ you so… yeah

(Lines 44–45)

Media tells us. Participants have emphasised the role the media plays in

creating either positive or negative stereotypes of how gambling is seen by others. From

the analysis, it is evident that the young adults’ perception is derived from the media,

which includes movies, TV shows, and social media. The following extracts by Anna

highlight the role of the media.

Anna: Erm, it might sound a bit silly but it’s mainly through media, mostly what

I’ve seen on television to be honest, I think that’s primarily where I have made

that kind of association, because otherwise I don’t really have much err,

knowledge of ... well in terms of what gambling is, I don’t remember specifically

learning about it in school or anything, I think it’s mostly through media that

I’ve created this, erm, definition in my head I think.

(Lines 24–29)

I think just like episodes of shows like Friends when they’re in casinos and they

play things like Blackjack and stuff ... erm I think there was also this, there was

a film that I saw a long time ago. I think it was called, like, 21 or something.

(Lines 31–34)

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I think probably the ones where it’s kind of, they’ve shown it in a ... obviously I

haven’t watched that many gambling movies but the few that I have watched I

think when they’ve portrayed it in a negative way, that’s when… you start to

think, oh this is kind of a dangerous thing. But if it’s like an episode of Friends

or some kind of TV show where they’re just betting in a casino or something and

nothing really that bad happens, then I don’t really tend to think that much of it.

I think it’s just when you see it going wrong and you see people racking up large

amounts of debt then I think erm you start to think it could all go wrong very

quickly.

(Lines 73–80)

Anna’s extracts vividly capture the notion of media defining young people’s

perceptions. Anna talks about gambling that she has seen in the media that has

contributed to her understanding. She talks about gambling in a comedy, which she

understands as a fun social experience, where she doesn’t think or hold a strong

opinion. Her reference to a movie that appears to have a negative portrayal of gambling

clearly impacts her perception of gambling. Anna’s description is similar to the view

she has held throughout the interview: that a one-off game with friends is less harmful

than gambling on a frequent or solo basis. This highlights the way that the media

appears to inform participants’ understandings of gambling.

As well as TV, ideas are also communicated through social media.

Alice: Because I don’t think the risk is worth it, you hear more about people

losing than you do winning, in my view anyway but occasionally you’ll get

people placing a bet then put a Facebook status. ‘Oh won 40 quid at the horses’

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or something like that ... but like, I don’t know, I don’t really hear about people

winning.

(Lines 83–87)

Alice talks about hearing more of the negative outcomes of gambling compared

to the positive. It can be suggested from her extract that people may post about their

winnings from gambling on Facebook; however, it can be assumed that they do not post

about their losses. Although in this case, it has not directly impacted Alice’s decision, it

can be argued that the messages communicated through social media contribute to the

perceptions and ideas that participants have of gambling.

Tara discusses gambling advertisements through the use of social media as an

‘invasion of privacy’.

Tara: It’s been used as a facilitating tool to bring about people’s agendas and

there’s people in war-torn countries that don’t have a penny to their name that

have smartphones nowadays. So if there’s one way to access the masses and

they use it to their utmost. Even the other day when it comes to things like

advertising, like, Facebook, and because they own WhatsApp they have given

WhatsApp access to your browsing data so it can tell Facebook what you like

and advertise towards you accordingly, that’s an invasion of your privacy and

it’s gearing towards, say someone has a problem and they look at things and it’s

just showing you constantly ‘oh buy this buy this’ and you’re trying not to.

(Lines 207–213

It is evident that Tara’s experience of the media and the way in which they reach the

masses has been seen as intrusive and vindictive. This tells us that the media is

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constantly attempting to communicate messages to society in order to gain consumers.

These messages, whether positive or negative, shape young people’s perceptions of how

society views gambling, and ultimately influence their decision to gamble.

This theme has demonstrated the role that society and the media plays in shaping

and influencing young adults’ perception of gambling. It provides young adults with

ideas of how those who gamble may be perceived in different contexts. This perception

has been shown to influence the method that is taken to gamble.

3.5 Summary and preliminary discussion

The current study aimed to explore the accounts of young adults’ perceptions of

gambling and their view of its representation in the media. It endeavoured to gain an

understanding of how young adults perceive and understand gambling today. The

analysis indicated that gambling is perceived as an activity that is tempting, whilst at the

same time an activity of risk and negative consequences. On the one hand, participants

described gambling advertisements as luring and enticing, which made them feel

intrigued and excited about the outcome. Incentives in the advertisements played a big

role in tempting young adults to participate. This is in line with previous research such

as studied by Lee et al (2008), Binde (2009) and Hing et al (2016) who argued that

gambling advertisements attracts society to gamble. On the other hand, the analysis

suggested that young adults have a sense of ambivalence towards gambling, as they fear

the negative consequences. When reflecting on the temptation and incentives of the

advertisements, participants began to see the advertisements as ‘disgusting’ and

‘deceiving’, as they may be harmful to vulnerable individuals. This negative perception

of gambling has been similarly found in studies by Wickwire (2010), however this

research adds more insight into the participants accounts of avoiding gambling.

Participants also expressed the role of society and their peers in their decision making to

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gamble, and also in the way in which they gamble. It appeared that the view of others

and the media's portrayal has an influence in shaping their perception of gambling.

Previous research has identified that the media holds stereotype portrayals which

influence young people (e.g. Barnes, 2007; Binde, 2009; Korn, 2005). Overall, the

findings add further insight and knowledge into the perspectives of gambling and

complement existing gambling literature. This is discussed in more detail in the next

chapter.

3.6 Reflection on the process of analysis

The analysis phase evoked my anxieties around not being experienced conducting

qualitative research. At times, I questioned whether I would do the data justice and if

my interviewing skills were sufficient to have gathered in-depth data. During the

interviews, a couple of the participants responded timidly with short answers. This

required me to be very active in using probes to encourage them to expand their

accounts. In leaving those interviews, I jumped to the assumption that the data may not

be rich enough. However, during the first phase of analysis I noticed that the data had

more depth than what I anticipated. During the transcription phase which involved me

listening very carefully to the tapes, facilitated my understanding and engagement with

the data. This was also essential in developing codes that were connected to the

accounts.

