Use For Data Analysis and Test RunThesis
Use For Data Analysis and Test RunThesis
Tanya A. Rajmangal
August 2017
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Abstract
gambling. Given the increased coverage of gambling in the media and the advances in
technology, young people are more exposed to the behaviour. Young adults at the age
of 18 are legal to gamble anywhere, it would be important for us to understand how they
perceive gambling in order to shape support services for young people with problem
gambling.
This study aims to shed light on young adults’ perspectives of gambling and its
conducted with a sample of 10 participants between 18-25 years of age as they were
deemed as young adults. Thematic analysis (TA) was used to analysis the transcripts.
The analysis revealed three main themes; ‘Temptation’, ‘Stay Away’ and ‘What Would
Others Think?’. Each theme consisted of four subthemes which illustrates how the
participants perceived gambling and the factors that contributed to their perspective and
understanding.
The research findings illustrated that society and the media play a vital role in
gambling amongst young people and shape support services to acknowledge the
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tensions that gambling clients may face. The limitations of the study, implications for
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Acknowledgements
his ongoing support and guidance throughout the write up of this project. I would also
like to thank Dr Kendra Gilbert for her support from the initial ideas to getting this
This study would have not been possible without the good will of my
participants. Thank you so much for taking the time to share your perspectives with me.
shared this journey with you, I thank you for all your support.
Thank you to my family and friends for your unconditional love and support. To
My Mother and brother who have always believed in my academia and ability to be
successful. With patience and hard work, you have taught me that nothing is impossible.
A special thank you to Jemel and Thee – your patience and ongoing encouragement
have helped fuel this research. I would like to acknowledge my father, who sadly is not
with us, I thank him for his everlasting love and I will be forever grateful for the values
he and my mother have instilled in me. Without that, I would have never pursued
counselling psychology.
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Contents Page
1.2 Gambling 5
Psychoanalytical perspective. 14
Biological perspective. 15
Behavioural perspective. 17
Cognitive perspective. 19
Cognitive-behavioural perspective. 21
Sociological perspective. 22
Mobile gambling 25
Impact of accessibility 29
Chapter 2: Methodology 39
Qualitative design. 39
Epistemology. 39
2.3 Participants 45
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2.4 Recruitment 48
2.5 Ethics 49
Chapter 3: Findings 56
3.2 Temptation 58
Chapter 4: Discussion 93
References 113
Appendices 160
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List of Tables
List of Figures
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The gambling industry has seen significant changes in the last 15 years due to
always played a role in gambling however, the use of applications on mobile phones has
made it accessible to anyone at any time (Griffiths, 2011). Furthermore, the increased
youths, which has been found to influence early gambling experiences (Korn, Hurson &
amongst young adults who are at the legal age to gamble in the United Kingdom. The
main aim of this study is to explore young adults’ perceptions of gambling and
the literature, presents the rationale for the current study and outlines the aims and its
critical realist approach where she acknowledges her interest in subjectivity. The
methodology chosen in this study was Thematic Analysis (TA). The data analysis
involved one-to-one semi-structured interviews with ten participants aged 18–25 years.
From analysis of transcripts, three main themes were identified, each with four
and alienation. The final theme, ‘What would others think?’, comprises: media tells us,
stigma, apps alleviate shame, and peer influence. The analysis chapter presents each
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theme and its subsequent subtheme, along with quotes from the transcripts. There
more detail.
The final chapter discusses the findings in relation to existing literature, and
recommendations for future research. Lastly, the researcher reflexive comments are
presented.
The thesis followed the APA 6th edition, apart from the page numbers, which
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Chapter One
Literature Review
This chapter provides a review and critical appraisal of the existing literature on
gambling in order to provide a background and context of the research and to outline
gambling, along with theories of problem gambling. Literature on youth gambling and
the overlap with gaming is presented. Following the review of literature, the research
their physical health (Public Health England, 2016). The Mental Health Foundation
(1999) describes children and young people who are mentally healthy as having the
in a positive and fulfilling manner. They should also enjoy mutually satisfying personal
relationships, have empathy, use and enjoy solitude, play and learn, develop a sense of
right and wrong and have the ability to resolve problem and setbacks in their lives
(MHF, 1999). Good mental Health in young people allows them to develop the
resilience to cope with life and grow into mentally healthy adults (MHF, 1999).
Young people’s mental health problems are common and have long-lasting
consequences. Research has identified that one in ten of Britain’s 5 – 16 year olds suffer
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Woodward & Horwood, 2000; Weissman, et al, 1999). It has been noted that
depressive disorders are more prevalent in girls (Hyde, Mezulis & Abramson, 2008) and
young people in deprived areas (Yoshikawa, Aber & Beardslee, 2012). The England
Public Health (2016) statistics reported that about 67,600 young people in England are
seriously depressed and each year 150,000 attend A&E following self-harm. One in
seven 15 year olds reported low life satisfaction in 2014 – 2015 (England Public Health,
2016). Studies have found that young people can be predisposed to suicide if they
psychiatric disorders, substance abuse and family history of suicide (Gould et al, 2003;
Anxiety disorders in adolescence are associated with increased rates of anxiety and
also depression in early adulthood (Creswell, Waite, Cooper, 2014). It has also been
education, early parenthood and suicide (Woodward & Fergusson, 2001). Anxiety and
depressive disorders are often co-occurring with gambling problems in youth (Arbinaga,
2000; Gupta & Derevensky, 1998). For youth and adults gambling can result in
significant psychological distress (Nower, et al, 2004) affecting their overall mental
health. Gambling problems have been associated with various mental health disorders
gambling has also been linked to severe gambling problems later on in life (Burge et al,
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1.2 Gambling
“risking something of value on the unknown outcome of some future event”. Wildman
usually but not always currency”. It is usually associated with poker games, casinos, or
bets on competitive events such as horse racing or football (Aasved, 2002). However,
there are also gambling opportunities in the stock market, real estate, and business
now includes the buying of lottery tickets. There is a spectrum of gambling comprising
of social, recreational, or professional, where gambling does not result in any significant
problems (Petry, Stinson & Grant, 2005), all the way to problem gambling (Bowden-
Jones & George, 2015). There has been a growing concern over the increasing gambling
problem in youths. Statistics from the Gambling Commission (2016) show that in the
UK, 16% of 11–15 year olds from a sample of 2,411 had gambled in the previous week.
8% of the sample gambled on commercial premises and 8% played games for money
with peers. Research in the US and Canada identified that approximately 80% of
adolescents have participated in some form of gambling during their lifetime (Shaffer &
Hall, 1996).
Recently, there has been an increase in the number of gambling outlets that have
opened in the UK. The Gambling Commission’s (2014) research shows that in March
2010, bingo clubs had, on average, 18,069 gaming machines, whereas in March 2014
there were, on average, 47,788 machines. During this period, total casino attendance
increased. London-based casinos have seen the biggest growth in customer numbers,
increasing from 3.58 million from April 2009–March 2010, to 6.47 million from April
industry statistics in 2016 show that between April 2015 and March 2016, the regulated
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of 20.8% compared to the previous year. Between these dates, statistics identify that the
majority of gambling was remote betting, bingo, and casino (Gambling Commission,
2016). Remote gambling is defined as gambling in which persons participate by the use
of remote communication; typically via the internet (accessed via computers, tablets,
There has been considerable research into the influence of the decision making of
whether to gamble or not. A model that provides an insight into the decision making
process in addictive behaviours is the expectancy theory (Jones, Corbin & Fromme,
2001). This draws on social learning theories, and proposes that an individual’s choice
punishing effects (Bandura, 1977). Li, Tse & Chong (2015) supported this assertion and
expectancies (Spurrier & Blaszczynski, 2014) are important factors that motivate
unconscious (Gerrard et al, 2008). Expectancies are primarily formed through social
influence and observations prior to engagement with any gambling. It can be modified
through personal experience and further social influence and observational learning.