Phase three and four of analysis involved the clustering of codes and developing

themes. Early in this stage, I felt overwhelmed of codes and somewhat struggled to see

the themes clearly. I grouped the variety of codes into similarities that I could see and

left codes that I struggled to fit in to the side. I then took some time away from the data

and came back with a clearer mind. Revisiting the data with a fresh mind allowed me to

see the themes and missing codes which I couldn’t before. Developing an initial

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thematic map at this point facilitated the development of the main themes and identified

the overlaps between themes. I was then able to group the themes further to create the

final thematic map.

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Chapter 4

Discussion

This chapter discusses each theme in relation to the existing literature. The

clinical implications are outlined and the relevance of findings to counselling

psychology is discussed. This is followed by a consideration of the limitations of this

study and directions for future research.

4.1 Discussion of findings

Participants talked about a temptation to gamble, especially in connection to

advertisements, websites and incentives that seem to provide possible chances of

winning. This excitement was also produced from the enticement of advertisements, as

the images gave participants a feeling of luck and a high chance of winning. Previous

literature has ascertained that excitement is one of the common reasons for why people

gamble (Walker, 1992). Boyd (1982) described excitement as the “gambler’s drug”.

Previous studies have also linked excitement to the expectancy of winning money

(Wulfert, 2008). In this study, the excitement of expectancy to win was present

following exposure to gambling advertisements. Feeling excited and enticed by

gambling advertisements are in line with Lee, Lemanski and Jun’s (2008) findings,

which suggest a positive relationship between media gambling exposure and attitudes

towards gambling. This could be understood through cognitive theory, according to

which, gamblers play due to distorted beliefs and over-estimation of their chances of

winning (Ladouceur & Walker, 1996). Drawing on cognitive theory and findings from

the study, it could be argued that the distorted beliefs are strongly facilitated by what is

portrayed in gambling advertisements and online websites. The advertisements portray

that winning in gambling is highly possible, which appears to create excitement; hence

the findings of positive attitudes towards gambling advertisements (Lee et al., 2008).

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As well as excitement from advertisements, participants also described being

enticed. They specifically talked about monetary incentives as attractive and appealing,

which contributed to their decision to play or not. Research has stressed the concern that

the continued enticement of adverts could potentially increase the rates of gamblers and

essentially problem gambling rates (Binde, 2009; Grant & Kim, 2001). Incentives

appeared to entice participants, where they tempt gamblers to continue gambling, and

those who do not usually gamble, to try. Furthermore, participants were enticed by the

playful nature and entertainment of the advertisements, which made gambling tempting.

This, therefore supports the assertion that gambling advertisements intend to appeal to

audiences (Hing et al., 2016). The features that seemed apparent in this study are similar

to those found by Korn et al. (2005), where participants were attracted to the idea of

possible wealth, happiness, and material gain. These features appear to be evident in

participants’ perceptions of gambling, which suggests that gambling advertisements are

achieving their aim to entice and gather customers. However, the implication of this is

that it could draw in gamblers and potentially entice those who are recovering from a

gambling problem, as found in the study by Hing et al (2016).

Participants expressed gambling as a fun experience, especially with peers and

social groups. Fun, along with financial gain and enjoyment, has been found as a key

expectancy in gambling (St-Pierre et al., 2014), suggesting that participants anticipate a

fun experience. Fun, furthermore, has been identified as a significant feature that

motivates youths to gamble (Korn et al., 2005) and as a social activity that alleviates

boredom (Mercer & Eastwood, 2010; Nower & Blaszczynski, 2006; Skinner et al.,

2004). Participants in this study also expressed gambling as a means to relieve boredom

and have fun instead. Supporting research acknowledges fun as a gambling expectancy

(Stewart et al, 2015). Interestingly, when discussing gambling as fun, it appeared that

the male participants found the element of competition amongst friends as being fun.

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Studies have identified that women respond less favourably to competition than men

(Wong et al., 2012); however, gender was not considered in the selection process. In

order to explore this further, additional research will need to be conducted on gender

differences.

Participants spoke about gambling as something that contributes to their

experiences in life. They talked about not being too cautious and taking chances

reflecting Kristiansen and Jensen’s (2014) findings that at-risk gambling patterns could

be a normal part of adolescent life. This is further supported by Korn (2005), who found

that gambling in young people is seen as merely a form of entertainment with no risks

attached. Researchers have stressed that exposure to gambling has normalised the

behaviour (Gainsbury et al., 2015; King at al., 2014; Lamont et al., 2011; Moore &

Ohtsuka, 1999), which arguably results in the participants perceiving gambling as an

enjoyable activity that contributes to their life experiences.

This temptation, that is evident in the data and the literature, can pose a risk to

young people developing problematic gambling behaviour. With gambling being

accessible (Griffiths, 2011) and frequently participated by young people (Derevensky &

Gupta, 2004), there appears to be a threat that it could be seen as merely entertainment,

and become embedded in general behaviour (Kristiansen & Jenson, 2014). Recently, the

Gambling Industry Code for Social Responsible Advertising (Industry Group for

Responsible Gambling, 2015) was updated in order for the media to not intentionally

target those under the age of 18 through the style and context of their advertisements.

Updates have included the restriction of advertisements after 9pm if it includes a sign-

up offer, a socially responsible gambling message and clear indication of age restriction.

However, those over the age of 18, likewise the participants in this study, are still

exposed to the tempting nature of gambling.

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Apart from the enticing and tempting elements, participants also spoke about the

need to stay away from gambling. Participants in this study picked up on the

consequences that could arise, identifying that gambling could become an addictive

behaviour leading them to avoid gambling. This study found that participants perceived

the gambling industry, specifically marketing, as disgusting as they attempt to draw in

people to a behaviour that could eventually become harmful and addictive. This is in

line with findings by Fam et al (2009) who found that in China gambling

advertisements were seen as being “offending” as the behaviour is seen as lazy and a

non-productive way to pass time. It is noted that there is a difference in the cultural

context and the role culture plays in the perception of gambling is out of the scope of

this research. However, it identifies that there appears to be a negative perception of

how gambling is perceived.

Participants seem to have differentiated casino gambling from other forms of

gambling; they connected it with wealth and appeared to distance themselves from such

a status. The model of casino gambling based on Tversky and Kahneman’s (1992)

cumulative prospect theory posits that “people evaluate risk using a value function that

is defined over gains and losses” (Barberis, 2012, p. 2). This is known as loss aversion

and suggests that people are more sensitive to losses than to gains. It can therefore be

assumed that participants perceive casinos as holding more risk, and arguably believe

there is more chance that they could lose. This finding could reflect how young people

view the difference between casinos and sports betting which provides an insight into

what is perceived as risky. In order to protect young people from developing

problematic gambling, it could be suggested that research and education could focus on

the perception of risk in gambling. A deeper understanding will be beneficial to inform

and shape support services.

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Participants reported feeling afraid that gambling could become problematic and

potentially addictive. Fear could conceivably be related to avoidance behaviour.

Research has suggested that avoidance of fearful stimuli is associated with anxiety

(Dymond & Roche, 2009; Pittig et al., 2014). It could be argued that the participants’

worry of losing money to gambling makes them feel anxious, which in turn makes them

perceive gambling as something they should stay away from. Furthermore, identify

over-involvement as a negative expectancy (Gillespie et al, 2007; Wickwire et al, 2010)

which influences gambling behaviour. Fear complements existing literature on

gambling expectancies as it provides evidence that the participants feared over-

involvement that could lead to negative consequences, such as addiction. This negative

expectancy made participants feel as if they should stay away from gambling.

Although being social was a factor that contributed to fun in gambling, at other

points in the data participants perceived gambling as alienating. Participants expressed

that gambling is an activity that can be done in secrecy with minimal interaction with

others. They also associated alienation with people who gamble regularly and often with

those who have an addiction. This was also talked about by one participant in relation to

gaming. One participant also expressed gaming being similar to gambling as it means

that you are always in the game and “missing out on life”. It could be argued that the

element of alienation is apparent in gambling and gaming activities. Research has

suggested that solo gamblers tend to be more frequent and heavy betters (Bernhard,

Dickens & Shapiro, 2007). It was also noted by the participants that gambling via

mobile applications contribute to the alienating element which is in line with Griffiths

(2001), who found that mobile gambling reduces sociability. The participants in this

study perceived alienation as a consequence of gambling and therefore used it as a

reason to avoid the activity. However, this evidence highlights that mobile gambling

can arguably contribute to the development of excessive gambling. To protect people

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from gambling excessively gambling companies could possiblyy put in restrictions on

the mobile applications.

Research has found that the media informs society (Binde, 2009) and repeats

stereotypical portrayals (Barnes, 1997). This study has identified that the media sends

messages about gambling behaviour through shows and movies on TV. Participants

would refer to what they have seen on TV and media, which contributes to their

understanding and perceptions of gambling. In line with previous research (Un & Lam,

2016), participants suggested that if TV portrays gambling as fun, it makes them more

inclined to participate. This could be understood by Ohtsuka and Chan’s (2014)

assertion that movies provide an insight into the psychologies and fantasies of ordinary

people. However, participants did not only reflect on gambling shown in a positive

light, but also expressed that it demonstrated the negative consequences of excessive

gambling. Participants expressed TV as a way of learning about the social values of

gambling and the consequences that can arise. Two participants in particular talked

about an episode of a popular TV soap that showed the impact gambling could have on

a young person. This appeared to cement with them and contributed to their

understanding of gambling, especially problem gambling. Across the participants it

appeared that the negative portrayals of gambling in movies stuck with them more than

the positive. This resulted in the participants reflecting on how they would be perceived

by others if they were to gamble excessively. In contrast to previous research suggesting

the media creates positive attitudes (Korn et al, 2005) and irresponsible gambling (Un &

Lam, 2016), negative portrayals of gambling appeared to make participants ambivalent.

They described different types of stigma that revolved around those who go to betting

shops and who develop a problem from gambling either on TV or in real life.

A recent study on stigma found that problem gamblers experience public,

perceived, and self stigma (Hing, Russell & Gainsbury, 2016). The descriptions of

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stigma that the participants shared all appeared to be related solely to those who have a

gambling problem. Based on stigma descriptions by Hing et al. (2016), it appears that

the participants were drawing on stereotypes produced from public stigmas. Stereotypes

are viewed as structures of social knowledge that are learnt by the majority of a social

group (Judd & Park, 1996). Hamilton and Sherman (1994) claimed that stereotypes are

“efficient” because people quickly generate impressions and expectations of individuals

who belong to a stereotype group. Within this study, a representation of gamblers that

appeared to be consistent amongst the majority of the participants was the perception

that those who attend betting shops are “old guys” who have nothing to do, have lost

their life to gambling and are possible failures. It appeared that participants saw those

who attend a betting shop as similar to previous studies that found problem gamblers

are perceived as a bad character, perilous, non-recoverable, disruptive (Hing et al.,

2016), and lazy (Miller & Thomas, 2017). This view made participants cautious of

attending a betting shop, as they felt that they would also be perceived by society in a

negative light. Similarly, to the findings of Hing et al (2016) participants seemed to fear

being stigmatized as a gambler. It appears that the participants’ perceptions were

produced from either what they had seen or from the media’s emphasis of the extreme

negative consequences of gambling, parallel to the finding from Miller and Thomas

(2017). This study supports the assertion that media plays a vital role for individuals to

acquire knowledge and develop expectations for society, self-behaviour, and beliefs

(Behm-Morawitz & Mastro, 2008). This contributes to existing literature by

demonstrating how society and the media have an influence on the way in which

gambling is perceived; this in turn made the participants cautious of their gambling

behaviours.