The expectancies learnt, influence the expectations of the outcome of gambling and as a
result increases or decreases the engagement of the behaviour (Chan, Zane & Wong,
2015). Studies have identified that gambling outcome expectancies are associated with
increased and problem gambling (Shead & Hodgins, 2009; St-Pierre et al, 2014;
Stewart, Stewart, Yi & Ellery, 2015; Wickwire, Whelan & Meyers, 2010). Positive
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negative emotional impact (Gillespie, Derevensky & Gupta, 2007). Although gambling
can be a leisure and nominal behaviour (Powell et al., 1999), it can also be a source of
considerable harm to individuals, due to the negative impact on the gambler themselves,
their families, and communities (Blaszczynski et al., 2011; Reith, 2006). This will be
Over the last two decades, there has been an unprecedented explosion of
commercial gambling; this has developed an increasing interest into the impact of
Turner, 2008). Gambling can give rise to different types and levels of harm, ranging
from personal, social, and vocational, to financial and legal difficulties (Rickwood et al.,
firstly be presented.
are an indicated mental illness. The DSM-5 has provided a diagnostic criterion for a
disorder varies from mild to pathological. The DSM-5 reclassified the term
‘pathological gambling’, which was categorised in the “impulse control disorders not
addictive disorders”. This was in order to reflect research findings that a gambling
comorbidity, physiology, and treatment (Yau & Potenza, 2015). The concept of whether
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gambling can be included under the term addiction, has been under much debate as
theories of addiction have been based upon chemical and physiological body elements
rather than behavioural addiction (Yau & Potenza, 2015). A number of common
components of addiction have been identified (Brown, 1993; Griffiths, 1996). Firstly,
‘salience’, where the activity is dominating their life, thinking and their social life
deteriorates due to cognitive distortions. ‘Conflict’ arises in life which may be personal
or with others and the person builds up a ‘tolerance’ which increases engagement of the
gambling” in the gambling research literature (Griffiths, 2006; Horch & Hodgins, 2013;
McCormack, 2011; Rigbye, 2013). There have also been other terms used such as
different severities (Griffiths, 2007). However, Delfabbro (2008) has made a clear
(2008), the term “pathological”, though favoured by early researchers in the field
(Custer & Milt, 1985), carries a medical connotation. It conveys the opinion that
context, the term “problem gambling” would then be considered a result of maladaptive
this case, the control of gambling (Delfabbro, 2008). Griffiths (2014, p. 6) stated that in
Great Britain, “the term ‘problem gambling’ has been used by many researchers, bodies,
considered along a continuum where gambling addiction would be at the extreme end of
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the scale, as problem gamblers do not display all the classic indicators of an addiction,
for example, withdrawal (Griffiths, 2005). For the purpose of this thesis, terminology
will be used in accordance with the literature being discussed and problem gambling
will be used at any other time to refer to gambling that has caused disruption to the
Research has identified a range of risk factors and comorbidities associated with
telephone survey in 2008 on problem gambling and comorbid disorders found that
approximately 75% of all pathological gamblers also had problems with alcohol
(Carlbring & Smit, 2008). Research has also identified that problem gamblers reported
intimate relationship and family difficulties due to the neglect and disengagement with
peers (Rickwood et al., 2010). For those in treatment for pathological gambling, it was
Bettie, 1999), display suicidal ideation (Battersby & Tolchard, 1996; Sullivan, Abbott,
McAvoy & Arroll, 1994), or have significant levels of anxiety (Battersby & Tolchard,
1996). Nower et al. (2004) aimed to compare the relationship of suicidality, depression,
and gambling severity in youths with three separate adolescent samples. They found
that problem and pathological gamblers reported significantly higher rates of depression
than non-gamblers and social gamblers. Blaszczynski and Farrell (1998) additionally
found that if comorbid depressive symptoms were present, the risk of completed suicide
increased.
Research has also taken into consideration the impact of a gambling problem on
the families of a gambler. Wenzel, Oren and Bakken (2008) found that considerable
consequences were reported with almost two thirds of close significant others reporting
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family conflicts, and almost half of the close significant others indicating worsening of
the family’s financial situation. Research on the spouses of problem gamblers found that
as well as financial worries (Bergh & Kuhlhorn, 1994), they also reported similar
Arbour et al., 2014), self-blame, and emotional stress (Blaszczynski & Farrell., 1998;
Dickson-Swift et al., 2005). Suicide attempts by spouses were reported as triple that of
the general population (Lorenz & Yaffee, 1988). Evidently, there are high rates of
Patford (2008, 2009), both male and female partners of gamblers (current or previous)
were interviewed to explore their experiences. The overall themes included financial
conflicts, diminished quality of life with partner, relationship tension and loss of trust,
and effects on children. Furthermore, Franklin and Thomas (1989) reported that
children of the gamblers often feel responsible for the emotional atmosphere at home,
and are often conflicted between which role to take on, including the role of the
themselves reported elevated levels of problem gambling by their parents (Gupta &
Derevensky, 1997). In addressing the parents of a young gambler, Moody (1989) found
that parents tend to self-blame; the father distances himself and the mother attempts to
move closer to the gambler. This shows that a gambling problem does not only have an
impact on the individual themselves but also those who are close around them.
Surveys have shown that those with gambling problems often do not seek help
(Griffiths, 2001; Slutske, 2006; Suurvali et al., 2009). Research has identified a number
of reasons that influence this, including problem gamblers wanting to solve the problem
Gainsbury et al, 2014), reluctance to admit their problem, and issues related to treatment
(Evans & Delfabbro, 2005; Ladouceur, Lachance &Fournier, 2009; Suurvali et al.,
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2009). Hing et al (2016) conducted a study which confirmed that people with gambling
problems are socially stigmatized, they attract negative stereo types, experience social
distancing, status loss and discrimination. This finding has been similarly found in other
studies (Dhillion et al, 2013; Horch & Hodgins, 2013). It has been also noted that there
good qualities and the individual begins to stigmatise themselves (Hing et al, 2016).
Research related to stigma in problem gambling and mental illness have stressed the
need to increased public contact with those groups in order to reduce stigma and
increase support. Researchers have consistently reported that few young people seek
treatment for problem gambling (Chevalier & Griffiths, 2004; Gupta & Derevensky,
2000; Rigby, 2014) indicating that the rates are lower than adult gamblers seeking
young people are surrendering to the temptation and pressure to engage in these
activities as a form of entertainment (Jacobs, 2000). Researchers have argued that those
who begin gambling in childhood are more likely to later develop gambling problems
(Griffiths, 1995; Ide-Smith & Lea, 1988; Shaffer & Hall, 2001).
behaviour, depression, and even suicide (Derevensky & Gupta, 2004; Feigelman et al.,
2006) as well as increased risks of alcohol and substance misuse (Hardoon et al., 2002;
Huang et al., 2007). Poor ability to cope with emotions such as stress, anger, and
anxiety (Slutske et al., 2005) has also been noted. An early study by Lesieur (1991)
supported this notion, as in a college sample of pathological gamblers, it was found that
they were more likely to binge drink, smoke cigarettes and use marijuana than social or
non-gamblers. More recently, gambling has been found in youths to increase levels of
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2012). Some studies suggest that youths of a lower socio-economic status gamble more
frequently than those of higher socio-economic status (Messerlian et al., 2007; Turchi &
Derevensky, 2006). Auger et al. (2010), additionally, found that amongst youths of low
socio-economic status, impulsivity is a key risk factor for gambling onset. Problem rates
amongst youths have been found to be higher than those generally identified among
adults (Derevensky et al, 2003; Petry, 2005; Shaffer & Hall, 1997). Valentine (2016, p.
41) argued that families may go to great lengths to support their children, or young
people, who may have a gambling problem, including “paying off their debts”
(Valentine, 2016, p. 41). Arguably, this implies that gambling problems can go
unrecognised by not only the wider community, but by the young person themselves
(Valentine, 2016). Life stress has also been associated with erroneous gambling
cognitions and has been identified as a risk factor for adolescent problem gambling
behaviour (Tang & Oei, 2011). As well as trait anxiety, tendency to take part in risky
activities and ineffective coping styles (Dickson & Derevensky, 2006). Furthermore,
problematic and pathological gambling have been associated with a means to escape
problems, reduce depression, a way to cope with loneliness, to relax and as a way to
perceptions. Families and peers have been strongly associated as a risk factor in young
and peer modelling have been found to be positively correlated with adolescents’
(2004) found that peers may influence the engagement with risky behaviours. Research
has identified that adolescents usually share the same social norms which are seen as
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2003). Pitt et al (2017) found that children’s families, especially their parents, were a
key factor in shaping their gambling attitudes and behaviours, similar to previous
studies (Gupta & Derevensky, 1997; Thomas, 2014). Children are more likely to want
to try gambling if they believe that their parents gamble (Magoon & Ingersoll, 2006).
Research has also identified that children’s first formal introduction or contact with
gambling are often via parents or other family members (Jacobs, 2005; Reith & Dobbie,
2011). Furthermore, the research presented suggests that family and systems tend to
share similar behaviours, it could be argued that as they share similar behaviours they
have similar values and perceptions. Bowen’s (1974) family systems theory views
families as tensely emotionally connected. He asserts that family members affect each
that family members may also influence each other’s perceptions and behaviours. This
adolescent risk-taking behaviour (Barnes et al, 2009; Dunn et al, 2000; Wahl et al
alcohol and drug research (Simmons et al, 2016). Wickwire et al (2010) found that
gambling behaviour. Gillespie et al (2007) supported this finding and additionally found
that young males’ expectancies about enjoyment, money and possible social
adolescent’s males gambled more frequently and problematically than females and also
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theorists have proposed different views. Some psychoanalysts maintain the view that
gambling has been seen to fill a void of pleasure, excitement, and promise of gain,
which stems from the absence of love and attention from parents (Simmel, 1921). Van
recompenses the individual’s guilt, this leads to a cycle of losses and gains. Stekel
(1924) asserted that compulsive gambling was similar to alcohol abuse, where both are
induced due to a need to escape and regress to childhood. Freud (1945) similarly
punishment to atone for guilt over the compulsion to masturbate, which in time is
gambling. In summary, the three major aspects include gambling being “an unconscious
substitute for pre-genital libidinal and aggressive outlets associated with Oedipal
conflicts”, a desire “for punishment in reaction to the guilt”, and a means for recurrent
“re-enactments, but not resolutions, of the conflict” (Allcock, 1986, p. 262). The
psychodynamic model has been praised for the in-depth focus on internal processes
(Raylu & Oei, 2002). However, as it relates to unconscious processes, it has been
criticized for being untestable (Lesieur & Custer, 1984). Additionally, it overlooks
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a reduction in gambling behaviour would follow (Fong, 2005). Bergler (1957) reported
However, it was not specified as to the types of gamblers treated or the specific
gamblers focuses on identifying the meaning behind ongoing gambling and resolving
conflicts that may have led to it, as well as focusing on reducing guilt and shame (Fong,
short term treatment focusing on core issues is essential for the gambler’s need to avoid
or escape intolerable effects, and longer therapies are needed to modify coping styles
predisposition can give rise to gambling related problems, such as difficulty to control
impulses (Ladouceur et al., 2002). The biological perspective asserts that pathological
(Greck et al., 2010). Research has suggested that excitement produced from gambling is
arousal (Moodie & Finnigan, 2005; Wulfert et al., 2005). Excitement levels in
pathological gambling may also be related to dopamine levels (Linnet et al., 2010),
which are associated with reinforcement of behaviour. Dopamine has been linked to
drug addiction (Volkow et al., 1997) as well as pathological gambling (Holden, 2001).
function of dopamine, where the maladaptive gambling was reinforced by the release of
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they suggested it could do both. Other neurotransmitter systems that have been found to
has identified that norepinephrine could be associated with excitement and arousal (Roy
et al, 1989) and low levels of serotonin have been found to be responsible for gambling
and other impulsive behaviour (Blanco et al, 2009; Comings et al, 1996).
The positioning of the biological perspective assumes that the gambler is either
pathological or not. This view does not allow for difference between types of gambling
behaviour patterns, and those who have a gambling problem and those who don’t. A
criticism of this model is the labelling of the gambler as ‘sick’, where single relapses
could develop a sense of hopelessness, and this therefore increases the likelihood of a
full-blown relapse (Rosecrance, 1986). Research has, however, supported the biological
model as findings identify that addictions run in families (e.g. Agrawal & Lynskey,
2008). Evidence from twin studies demonstrates the importance of hereditary factors in
accounted for nearly half of the variance for problem gambling between men and
also found that after controlling for genetic and shared environment influences, in a
sample of 1,354 twins, symptoms of problem gambling were associated with cognitive
gambling problem genes but rather describe a range of genes that may be responsible
for a propensity towards experiencing impulse control disorders (Orford et al, 2003).
including opioid antagonists, serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SRIs), and mood stabilisers
(Grant & Kim, 2007). However, there is currently no medication approved by the Food
and Drug Administration for treatment of pathological gambling (Fong, 2005; Grant &
Kim, 2006; Zangeneh, Blaszczynski & Turner, 2008). Amongst youths, antidepressants
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and mood stabilisers are commonly incorporated into psychological treatment to help
with depression, anxiety and impulsivity (Bowden-Jones & George, 2015). The most
consistent evidence for the efficacy of a pharmacotherapy for problem gambling has
been reported for naltrexone which has been approved for drug and alcohol dependence
Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) guidelines have suggested that
naltrexone can be used for young people where they are supported by a community and
supervision (DoH, 2009). Lahti, et al, (2006) conducted a pilot study using naltrexone
the frequency and intensity of gambling urges and also the behaviour (Kim et al, 2001).
holds the view that gambling is a learned maladaptive behaviour, which is developed
involves creating an association with an existing stimulus (Pavlov, 1927), and operant
behaviour is a variable-ratio schedule (Ferster & Skinner, 1957). This is where the
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cases, the monetary pay-out may always be the same, but the reward of a win is random
and unpredictable; whether the gambler has a win or a loss, they hold the view that the
It has been argued that addictive behaviours are strongly associated with
situational cues, whether the behaviour is intended to induce positive states or reduce
negative states (Sharpe & Tarrier, 1993). The gambling environment becomes
arousal (Sharpe & Tarrier, 1993). Aasved (2002) provided a clear example of a
situational cue, where an overeater may be triggered to overeat by the smell of certain
foods. These behaviours may not only be triggered by the environment, but also by
internally-felt cues; for example, a substance user may understand any change in
roulette wheel, the sound or sight of chips, or the shuffle of cards. These cues induce
internal states of arousal, which reinforce the response to gambling (Nower et al, 2004).
the ‘social learning theory’, which suggests that people learn how to behave by
observing and mimicking others. This implies that children learn acceptable (or non-
acceptable) behaviours from their parents, siblings, peers, and other significant people
in their lives. In relation to gambling, Walker (2008) stated that even the simplest and
most straight forward games would require some form of teaching and learning. He
suggested that the novice gambler will have to learn how to play a simple game, such as
the slot machines, and also learn the social rules that may apply. This may include
learning how to convert credits to money. Gambling research has supported this theory,
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and parent gambling behaviour (e.g. Browne & Brown, 1994). Children may learn
about the excitement of gambling through vicarious reinforcement, as they watch the
positive reactions from their parents (Walker, 2008). It has been suggested that there is
usually drawn to big lottery winners rather than the millions of losses (Abrams &
Kushner, 2004). Gupta and Derevensky (1997) noted that 81% of children aged 9–14
gambled with members of their family. The social learning theory also provides the
perspective that youths who learn to gamble and become recognised as a gambler or
risk-taker gain social recognition, which can often lead to a higher status amongst peers
(Smith & Abt, 1984). The social learning theory has been praised for including the
entire population of gamblers, and not distinguishing between problematic and non-
motivation, emotions, and perceptions (Brown, 1987). Given the increase in gambling
exposure and the rates of people who gamble, social learning theory can arguably help
to explain the increase in youth gambling (Li, Tse & Chong, 2014).
learned responses and reducing arousal (Fong, 2005). Methods attempting to change the
behaviour may include aversion therapy (Barker and Miller, 1966), imaginal
gambler continues to play because they possess distorted beliefs about gambling that
cause them to over-estimate their chances of winning (Ladouceur & Walker, 1996).