Participants described that they were able to minimise the discomfort they had

experienced in attending land-based gambling outlets through the use of mobile phones

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or tablets to gamble. Previous research has suggested that online access to gambling

provides anonymity (Griffiths, 2003); it can therefore be suggested that mobile

gambling allowed the participants to gambling anonymously, which allows them to

avoid the impact of negative stereotyping. Although technology has acted as a means

for gambling without judgement, it also means that it can be done without others

knowing (Valentine, 2016). Participants in this study seemed to be pleased with the

access to gambling on mobile phones. Quinlan et al (2013) support this in a study with

young adults, which found that gambling motives were positively correlated with

gambling alone. Thus, it can be argued that it could potentially contribute to the

development of excessive, or even problem gambling.

Influence of peers within social circles was apparent in the analysis. Participants

expressed an inclination to gamble if it was an activity carried out within their social

groups. Similarly, Hardoon and Derevensky (2001) noted that 44% of adolescents

reported that the gambling behaviours of their peers led to the initiation of their

gambling. Deans et al. (2017) also found that young men experienced a social pressure

to fit in with their friends who bet on sports. Research has identified that peers are the

most influential in situations of uncertainty; peers appear to demonstrate the value of

social norms. One participant spoke about the concern of how they may have been seen

by their peers if they were the only one who did not participate in gambling when

everyone else did. This supports findings that peers have an influence on gambling

behaviour (Tang & Oei, 2011; Magoon & Ingersoll, 2006; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et

al, 2004). Perhaps, campaigns could include encouraging young people to support each

other in making their own decisions and not being pressured into the majority. This

especially includes activities that may involve risk. Recently, there has been

advertisements on television suggesting not to succumb the pressure of sexual

relationships unwillingly, this could be similarly done with gambling.

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Across the data, there appears to be a running element of contradiction and

dilemma. Participants seemed to perceive gambling as enticing and tempting, yet at the

same time dangerous and to be avoided. Billig (1991) asserted that when people speak

or specifically give opinions on a topic, they are thinking and arguing the debates within

themselves; they are essentially debating what is common sense. Billig et al (1988)

argued that maxims and values that individuals hold can often be in conflict with one

other. Common sense comprises such conflicting elements; it is said to possess a

dilemmatic quality. Drawing on Billig et al’s (1988) ideas on ideological dilemmas, this

contradiction in participants’ views could possibly be understood as a conflict of

common sense. From the analysis, it appears that participants are conflicted between the

psychological and social. Firstly, the psychological element is related to feelings of

being enticed and attracted, which make gambling tempting. This seems to be related to

internal desires to win money and be a part of something that seems exciting. The

contradictions appear to be related to debates on whether gambling is socially

acceptable. It seems to stem from ideals and depictions created between peers, social

groups and from the media whilst considering whether it is worth the risk. This

indicates that gambling holds a dilemmatic element that could potentially contribute to

the participation of the behaviour and development of over-involvement in gambling. It

could also be especially concerning for those with a gambling problem aiming for

recovery. This information could be vital to informing support services of the struggle

that their clients experience and to educate them and the communities of the dilemmatic

elements in gambling. Counselling psychologist could play a vital role in this.

4.2 Implications for Counselling Psychology

This research provides evidence that gambling is an activity that is tempting.

The participants expressed gambling as a fun activity that is used for entertainment

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purposes; however, the ease and accessibility raise concerns of excessive gambling

behaviour. Psychologists and researchers have stressed the consequence of gambling

becoming normalised (Kristiansen & Jensen, 2014), and continue to have a growing

concern of the development of gambling and the impact it may have. Research has

identified that there are mental health issues associated with gambling (Zangeneh et al,

2008; Gillespie, 2008; Reith, 2006), and with the development of technology, problem

gambling amongst young people has continued to be an area of interest. The discussion

suggests that there is a need for more education on gambling. Counselling psychologists

could play a crucial role in reaching this population. Young people have been identified

as a group that is the most influenced by peers (Brown, 2004; Chassin et al, 2004;

Steinberg & Monahan, 2007) and arguably follow popular society trends (Sandford &

Rich, 2006). With the rise of problem gambling in this group, it will be valuable to

educate and raise awareness of gambling. In terms of targeting young people, a focus

for counselling psychologists could lie within the education sector. The government has

highlighted the crucial role of schools in supporting young people to improve their

mental health and wellbeing (Department of Education, 2016). The Health and Care

Profession Council’s (HCPC) standards of proficiency for practitioner psychologists

(HCPC, 2015) encourage teaching and education of mental health. It is therefore within

the scope and skills of counselling psychologists to provide training and

psychoeducation to students, staff, and parents. Furthermore, education around actual

gambling and virtual gambling and gaming could be beneficial in raising young

people’s awareness of the consequences these games could have. Young people have

been noted as not seeking support in gambling due to stigma and shame (Gainsbury et

al., 2014); education on gambling could also include information on seeking support.

Increasing young people’s awareness will potentially promote responsible gambling

behaviour. Providing psychoeducation to the wider community – such as in schools –

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will be beneficial as an initial attempt to raise awareness of problem gambling, and

potentially reduce its rates in young people.

Counselling psychologists work with those with problem gambling as well as

their families, delivering treatment and psychoeducation. It could potentially be helpful

for practitioners in treatment or psychoeducation groups to explore and unpack

dilemmas around gambling that clients face. Educating counselling psychologists and

other practitioners on the social and psychological dilemmas of gambling, could

arguably allow the professionals to take an empathic approach to working with

gambling clients, as they can acknowledge that gambling is something that is tempting

but is causing them considerable harm. Empathy is a feature in the National Institute for

Health and Care Excellence (2017) guidelines quality statement and has been found to

be a key factor in the therapeutic alliance (Imel, Hubbard, Rutter, & Simon, 2013)

which promotes positive treatment outcome (Crits-Christoph et al., 2011). Practitioners

could then use this therapeutically making dilemmas explicit with clients and increasing

their awareness of what they may be exposed to. Increasing clients’ awareness is a goal

of therapeutic treatment in cognitive behavioural therapy (Rockville, 1999), and has

been found to be the key to therapeutic change in psychodynamic therapies (Leiper &

Maltby, 2004).