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Gamblers develop an illusion of control and assume a greater chance of winning; their
Raylu and Oei (2004) developed a scale to measure cognitions that are related to
gambling. The Gambling Related Cognitions Scale (GRCS) comprises five categories
includes superstitious behaviours, for example “I have specific rituals and behaviours
ability to predict the outcome of gambling, for example “if I keep changing my
numbers, I have less chance of winning than if I keep the same numbers every time”; 3)
category involves specific thoughts about the benefits of gambling, for example,
“gambling makes the future brighter”; 5) the perceived inability to stop the behaviour of
gambling, for example, “I can’t function without gambling”. The five categories are a
mixture of irrational beliefs and affective bases for gambling. Raylu and Oei (2004)
reported that scores on the Gambling Related Cognitions Scale (GRCS) were
(Ladouceur et al., 2002; Ladouceur & Walker, 1996). Steenbergh et al. (2004) found
that the level of cognitive distortion was related to the severity of the problematic
gambling, and the level of cognitive distortion varied with their gaming preference. This
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gambling, but due to the cross-sectional design, conclusions cannot be made about a
direct cause and effect (Myrseth, 2011). It therefore appears unclear whether gamblers
develop a gambling problem due to initial high levels for cognitive distortions, or if
excessive gambling causes increased cognitive distortions (Myrseth, 2011). What seems
cognitive distortions (Hodgins & Petry, 2004; Ledgerwood & Petry, 2006).
purely behavioural explanations are inadequate. Sharpe and Tarrier (1993) combined
effectiveness (Okuda et al., 2009). The cognitive component of CBT deals with
money or increasing the degree of difficulty to gamble (Fong, 2005). CBT is intended to
stop gambling behaviour by supporting the client to acquire specific skills using
exercises that are introduced in each therapy session. It also includes homework tasks to
2009).
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cognitive-behavioural group or a waiting list condition, where it was found that those in
al. (2006) further investigated the efficacy of CBT, where those in treatment for
pathological gambling had significantly reduced gambling related problems six months
later.
individuals adjust to the demands of society (Aasved, 2003). For example, according to
Devereux (1968), gambling fulfils three vital functions in society. Firstly, gambling is
seen as “fitting in nicely as the society’s safety valve, as it gives frustrated persons
potential of winning a large sum of money in a short time” (Chan, 2011, p. 79). The
second function is that gambling provides hope for those who don’t have comfortable
and secure earnings. Last, Devereux argues that gambling helps maintain and preserve
the social system (Aasved, 2003), as it has the possibility of easing (or even ending) the
In recent years, the introduction of new technology has changed the nature of
many forms of gambling, and provides new interactive modes. As access to the internet
expanded to workplaces and private residences in the early to mid 1990s, gamblers in
western societies were introduced to a new realm of gambling opportunities (Wood &
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formats via the internet and have now become accessible to anyone with an internet
connection (Gainsbury et al., 2015). Along with the use of the internet, technology
innovation has introduced an entirely new way of engaging in gambling activity and has
disrupted the gambling markets (Gainsbury et al., 2016). Gambling games can now be
television. Portable technology, such as mobile phones and tablets, makes it accessible
anywhere at any time. It is now easier than ever before to gamble, with a huge number
of online betting sites and game sites enabling people to gamble 24 hours a day. “Great
Britain arguably has one of the most diverse and accessible commercial gambling
markets in the world” (Bowden-Jones & George, 2015, p. 2), with over £7 billion spent
every year (Gambling Addiction, 2010). The Gambling Commission’s most recent
statistics (2016) identify that online gambling accounts for 33% of gambling in Britain,
and generated £4.5 billion between April 2015 and March 2016.
Griffiths (1999) argued that technology has always played a role in gambling
behaviour, as it provides new market opportunities and will continue to do so, not only
through the use of internet gambling, but also in the shape of more technologically
advanced slot machines, video lottery terminals (VLTs), interactive television (i-TV)
gambling, and telephone wagering (Griffiths, 2005). The Gambling Commission (2016)
statistics show that the use of mobile phones or tablets to gamble has increased to 43%
in 2016, compared to 10% in 2015, and 78% of respondents felt that there are too many
(Gray, LaPlante & Shaffer, 2012). Yani-de-Soriano et al. (2012) collected convenience
college students, it was found that 60% who reported internet gambling in the past
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month would meet the criteria for at-risk or pathological gambling. This is in line with
Petry (2006) who, similarly, found that 66% of regular gamblers were categorised as
make online activities, like internet gambling, potentially seductive. These factors
variables that may account for acquisition and maintenance of online gambling are
behaviours has been found to strongly correlate with increased access (George et al,
2016; James et al, 2016; Gainsbury, 2015; Storer, 2009). This is discussed in more
detail later in this chapter. Anonymity of the internet allows individuals to engage
privately without fear of stigma (Griffiths, 2003). It may also provide the user with a
greater sense of perceived control, tone, and nature of the online experience. Parke and
Griffiths (2007) stated that the anonymity of the internet may reduce social barriers;
furthermore, Griffiths, Kuss & King (2012) suggested that the mood modification of the
online experience can provide emotional or mental escape, which further reinforces
immersion. This can include losing track of time, feeling as if you are someone else,
Griffiths, 2012). It has been found that those with a gambling problem are more likely
to be gambling alone (Shek & Lee, 2010). Griffiths (2003) argued that as gambling
becomes more accessible online, gambling problems may increase, as it loses its social
nature. A mode of technology that has received considerable attention with access to
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Mobile gambling. Within online gambling, the remote gambling platform (via
smartphones and tablets) is growing rapidly, with the number of users increasing from
64 million in 2013 to a predicted 164 million by 2018 (Epstein, 2013). The online
gambling company, Betfair, claims that the number of bets it received from mobiles
grew by 122% between 2010 and 2011 (Dredge, 2011). Mobile gambling makes the
increased money spent on gambling and increased rates of problem gambling (Engel et
from other internet gamblers, and have been found to have longer and more frequent
sessions, greater average bet size, and generate a higher gross margin than gamblers
using a computer”. Use of a mobile phone to gamble also allows for online gambling
companies to promote and send advertisements directly to mobile phones that are
possibly being used to bet with (Drakeford & Hudson Smith, 2015). Griffiths (2011)
suggested that mobile gambling is a research area of increasing interest, due to its
implications regarding the physiological impact and the way gambling is perceived.
Despite the extent to which mobile phones, tablets, and other devices have impacted
gambling, there has only been one study conducted on the use of different devices and
their relationship with gambling problems. Gainsbury et al. (2016) found that those who
preferred to gamble online via computers had lower rates of gambling problems
compared to those using mobile and supplementary devices (for example, applications
and tablets). However, when the individual’s life circumstance was considered such as
their age, marital and occupational status, their gambling preference changed. For
example, for those over 50 years of age were more likely to gamble online if they were
single, and less likely if they are working. In another study with a group of young men,
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mobile gambling led them to gamble when they wouldn’t normally (Deans et al, 2016).
The authors reported that the combination of land based and online access created a
risk-prompting setting (Deans et al, 2016). Accessibility to mobile phones for gambling
2015).