This study has highlighted that there is a need for regulation of gambling

advertisements and warnings on gambling websites. The Gambling Act (2005) has

taken measures to ensure that youths are not accessing gambling websites. However, it

could take further steps to raise awareness of excessive gambling via the websites

themselves. They could potentially put up warning information each time a consumer

logs on, and gambling companies could track their use of the website. The consumer

may wish to put a cap on their account, which means they will no longer be able to play

after spending their specified amount. These are suggestions that need to be taken into

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consideration to minimise problem gambling. Involvement of consumers and recovery

problem gamblers in the planning and development of policies may provide a powerful

tool for vocalising their viewpoints and moving towards change. Counselling

psychologists have access to clients who may want change and could act as an advocate

for policy recommendations.

4.3 Limitations

A limitation of the study is the consideration of demographics. Research has

found that there are demographic factors such as gender (For example, McCormack et

al, 2014; Wenzal & Dahl, 2009) or culture (for example, Simmons et al, 2016;

Delfabbaro, 2012) that may influence gambling behaviours. The researcher noticed that

there appeared to be gender difference in the participants’ dialogue; however, it was not

considered, as gender was not accounted for in the demographics. Additionally, all the

participants were from a UK western culture suggesting that the sample was

homogenous.

Despite the rationale provided for the 18 – 25-year-old age range, the researcher

noted that there were differences between the responses of the younger (18-year-old)

participants and the older (25-year-olds). Research has suggested that there are many

developmental changes in young adulthood (Duffy et al, 2017) and an 18-year-old will

not be the same at 25 years (Simpson, 2008). Arguably a more focused group of

participants, specifying a particular age, may have yielded more insightful findings.

The data collection involved semi-structured one-to-one interviews with

participants. It is possible that another method, such as focus groups, may have been

more beneficial to gather data, and would arguably allow participants to freely talk in an

environment that is comfortable and perhaps more natural to them. Focus groups in

young people have been found to be particularly helpful in research with young people

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(Bagnoli & Clark, 2010; McKee, Watson & Dore, 2014; Gibson, 2007). With

facilitation from the researcher, participants often build on each other’s responses,

creating more candid answers (Leung & Savithri, 2009). Focus groups have been

suggested to provide a space for participants where they can define their own ideas and

opinions through dialogue and debate with others (Kitzinger, 1994). There is, therefore,

a potential for discussion over issues that are unanticipated by the researcher (Skop,

2006). Researchers have argued that the collective experience of focus groups has the

ability to empower participants to take control of the research process, and bring issues

that are of interest in a language and framework that makes sense to them. This,

therefore, may have provided more in-depth and rich data around their perceptions of

gambling.

The final limitation is the use of images during the data collection. As reflected

on previously, using the media images focused the interview on hose particular adverts

rather than on the participants perceptions of gambling in general. Using specific

images possibly dismissed any media representations of gambling that may have been

important, meaningful or influential to the participants. Not using image in the future

may allow for a more general discussion for the participant to explore aspects that are

important to them. It is also important to note that the images chosen may not have

reflected the interests of young people today. Considering their ages of 18 – 25, there is

a chance that websites such as Ladbrooks may not be popular amongst their age group.

If this is to be considered in future research, images that are age group specific will need

to be considered.

4.4 Recommendations for Future Research

An interesting finding was that participants expressed that they gain much of

their understanding of gambling from the media, especially television shows and

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movies. This had an influence on the gambling actions they chose. From a review of

literature, there appears to be limited research on the way gambling is portrayed on

television programmes and movies (Un & Lam, 2016). Further research could use a

discourse analysis on how current movies and TV programs portray gambling. It could

involve a discursive analysis of media constructs through linguistic and visual means.

The current study used a qualitative design to explore participations. To build on

the findings from this study, further research could conduct a quantitative study on

young adults’ perspectives. The quantitative component could include The Gambling

Attitudes and Beliefs Scale (GABS) (Breen & Zuckerman, 1999). This is used to assess

general attitudes towards gambling and focuses on cognitive factors. The scale includes

35 items where respondents report on a scale from the extent they strongly disagree to

strongly agree. High scores indicate more positive gambling attitudes and beliefs. A

quantitative component will allow for more participants and generalizability of the

results.

Lastly, research in the future may want to consider interviewing counselling

psychologists who work with gamblers. This will be a qualitative enquiry using

Interpretive Phenomenology Analysis (IPA) to explore their experience of working with

young people who have gambling problems. Interview questions could explore how

counselling psychologists may work with the role of media influence on their clients

and this tension between temptation and staying away. This study could arguably add

further insight into the findings from this study and understand how counselling

psychologist work with these issues. It could begin to raise awareness amongst

professionals of this dilemmatic element of gambling and move towards incorporating it

in problem gambling interventions.

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4.5 Conclusion

This study has contributed to existing literature in gambling and provided

qualitative inquiry on young adults’ perspective on gambling. This study was able to

conclude that amongst the participants, gambling is seen as an activity that is tempting

which stems from it being portrayed as exiting and fun whilst at the same time it holds

many consequences and should be kept away from. Social circles and the media has

evidently contributed to the participant’s understandings and played a vital role in

shaping their perspectives and participation. This study has highlighted the role of a

battle of common sense in the decision to gamble. This dilemma could be an important

element that challenges problem gamblers to overcome their difficulty. There is a

potential for these findings to contribute to shaping psychoeducation and interventions

for young people and training professionals to consider gamblers dilemmas in an

empathic approach.

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4.6 Reflexivity

My interest stems from my experience of being a family support worker prior to

embarking on the Counselling Psychology training. During this time, I was working

very closely with children and families in a school where I previously was employed as

a Teaching Assistant and a Family Support Worker for many years. Due to my roles, I

developed very good relationships with students and their families. As a Family Support

Worker, I supported a family who experienced considerable difficulties when the father

was in financial debt due to gambling. He later started drinking alcohol as an escape

from family and financial pressures. Supporting the children and spouse of the gambler

was a challenging experience where I first witnessed the damage that gambling can do.

This case was something that always stuck with me and sparked my interest in working

with addictions. As a trainee counselling psychologist, I had a placement in a substance

misuse service. This work provided me with an invaluable experience to understand the

world of those with an addiction. When choosing a topic for the thesis, I engaged in

conversations with peers and colleagues and found that gambling always appeared at

the forefront. I began to notice, new gambling outlets and advertisements that would

come on TV and I began to think about how this impacts those with a gambling

problem. This drove my interest in the research project.

I had personal views about gambling and attempted to bracket these assumptions

and ideas in order to not influence the research. I personally had always experienced

gambling as a leisurely fun activity that I would enjoy with friends on the odd occasion

with no harmful consequences. As I learnt more about gambling and the effects it could

have on society I become more concerned about the availability and access to these

games. From watching regular TV, I noticed the extensive gambling advertisements

which I found frustrating. Through reflection I attempted to bracket my assumptions

that the media is bombarding and encouraging, young people in particular, to gamble

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irresponsibly. From walking around the area where I worked in an addiction service, I

started to notice the increasing number of betting shops and felt somewhat disgusted

that there were so many in very close proximity of each other. It brought up questions

around how this effected the community and especially those who have a gambling

problem. Having experience of working with young people, I am often exposed to

discussions around the influence of general media on their mental health. In relation to

gambling, I felt that this was an important topic to explore. Despite my attempt to

bracket my feelings, it is possible that my disgust could have manifested in the data

analysis; I could have unconsciously wanted to represent the negative aspects of the

increased access to gambling. Participants extracts at times were in line with my

feelings of disgust and it could be possible that I felt this was important as it was

aligned with my opinions. To ensure that my feelings of disgust did not influence the

description of the participants disgust, I shared extracts and themes with colleagues and

my supervisor to ensure credibility.

Various moments this contradicted or was similar to the participant’s view. It is

possible that my own assumptions may have influenced the wording of questions or the

elements I found relevant to pick up on and explore further through prompts. During the

interviews I attempted to remain open and curious about participants’ dialogues.

Throughout this thesis, I kept a journal which I would write notes in after each

interview. This allowed me to process emotions or thoughts that arose which was

beneficial in gaining insight into my feelings about each interview and my journey as a

researcher. It was important that my assumptions and feelings towards gambling did not

influence the research process, as discussed previously bracketing my assumptions

through reflections were beneficial. It was helpful to reflect prior to interviews in order

to check in with how I was feeling and my position with the research at that point. This

was beneficial in grounding me and cleared my mind in preparation for the interview.

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During the early stages of the interview process, I became aware of my feelings

to want to make the participants feel comfortable and open to talk. I felt that this was

somewhat part of my thoughts around them being ‘young’ and noticing that they were

often nervous at the start. On the other hand, I believe that the urge to make them

comfortable was due to my keen desire and passion for working with young people.

This instinct to possibly ‘protect’ young people is a part of me that I have recognized

from my years of working with children and adolescents in different roles. In my

current role as a Trainee Counselling Psychologist in a school, I am passionate about

working with issues that young people of this day and age are faced with; gambling is

also a feature that comes under this umbrella. This trait is part of me that has been

highlighted on various occasions throughout the training and also stands at the very

forefront of my research. To bracket this, I had to remind myself of my role as a

psychological researcher. This meant, that I had to distinguish between my skills as

researcher and a therapist. Although I had various roles working with young people, this

was new. In order to let my protective nature, stop me from exploring the participants’

talk, I had to recognize what I would like get the most out of the interviews. This

benefited the research as I used appropriate probes and questioning to answer my

questions which subsequently enhanced my skills as a researcher.

This further led me to think about a possible power imbalance that could take

place between myself and the participants since I viewed them as ‘young’ and

considered that they may have seen me as an ‘expert’ or ‘professional’. This has been

discussed as possibly occurring if the researcher was thought of as having more, or

different, knowledge than the participant (Taylor, 2001). This along with my personal

views could mean that responses will be compliant with what the participants may

expect me to think. In order to refrain from this, I aimed to remain in a curious position

which allowed me to be ‘with’ and attend to each participant’ story.

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It was noticed that a few participants who enjoy gambling on a regular basis,

would attempt to make it clear and explicit that their gambling behaviour is not

problematic. They appeared slightly worried that they would be judged for gambling.

Although it was not suspected, it could be possible that the participants were aware of

my position as a trainee psychologist and didn’t want me to think that they had a

gambling problem. This could have influenced the extent to which they expressed their

enjoyment and fun with the games. In the future, it may be beneficial at the start to

reiterate the purpose of the research and reassure the participants that they will not be

judged for what they express. This may ensure that participants feel immediately

comfortable to express their experiences.

Conducting this research at times felt challenging due to my lack of experience

conducting qualitative research. I felt that it would be a challenge that will help me

develop as a Counselling Psychologist and researcher. Initially using personal therapy

as a tool to reflect on these anxieties alleviate the pressure and focus on what the data

was telling me. This grounded me and allowed me to look at the data with a clear mind.

I then used peer-supervision with other trainee Counselling Psychologists to talk about

the data and share ideas of the clarity of themes and subthemes. This was beneficial as I

was able to connect with others on a research level and became more confident in my

skills as a researcher. It brought many discussions and debates around methodology

which constantly provided me with an opportunity to evaluate my choices and

decisions. This study has challenged and developed me personally and as a

psychological researcher. I feel that I have established a new passion and interest in

conducting research that contributes to the field of Counselling Psychology in

particular.