Social media, gambling and gaming. Social media has been defined as
“websites and computer programs that allow people to communicate and share
Press, 2008). It has been argued that due to the relatively new nature of social media, it
associated with its use (Brett-Taylor, 2013). However, there is a rising concern amongst
clinicians who work with young people, parents, and wider society, regarding the risks
associated with the role social media plays in young people’s lives (Pantic, 2014).
Social media has been used by many companies as a way of marketing their
products (Oyza & Edwin, 2015). This includes promotion of tobacco, alcohol, and junk
food (Dunlop et al., 2015). “Marketing often attempts to elicit emotive responses, such
consumer loyalty” (Gainsbury, et al., 2016, p. 126). The impact of marketing on online
gambling is particularly important due to the continuous availability (Hing et al., 2014).
It was found that internet gamblers were more likely to gamble more in response to
gambling promotions (Hing et al., 2014). In the UK, it has been found that 68% of 18–
24 year olds have been prompted to gamble by adverts and posts on social
Young people, including adolescents, have the highest use of the internet and
social media, and research found that 72% of them use the internet more than once a
day (Raco, 2014). Facebook, recorded its highest ever number of users of 1.94 billion
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worldwide in the first quarter of 2017 (Statista, 2017), making it the most popular social
network site. There has been concern over gambling content in Facebook games, as the
gambling industry uses some Facebook groups to recruit consumers through ads and
gambling game developers are also developing Facebook games and may include some
similar content. Gainsbury et al. (2014) suggested that this may make it difficult to
differentiate gambling games from regular online games. Jacques et al. (2016) explored
the presence of gambling content in Facebook games. It was found that 54% of games
had some form of gambling content present, most of these relating to slot machines.
with gambling. On the other hand, in a later study, Gainsbury et al (2015) found that
social media had no impact on the way or extent to which adults gambled. Only 1 in 10
participants indicated that gambling content on social media increased how much they
gambled. Furthermore, they found that a greater proportion reported a decreased desire
to gamble and a decrease in the amount they participated. This finding suggests that the
impact of gambling content may not only increase gambling behaviour, but may reduce
interest (Gainsbury et al., 2015). This study, however, was conducted on adults, and
al, 2014; King et al., 2015). Griffiths et al (2008) identify a diverse range of what they
term ‘gambling like’ activities, which are increasingly apparent on smartphone devices
and social networking sites, as well as in video gaming technologies. These simulate the
experience of gambling by allowing players to play without spending any money, and
with rewards in the form of achievement points and ‘trophies’ (King, Delfabbro &
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Griffiths, 2010). This has been identified as similar to gambling, due to the fact “that
et al., 2015, p. 125). Forrest et al. (2009) compiled data from a survey of 8,598 British
adolescents. It was identified that over a quarter of the participants played a game in
“money-free mode”. Moreover, they found that gambling for virtual currency had a
strong correlation with gambling for real money, and it was also an important predictor
gambling was a result of social games that did not include spending money (Gainsbury
et al., 2016).
In a review of the relationship between gambling and gaming, King et al. (2015)
concluded that gambling products, including gambling themes, are being integrated into
games, and operators are also encouraging customers to engage in both gambling and
particularly noticeable on ‘social casino games’ on social media (Gainsbury et al, 2016;
King et al. (2016, p.216) developed a typology of the features, which state that gaming
monetisation features that involve risk and pay-out to the player” (King et al., 2015, p.
216). The element of financial pay-out was viewed as particularly important to the
concept of gambling. This overlap seems concerning as young people may not know
whether they are participating in gambling or not and additionally it arguably introduces
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similar to gambling should be put on social gaming (Valentine, 2016). The most recent
legislation is the Gambling Act 2005, which aims to regulate commercial gambling and
protect minors from online gambling in Great Britain. Operators must not make sites
attractive for children, they should carry out random credit card checks to verify age,
they should have in place warnings, and verification of age must take place when
entering the site (Gambling Act, 2005). Although request of credit card details makes
payments difficult for minors, an increasing number of young people have access to
credit or debit cards (Valentine, 2016). Nevertheless, some restrictions have been put
into place, it has been argued that further regulations need to be added, as these are not
enough to protect young people (Carran, 2015), and do not recognise the impact this has
gambling increases the level of participation, which can potentially lead to excessive
gambling and gambling problems (Engel et al., 2013; Welte et al., 2006). Blaszczynski
and Nower (2002) proposed a theoretical model that illustrates the importance of
accessibility in problem gambling. This model sees the role of accessibility in the
availability and accessibility, are the initial stimulators that facilitate the behavioural
availability and accessibility within this model. This consequently leads to habituation
participation and overall expenditure from those living closer to a gambling venue
(Sévigny et al., 2008). Welte et al. (2015) found that individuals living within ten miles
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of a casino had substantially higher levels of a gambling problem than those living
outside that radius. The possibility that problem gamblers may relocate near a casino
was considered, rather than the fact that they develop problems due to the close
proximity. These findings suggest a concern with the proximity and accessibility of
The ability to gamble over mobile phones has arguably increased the access to
gambling. Wood and Williams (2007) found that 73.8% of internet gamblers preferred
internet gambling to land based due to the ease of accessibility. Gainsbury et al (2012)
study similarly found that gamblers perceived ’24-hour availability’ and ‘not leaving the
house’ as the biggest factors that make internet gambling accessible. Drakeford and
mobile gambling and the impact it has on gambling behaviour. The results indicated
accessible in terms of ‘proximity’, ‘ease of use’, ‘a social place’, and ‘part of a wider
social experience’. The results also suggested terrestrial venues as being socially
unacceptable to the sample age of 21–35 years, indicating a possible reason for internet
arguably there is a concern for young people who are more exposed and potentially
influenced by gambling.
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unethical, and causing harm to society, as it incites excessive gambling (Binde, 2014).
Research has been conducted on the influence of the media on other psychological
problems such as body image (Groesz, Levine & Murnen, 2002), where it has been
found that the ideal weight projected by the media is correlated with decreased body
satisfaction in females. The media has been criticised for glorifying addictive
behaviours (Sussman, 2017) such as drinking excessive alcohol and gambling in movies
at the age of 15–18, and measured alcohol consumption at 18 years of age. Among men,
there was a consistent positive relationship, so much so that those who had recalled
(Connolly et al., 2006). Advertising has been said to be a process of attracting attention
to raise interest, creating a desire for the product and promoting customers to purchase
(Russell, 1921). Promotions are often used in conjunction with advertisements, but are
only a short term offer to attract attention by use of immediate incentives. These
existing customers or aim to gain a greater segment of the market (Hing et al, 2014).
The volume and expenditure of gambling advertising has escalated at a similar rate to
the growth of participation of internet gambling (Hing et al, 2014; Friend & Ladd, 2009;
Derevensky et al, 2010). Yet, there appears to be a general lack of empirical evidence
that advertising influences gambling participation (Hanss et al, 2015; Griffiths, 2010;
researchers have attempted to shed light on this issue. It has been suggested that media
potential size of the prize, to change one’s lifestyle (Griffiths, 2010; Korn et al, 2005).
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allowing participants to dream and fantasise about the impact that such a windfall would
have on their work, finances, leisure, and capacity to support immediate family
members (Rickwood et al., 2010). Hollingshead et al. (2007) found that use of bright
stimulating and exciting. However, Hanns et al (2015) argued that from this finding it
Derevensky et al. (2010) found that amongst a sample of youths aged 12–19, gambling
than enticing new gamblers. Furthermore, Grant and Kim (2001) reported that in a
sample of problem gamblers seeking treatment, 46% self-reported television, radio, and
or development of gambling. This argument has been support by Hing et al (2014) who
conducted qualitative study and found that the general population of gamblers had a
Similarly, gamblers seeking treatment reported that the advertisements provoked urges
to gamble, and appeared to target those who had taken steps to reduce or stop gambling.
Another qualitative study by Binde (2009) explored the impact of gambling advertising
treatment centres who met the criteria for pathological gambling took part in the
research. There were four parts to the process: first, they were asked about development
and progression of their problem; second, they were asked to describe self-perceived
gambling adverts, and finally, they were asked to describe their attitude towards the
advertisements. Results found that the more severe the problem, the larger the self-
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perceived negative impact of gambling adverts tended to be. Binde (2009) stated that
the “study reported that gambling advertising has a tangible negative impact on their
problems” (p. 549). Binde’s (2009) results also found that advertising had strengthened
the motivation to not gamble with two participants who had recently stopped gambling.
It was described that advertising caused them to reflect on their gambling habit and
Participants in a study by Skinner et al. (2004) reported that dares, betting, and
gambling were social activities that are frequently used to relieve boredom and establish
roles in their social networks. In contrast to this social element, Quinlan, Goldstein and
Stewart (2013), found that motives for gambling were positively correlated with
gambling alone. Kristiansen & Jensen (2014) stated that in a sample of students aged
11–17, the most frequently reported reasons for gambling were: to win money, to
socialise with family and friends, and to have fun. The authors suggested that at-risk
gambling behaviour patterns may be a part of normal adolescent life where gambling
attitudes, beliefs and behaviour intensions. The results yielded five main messages
about gambling; Gambling is fun and exciting, this was often centred around friends
and social use; advertisements promoted the sense that there is a large financial payout;
it promoted that games allowed an escape from daily pressures and gambling was seen
that were also seen as unrealistic. They found that overall, adverts were intended to put
choices, possible wealth, happiness, material gain, freedom and in some cases, behaving
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in a socially responsible way. Korn et al (2005) noted that some participants viewed
social fabric” (Korn et al., 2005, p. 17). They reported that there was a strong sense of
the participants’ personal rights to choose how they spend their time and money.
Overall, it was identified that young people generally viewed gambling as acceptable
and not a problem if it is done responsibly. The authors concluded the main factors that
appear to motivate youths to gamble were financial gain, fun and excitement, lifestyle
or status attainment, socialising, peer pressure, or addiction. On the other hand, Fam et
television shows. Movies often reflect history, culture and social norms (Strinati, 2004)
and can often provide insight into people’s psychology and fantasies (Chan & Ohtsuka,
2010). Additionally, movies have been noted for altering social views on behaviour
through social learning (Turner et al, 2007). Interestingly, Chan and Ohtsuka (2010)
found that movies reflect the changes in social attitudes towards gambling. Gambling
has been portrayed in movies as glamourous and an exciting lifestyle choice (Monaghan
& Derevensky, 2008). Tuner et al (2007) reviewed sixty-five western movies from the
themes they produced were; pathological gamblers, magic skills, miraculous endings,
gamblers as suckers, gamblers as cheaters, organized crime, stealing from a casinos and
symbolic background. Turner et al (2007) concluded that gambling was often portrayed
negatively and argued that it may encourage irresponsible gambling. Un & Lam (2016)
also found that Chinese movies portrayed gambling as a positive activity which implied
that movies present distorted images which could encourage more participation.
Moreover, Monaghan & Derevensky (2008) argued that movies confuse the concepts of
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gambling as on one hand it is depicted by glamour and excitement and on the other
hand suggests that casinos are operated by criminals. They further highlight the concern
that the depiction of media has on children and adolescents. There has been significant
to protect youth from the depiction of gambling in the media (Monaghan &
Derevensky, 2008). Researchers have highlighted that youth problem gambling remains
a serious concern (King et al, 2015; Edgerton et al, 2015) as the entertainment industry
socially acceptable activity (Gainsbury et al, 2014; Griffiths, 2011; Downs, 2010;
Although minors are largely restricted from regulated gambling, the greater
incidents of problem gambling amongst youths than adults, suggests that the perception
Derevensky, 2008). The idea that gambling is seen as harmless has been supported by
research findings that parents and carers purchase lottery tickets for their children as
underestimates the level of risk that could potentially be involved (Monaghan &
Derevensky, 2008).
It is clear from the review of literature, that there is a general concern regarding
the impact of accessible gambling on society. Research has identified that accessibility
and advances in technology influence gambling behaviour in young people and adults
(Drakeford et al, 2015; Gainsbury et al, 2014; Griffiths, 2011). There has been a
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and increases in gambling behaviour (Drakesford & Hudson-Smith, 2015; George et al,
2016; Gainsbury, 2012; James et al, 2016; Petry, 2006; Yani-de-soriano et al, 2012).
Furthermore, studies have begun to explore how gambling is being portrayed in the
research of how gambling is being perceived especially on the media. There appears to
be extensive research on adult gambling and growing body of research on youths with
2010), Australia (Rickwood et al., 2010) and the United States of America (Lee,
Lemanski & Jun, 2008). It will be valuable to have research from the UK, as gambling
laws, regulations, and popularity vary across countries. In the UK, the legal gambling
age is 18, and therefore they have opened access to all types of gambling. This research
learn about gambling through gaming (Hollingshead et al, 2016). It has been argued that
there is an overlap between gambling and gaming which allows young people to gamble
without using money (Wohl et al 2017), thus introducing them to the concept of
gambling (King et al, 2016). This research will ask, ‘How do young people perceive
gambling’, ‘How do young people perceive online gambling sites?’ and ‘What do
qualitative design. Rafalin (2010, p. 41) puts forward the view that “counselling
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appears that much previous research within the area of gambling has been dominated by
investigates “in depth into the complexities and processes” (Marshall & Rossman, 2006,
p. 46). Participants have the opportunity to respond more elaborately and in greater
detail than is typically the case with quantitative methods (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000).
(2006) states within its professional practice guidelines that the phenomenological
models of practice and inquiry of counselling psychology seek “to engage with the
subjectivity and intersubjectivity, values and beliefs”, and “to know empathically and to
respect first person accounts as valid in their own term”. Therefore, within counselling
automatic, one way of experiencing; moreover, this provides a rationale that qualitative
In line with the main aim of the research, this study is aimed at exploring the
participants’ statements of how they perceive gambling media. This study also aims to
shed light on how young adults understand gambling, and the differences between
gambling and gaming. Counselling Psychologists work with those who have a gambling
problem and having this understanding will enhance their learning and knowledge of
this client group and could potentially be supplementary information that those
providing treatment could consider. This research has the potential to inform services
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that work with young people and can add to the evidence that is available in order to
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Chapter 2
Methodology
underpinnings and will then provide details on how the study was conducted including
collection and the analysis process. The steps taken to ensure creditability will also be
outlined.
that lie within a qualitative paradigm. Qualitative methods allow participants the
freedom to elucidate their ideas and respond to questions in their own words (Barker et
al, 2002) and captures the voice of specific groups (Carroll & Rothe, 2010). Qualitative
research has been deemed useful in identifying various responses that may result from
an individual’s experience (Alderfer & Sood, 2016) and is concerned with the way in
which people make sense of their world and experience events (Willig, 2008).
psychology where the focus lies within individuals’ subjectivity (British Psychological
Society, 2005).
there are different ontological beliefs and epistemological positions that the researcher
should be explicit about (Madill, Jordan & Shirley, 2000). A paradigm is defined as a
“set of interrelated assumptions about the social world, which provides a philosophical
and conceptual framework for the organised study of that world” (Filstead, 1979, p. 34).
epistemological questions ask about the relationship between the enquirer and the
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known (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998). Ponterotto (2005) identifies four major paradigms
within counselling psychology, which have been adopted from Guba and Lincoln’s
therefore, methodology.