After completion of this research, there are a few things that I would do

differently if this study is to be done again. Firstly, I would reconsider the use of

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images; rather than showing the participants media images I would possibly ask about

their general perceptions of the gambling media where they would have the opportunity

to freely express their opinions from what they have seen and been exposed to. This

would allow for exploration of their natural perceptions and opinions of gambling that

is specifically relevant to them. Secondly, I would make the research gender specific,

which will allow for an in-depth analysis of a genders perception of gambling. This also

mean that the discussion could be based around games that are aimed at females or

males specifically. Lastly, using a focus group as a form of data collection could be

essential to gather the groups perceptions from an environment that may allow them to

express and debate more freely with other participants.

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Appendices
Appendix A: Research Advertisement

Are you between ages 18-25?


Would you like to express your views on gambling and the growing technology?

My name is Tanya Rajmangal, I am a Trainee Counselling Psychologist at the


University of East London. I am currently conducting a study exploring young adult’s
perceptions of gambling and new technology. This study aims to understand your
perceptions and provide support services with information to minimize problem
gambling amongst young adults.

I am seeking to interview those who are willing to discuss this topic. The interview will
be approximately one hour and arranged at a time convenient to you.

Note: Your personal information will be anonymous and all information is kept as
confidential. You will be provided with further information once contact with the
researcher has been made.

If you are interested and would like further information, please contact me via email on
U1326868@uel.ac.uk.

u1326868@uel.ac.uku1326868@uel.ac.uku1326868@uel.ac.uku1326868@uel.ac.uk u1326868@uel.ac.uk
Tanya Tanya Tanya Tanya Tanya

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Appendix B: Participant information Sheet

Information for Participants

The Principle Investigator


Miss Tanya Rajmangal
U1326868@uel.ac.uk

The purpose of this letter is to provide you with the information that you need to
consider in deciding whether to participate in the research study. This study is being
conducted as part of my Doctorate in Counselling Psychology at the University of East
London. Before you decide to participate it is important that you understand the purpose
of the research and what it will involve. Please read the following information carefully
before you decide to participate.

Project Title

A Thematic Analysis of Young Adults Perception of New Technology in Gambling

What is the purpose of the study?

Gambling has been known to lead to the development of personal, social and
psychological problems. Previous research has identified significant correlation
relationships between young people and gambling. It has also been identified that
internet gambling has a negative impact on young people and can lead to potential
problematic gambling.

This study seeks to explore the experiences of young adults and aims to understand how
they perceive the growing accessibility and advances in technology for gambling.

Who can take part?

• If you are between ages 18-25


• An English speaker
• Interested in voicing your perception of new technology in gambling
• You do not have a gambling problem

What will happen if I take part?

If you are interested in taking part and feel that you fulfil the requirements, you will be
invited into the University of East London. You will meet with the researcher and have
the opportunity to answer any questions face-to-face. You will then be asked to sign a
consent form, which provides consent to be interviewed, voice recorded and the
transcribed data to be used for the purpose of the study. The interview will take place at
the University of East London at a time convenient for you and will last approximately
one hour. Your interview will be made anonymous and kept in confidence of the
researcher. All interviews are one-to-one with the researcher. The results of the study
will be written up and submitted as the Doctoral Thesis for the Doctorate in Counselling
Psychology.
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Location

The interviews will take place at a time convenient for you at the University of East
London, School of Psychology, Stratford Campus, Water Lane, E15 4LZ.

Confidentiality of the data

All personal information you provide will be made anonymous from the research; this
means your name will not be associated with the data. Any consent forms that you have
signed are kept separate and in a safe locked cabinet with only the researchers access.
Your audio recording will be kept confidential and only be used for the purpose of the
research. Once the study has been completed and the Thesis marked, all consent forms
and audio material will be destroyed. Data will only be accessed via a password on a
computer, and will be kept after the study has finished with the view of a possibility to
develop the research further in the future (e.g., for publication).

Disclaimer

If at any time during the process you feel as if you cannot continue, you have the right
to raise this and withdraw at anytime without reason. You are not obliged to take part
and therefore have the choice of withdrawing at any point. If you decide to withdraw,
your personal details and any interview material would be erased and will not be used or
included in any part of the study.

It is not perceived that taking part in the study will have any risks. The advantages are
that you will be able to provide information that will potentially raise awareness and
understanding of gambling amongst young adults. It could also provide information to
those working to support young people who suffer from a gambling problem. There is a
lack of research for young adults and this would provide knowledge of their perceptions
of gambling.

If you have any further questions or feel ready to take part please contact Tanya
Rajmangal on:
U1326868@uel.ac.uk

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Appendix C: Participant consent form

Consent to participate in a research study


A Thematic Analysis of Young Adults Perception of New Technology in Gambling

I have the read the information sheet relating to the above research study and have been
given a copy to keep. The nature and purposes of the research have been explained to
me, and I have had the opportunity to discuss the details and ask questions about this
information. I understand what is being proposed and the procedures in which I will be
involved have been explained to me.

I understand that my involvement in this study, and particular data from this research,
will remain strictly confidential. Only the researcher(s) involved in the study will have
access to identifying data. It has been explained to me what will happen once the
research study has been completed.

I hereby freely and fully consent to participate in the study which has been fully
explained to me. Having given this consent I understand that I have the right to
withdraw from the study at any time without disadvantage to myself and without being
obliged to give any reason.

Participant’s Name (BLOCK CAPITALS)

……………………………………………………………………………………….

Participant’s Signature

………………………………………………………………………………………..

Researcher’s Name (BLOCK CAPITALS)

………………………………………………………………………………………..

Researcher’s Signature

…………………………………………………………………………………………

Date: ……………………..…….