underlying assumptions and beliefs guiding the research (Hays & Wood, 2011; Madill,
Jordan & Shirley, 2000). It appears that the majority of previous research discussed in
hypothesis through statistical testing, and views reality as universal, objective, and
quantifiable (Ponterotto, 2005). This research adopts a critical realist position, which
1975). Critical realist epistemological beliefs accept that there are stable and enduring
whilst also recognising the socially embedded and fallible nature of scientific enquiry
critical realists accommodate aspects of both and therefore are positioned in the middle
2005). Within critical realism, reality is viewed as complex, and recognises the role of
both agentic and structural factors. Agentic is the way individuals are seen as atomized,
positing a voluntarist approach to human action, and structural factors are essentially the
Critical realism adopts three domains of reality: the real, the empirical, and the actual,
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and it is asserted that these cannot be thought of in isolation (Bhasker, 1975). Consistent
individual and as a psychological researcher. I take on the position that reality may have
an aspect of being socially defined but how we perceive this reality is different for
everyone (Bhaskar, 1975). This view is in line with the way in which I view therapeutic
client’s world. This research accepts that there is a social reality of gambling that can be
experienced by the participants, however the way in which each participant experience
gambling will be different. In line with critical realist ideas, I endeavoured to explore
the participants subjective perception of their experience of the gambling world. The
consideration of the research questions, the method chosen for this study is Thematic
Analysis.
analyse, and report patterns (themes) within data (Braun & Clarke, 2006). This process
is a search for themes that are important to the description of the phenomenon and its
relation to social issues (Daly, Kellehear & Gliksman, 1997). Braun and Clarke (2006)
state that TA is a foundational method for any qualitative analysis, and that it provides
the researcher with core skills that will be useful for conducting many other forms of
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psychological research and is recognised as a method in its own right (Braun & Clarke,
2006). Braun and Clarke (2006) proposed six phases of thematic analysis that can be
seen in table 1.
(Braun & Clarke, 2006). Although these positions are flexible, it is suggested that they
are made clear within the research, as the research epistemology guides what can be
said about the data, and informs how meaning is theorised (Willig, 2012). Thematic
analysis, from the critical realist position, “acknowledges the ways in which individuals
make meaning of their experience, and, in turn, the ways the broader social context
impinges on those meanings, whilst retaining focus on the material and other limits of
reality” (Priya & Dalal, 2015, p. 211). Thematic analysis therefore allows for a social
and psychological interpretation across the data set (Braun and Clarke, 2006).
When using thematic analysis, there are a number of choices that the researcher
must reflect on, which Braun and Clarke (2006) discuss. First, it is suggested that the
researcher must make a decision on what counts as a theme. Braun and Clarke (2006)
capture something important in relation to the research questions. The researcher must
decide on the approach they are going to take to identify themes or patterns within the
data. This can be done in an inductive or bottom-up method, which means the themes
identified are strongly linked to the data themselves (Patton, 1990). In this case, data has
been specifically collected for the research process, and may have little relationship
with the questions asked of the participants. This method is not driven by theoretical
interest of the researcher, and the data is not coded with any analytical preconceptions.
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thematic analysis is driven by the researcher’s theoretical framework. Braun and Clarke
(2006) suggest that the researcher should make a decision on the level in which the
themes are to be identified. This can be done at a semantic level, in which the “themes
are identified within the explicit or surface meanings of the data and the analyst is not
looking for anything beyond what a participant has said or what has been written” (p.
13). Thematic analysis can also take place at a latent level, which starts to “identify or
examine the underlying ideas, assumptions, and conceptualisations and ideologies that
are theorised as shaping or informing the semantic content of the data” (p. 13). A latent
Braun and Clarke (2006) recommended that thematic analysis is a useful method
when investigating an area that may be under-researched, or if the research involves the
views of participants that are not known. It also seeks to understand meanings that
people give to their social reality (Schutz, 1962). A particular value of thematic analysis
Braun and Clarke provided a six phase process for carrying out thematic
analysis (table 1). The first phase involves becoming familiar with data through
transcribing, reading, and repeated reading of the data. It is important that the researcher
immerses themselves in the data so that they become familiar with the depth and
breadth of the content. Once the researcher is familiar with the data, initial codes can be
identified. Boyatzis (1998) describes a code as “the most basic segment, or element, of
the raw data or information that can be accessed in a meaningful way regarding the
phenomenon” (p. 63). Phase three involves sorting the codes into potential themes. As
the researcher begins the process, an initial thematic map may be helpful to sort the
codes into themes. Once a set of main themes have been devised, phase four involves
refining the themes and subthemes. The thematic map is revisited to check if it reflects
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the data set. At one level, Braun and Clarke suggest reviewing the coded extracts by re-
reading and considering if they appear in a coherent pattern. Level two involves this
similar process where the research considers the validity of the themes in relation to the
data set. This produces a final idea of the different themes and how they fit together.
The final phase involves identifying the ‘essence’ of each theme and what aspects of the
data it captures. Each theme can then be named to give the reader an awareness of what
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1. Familiarising self with the data Transcribing data; reading and re-
names of themes
research questions
2.3 Participants
seen through the eyes of the people being studied” (Wilmot, 2005, p. 1). Ten
participants, between the ages of 18 and 25, were purposively recruited to take part in
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this study, which fits well with Braun and Clarke’s (2006) suggestion for the number of
Inclusion and exclusion criteria. The aim of the study was to explore general
perceptions of gambling; therefore, the participants were not required to have any direct
gambling experience but must be between 18 – 25 years of age. However, those with a
diagnosis of a gambling problem were excluded from the research in order to protect
their health and wellbeing. It was essential for all participants to be fluent English
Of the ten participants, four were male and six females. A demographics table
including gender and age can be seen below (table 2). For the purpose of anonymity,
participants have been given pseudonyms. Demographics for ethnicity and participation
in gambling were not assessed. It was noticed that most of the females in the study were
not gamblers and most of the males did gamble. Research on gender difference in youth
gambling has been limited and has yielded mixed results (Weidberg et al, 2018). One
study found that males experience more gambling problems but females tend to begin
gambling at a younger age (Kaminer, Burleson, Jadamec, 2002; Weidberg et al, 2018).
Stinchfield (2002) found that males tended to gamble more on the lottery and in casinos
gambling. Despite this mixed result, potential factors underlying gender difference in
gambling have been identified. Psychological factors such as gambling for managing
enhancement (Petry, Stinson & Grant, 2005). Social environment, such as peer and
parental gambling has also been found to affect genders differently (Donati, et al, 2013).
Given that previous research has identified gender differences in gambling, this could
possibly have impacted the data by generating results more related to a female
perception of those who do not gamble. As it has been identified that males and females
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the gambling mode that interests them. The limitation of gender is further addressed in
The decision for the age range was based on previous research. The term ‘young
people’ has been used in literature as an umbrella term to relate to anyone under the age
of 24 years (Rigbye, 2013; Skelton & Valentine, 1998). Studies using young adults have
used ranges such as 18–24 (e.g. Cullen et al, 2011) or 18–35 (e.g. Petry, 2002). People
are generally considered an adult at the age of 18, which is also in line with the legal
age in UK when all gambling opportunities can be accessed. This was therefore
implemented as the minimum age for all participants. It was decided to use the
maximum age of 25 to ensure the age range is not too broad to lose depth, as it has been
found that different age groups have different perspectives (Gruhn et al, 2016; Scott et
al, 2013; Elder, 1979). Consistent with previous research (King et al, 2017; Meyer,
2016; Cullen et al, 2011; Pasanella & Willingham, 1968), 18–25 is considered in this
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Tina F 24
Anna F 21
James M 22
Anaya F 25
Alice F 19
Khadija F 18
Francis M 20
Jason M 21
Kayla F 23
Luke M 25
2.4 Recruitment
online gambling forums to recruit participants who may be interested in discussing the
topic; however, advertisements were not accepted by the forum administrators, in order
to protect their customers from communication away from the security of the forum.
Snowballing then became the main source of recruitment, which entailed identifying
respondents who then referred on to other respondents (Atkinson & Flint, 2001).