Appendix D: Ethical Approval from University of East London Ethics Committee


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School of Psychology Research Ethics Committee

NOTICE OF ETHICS REVIEW DECISION

For research involving human participants


BSc/MSc/MA/Professional Doctorates in Clinical, Counselling and Educational
Psychology

REVIEWER: Rachel Tribe

SUPERVISOR: Kendra Gilbert

COURSE: Professional Doctorate in Counselling Psychology

STUDENT: Tanya Rajmangal

TITLE OF PROPOSED STUDY: ‘A Thematic Analysis of Young Adults Perspectives of


the Influences of New Technology for Gambling’

DECISION OPTIONS:

1. APPROVED: Ethics approval for the above named research study has
been granted from the date of approval (see end of this notice) to the date
it is submitted for assessment/examination.

2. APPROVED, BUT MINOR AMENDMENTS ARE REQUIRED BEFORE


THE RESEARCH COMMENCES (see Minor Amendments box below): In
this circumstance, re-submission of an ethics application is not required
but the student must confirm with their supervisor that all minor
amendments have been made before the research commences. Students
are to do this by filling in the confirmation box below when all amendments
have been attended to and emailing a copy of this decision notice to
her/his supervisor for their records. The supervisor will then forward the
student’s confirmation to the School for its records.

3. NOT APPROVED, MAJOR AMENDMENTS AND RE-SUBMISSION


REQUIRED (see Major Amendments box below): In this circumstance, a
revised ethics application must be submitted and approved before any
research takes place. The revised application will be reviewed by the same
reviewer. If in doubt, students should ask their supervisor for support in
revising their ethics application.
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DECISION ON THE ABOVE-NAMED PROPOSED RESEARCH STUDY


(Please indicate the decision according to one of the 3 options above)

Approved

Minor amendments required (for reviewer):

There are some typos which will require correcting, for example on one occasion, the
typing of pilot

Major amendments required (for reviewer):

ASSESSMENT OF RISK TO RESEACHER (for reviewer)

If the proposed research could expose the researcher to any of kind of emotional,
physical or health and safety hazard? Please rate the degree of risk:

HIGH

MEDIUM

x LOW

Reviewer comments in relation to researcher risk (if any):


The researcher needs to ensure that they contact someone before or after each
interview

Reviewer (Typed name to act as signature): Prof Rachel Tribe

Date: 21.3.16
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This reviewer has assessed the ethics application for the named research study
on behalf of the School of Psychology Research Ethics Committee

Confirmation of making the above minor amendments (for students):

I have noted and made all the required minor amendments, as stated above, before
starting my research and collecting data.

Student’s name (Typed name to act as signature):


Student number:

Date:

(Please submit a copy of this decision letter to your supervisor with this box completed,
if minor amendments to your ethics application are required)

PLEASE NOTE:

*For the researcher and participants involved in the above named study to be
covered by UEL’s insurance and indemnity policy, prior ethics approval from the
School of Psychology (acting on behalf of the UEL Research Ethics
Committee), and confirmation from students where minor amendments were
required, must be obtained before any research takes place.

*For the researcher and participants involved in the above named study to be
covered by UEL’s insurance and indemnity policy, travel approval from UEL (not
the School of Psychology) must be gained if a researcher intends to travel
overseas to collect data, even if this involves the researcher travelling to his/her
home country to conduct the research. Application details can be found here:
http://www.uel.ac.uk/gradschool/ethics/fieldwork/

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Appendix E: Participant debriefing sheet

Debriefing information

A Thematic Analysis of Young Adults Perception of New Technology in


Gambling

Thank you for taking part in this study.


Once your data has been transcribed and analysed, it will be used for the
purpose of a Doctorate research thesis. You will have the opportunity to receive
feedback of the analysis if you are interested.

Please see below for any further support:

• Gamble Aware (for confidential support and advice) – www.gambleaware.co.uk


- tel: 0808 8020 133 8 am to midnight, 7 days a week

• Gam Care (for counselling) – gamcare.org.uk – tel: 0808 8020 133

• National Problem Gambling Clinic - http://www.cnwl.nhs.uk/cnwl-national-


problem-gambling-clinic/

• Gamblers Anonymous (access to support groups in the UK) -


http://www.gamblersanonymous.org.uk

Thank you again for your contributions to this research.

Yours sincerely

Tanya Rajmangal
Trainee Counselling Psychologist,
University of East London

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Appendix F: Interview schedule

• What would you define as gambling?


How did you come to that definition?

• How do you feel towards gambling?


What makes you feel that way? Why?
How is gambling perceived amongst your peers? How does that influence you? Why do
you think that you circle never got involved in gambling?

• What do you think of the images I have just shown you? - images
Can you tell me any positives or negatives about the images?

• What do you think about the difference between the terms ‘gambling’ and
‘gaming’?.
Where did you get that understanding from?

• How do you feel new technology has contributed to gambling amongst people
your age?
Do you have any experience of using a tablet, smartphone or computer
for gambling? Can you tell me about this? How did you first get
involved with this?

• Is there anything else that has come up for you from our discussion? Is there
anything that has been missed that you would like to include?

• What prompted you to take part in this study?


• What do you think about what we have discussed today?

More prompts
What makes you say that?
Where did you learn that?
Why do you say that?
How did you come to that conclusion?

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Appendix G: Images shown to participants

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Appendix H: Examples interview transcript

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Appendix I: Examples of interview transcript with hand written codes, phase 2.

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YOUNG ADULTS’ PERSPECTIVES OF GAMBLING AND REPRESENTATION ON MEDIA

Appendix J: Image from the third phase of analysis

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YOUNG ADULTS’ PERSPECTIVES OF GAMBLING AND REPRESENTATION ON MEDIA

Appendix K: Thematic map of phase 4 themes

Media as grooming

Accessibility image providing a definition

Seductive vs disgust

Enticement through advertisements Disgust at advertisements

Dilemma to participate

Gambling as affect

Reward excitement addiction means fun addiction creates fear

Acceptability in society

social circles have same view apps take away shame Stigma

Reality of life

Wealth means no risk gambling as life experience takes you away from
reality

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