Once their email was received, they were sent an information sheet (Appendix B),
which outlined the purpose of the research, the criteria required to take part, information
on what the process would entail, confidentiality, and participants’ rights. Participants
were given time to digest the purpose of the research and reflect on their suitability. An
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opportunity was given to ask any questions before the interviews were arranged. Once
the criteria were met and verbal consent was given, a time was arranged to meet at
UEL. Participants then signed a formal consent form preceding their interview
(Appendix C). Face-to face or Skype interviews were offered. Six participants were
seen face-to-face and four via Skype. Those who were seen via Skype were sent a
consent form via email, which they signed and sent back to the researcher prior to the
2.5 Ethics
Ethical approval for the research was granted by the University of East London
Ethics Committee in September 2015 (Appendix D). All of the research and work
undertaken adhered strictly to the British Psychological Society Code of Ethics and
Conduct (BPS, 2006), and was carried out by the researcher as part of their Professional
The BPS Code of Ethics and Conduct state that “researchers should ensure that
every person from whom data are gathered for the purposes of research consents freely
information was sent to all participants, including information on the procedure of the
study, protection of their data, protection of selves, and their right to withdraw.
Information was also reiterated preceding the interview. Once any questions were
answered and the participants were happy, consent forms were signed.
details were kept separately from the digital recordings, transcribed materials, and
demographic details, in accordance with the Data Protection Act (1998). All information
was kept in locked filing cabinets and any identifiable material within the transcripts
was anonymised. Interviews were transcribed solely by the researcher. Participants were
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informed that only the researcher, supervisors, and examiners have access to the
transcribed material. Data will only be accessed via a password on a computer and will
be kept for three years after the study has finished, with the view of a possibility to
It was considered that due to the topic of the research, participants may become
themselves, or if there was an issue with a family member or a friend. A plan was set in
and to offer the participant the opportunity to stop the interview at any point.
Participants were reminded of their right to withdraw or take a break from the study,
and were provided with information on where they could access support. At no point
during this study did interviews have to be paused or terminated. Consideration was
taken for participants’ disclosure; in these cases, the research would be stopped and the
information was provided to all participants as part of the debrief procedure (Appendix
E).
University of East London. Interview times and arrangements were passed on to the
research supervisor, who ensured that there was a member of staff present in the
building during interviews. Once the interviews were completed and participants had
allow the respondents to reflect and reason (Folkestad, 2008). In line with this, a semi-
structured interview schedule was deemed the most appropriate, to allow the
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participants to respond using their own words and meanings (Willig, 2008). Semi-
structured interviews offer topics and questions to the interviewee, but are carefully
designed to elicit the interviewee’s ideas and opinions on the topic of interest, as
opposed to leading the interviewee toward preconceived choices (Cohen & Crabtree,
open-ended and non-leading questions to best enable the interviewer to elicit an account
that is not heavily shaped by the question, but can generate detailed responses that
answer the research questions (Hugh-Jones, 2010; Willig, 2008). The semi-structured
followed up by prompts or probes, which assisted the participants to give examples and
When designing the interview schedule, the researcher considered the use of
visual aids and images, also known as photo-elicitation (Clark-Ibanez, 1994). This is
defined as “the simple idea of inserting a photograph into a research interview” (Harper,
from respondents, which communicates the topic acutely more than words alone
(Felstead et al., 2004). The use of a visual stimulus has been known to open floodgates
to information, leading to insights (Morrison et al., 2002) on the topic being discussed,
and has especially been found to increase engagement of young people in the research
process (Didkowsky, Ungar & Liebenberg, 2010). It was decided the images would be
beneficial integrated into the interview process (Comi, Bischof & Eppler, 2013) as a
means of engagement and elicitation of depth of the topic. Four online images were
used of the home page of internet gambling websites and gambling applications found
on smartphones or tablets (Appendix G). To ensure that these images did not impact the
participants’ initial perceptions of gambling, they were asked about their understandings
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of gambling prior to being shown the images. The images were then presented and the
participants were asked about their thoughts. The images were a very helpful tool in
facilitating accounts from the participants and focusing them to the topic.
generated discussion and relevant information, and to ensure the questions were not
leading. Following the interview, the recording was transcribed, and a preliminary
analysis was carried out. As the researcher was a novice in qualitative research, this was
a key learning curve in the process of qualitative interviewing. It was apparent from the
transcription that there was a lack of exploration of the participant’s account. The
interview questions were appropriate and focused but required the use of more prompts
from the researcher. The researcher recalled that nerves in her first interview resulted in
a ‘freeze moment’ when the participant provided a brief answer. This was a vital
of prompts was noted at the bottom of the interview schedule for the researcher to refer
to; this is known as planned prompts (McCracken, 1988). This built the researcher’s
confidence and skills in interviewing, and resulted in the other interviews being more
The analysis followed the six phases of Thematic Analysis proposed by Braun
and Clarke (2006), as seen in table 1. The first phase of analysis consisted of reading
and transcribing each interview; a verbatim account with punctuation was adopted to
retain the sense of what the participants conveyed (Braun & Clarke, 2006). It has been
argued that this phase was the key stage in becoming familiar with the data (Bird,
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2005). The transcripts included all words, laughter and pauses in the interview
(Appendix H). No specific transcription tool (for example, Jefferson, 2004) was used.
During phase two and inductive, a bottom-up approach was used to code the
data. The transcripts were read through in detail and interesting codes were noted at the
side of the transcript (Appendix I). As the transcripts were being coded, key features
began to become noticeable, and similarities and differences across the data became
apparent. Braun and Clarke’s (2013) skill of reading and interpreting the data through
the theoretical lens, known as ‘analytic sensibility’, was held in mind by the researcher
throughout the process of thematic analysis. It also refers to the ability to produce
insights into the meaning of the data beyond the surface; to recognise patterns or
engaging with the data, the researcher noticed that there were dilemmatic elements
across the participants’ talk. They appeared to use linguistic features such as metaphors
to convey their perception of gambling. Drawing from social construction ideas on the
elements were incorporated into the coding. Smith (2008) suggests that researchers can
attend to linguistic features such as use of pronouns, laughter, pauses, functional aspects
of language, tone, repetition, and metaphor. The linguistic elements were seen as
Extracts of data were highlighted and noted on post-it notes and clustered
three. The themes were named according to the perceived meaning and representation
of the codes. The analysis of the data was a recursive process, where there was a back
and forth movement throughout all six phases (Braun & Clarke, 2006).
As the analysis moved into phase 4, five main themes were identified (Appendix
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K). At this stage, the themes and subthemes were not finalised and there were some
overlaps. After taking some time away from the data, it was revisited with a fresh mind,
where five themes collapsed into three main themes with four subthemes each. It was
important during the collapsing of themes that the participants’ stories were not lost;
therefore, there was a constant revisiting of the transcripts and initial codes to ensure
credibility.
It can be noted that although the use of images during the interviews were
helpful to generate data, as discussed previously, it appeared that the participants were
providing perceptions mainly of how they view the advertisements. It could be possible
that the images may have primed the participants to express their views only on those
media images presented. This resulted in the participants accounts being based on their
positive and negative perceptions of only those media representations. The participants
appeared to stick with their thoughts on those images therefore dismissing any other
discussions on media representations that they may have come across. Limitations and
debates about their quality and validity (Yardley, 2008). Yardley (2008) produced a
framework that sets out four core recommendations for evaluating qualitative research:
‘impact and importance’. These principles are recognised and applied in this research. A
researcher can show sensitivity to context in a number of ways, which include showing
an awareness of the existing literature in the topic being studied, or from research that
has employed similar methods. This has been demonstrated through the critical
evaluation of the literature in the introduction and through the engagement of theoretical
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concepts discussed in relation to the data. Throughout this study, the researcher took
into consideration how her position as a psychological researcher could influence the
balance of power in the interviewing process. Commitment and rigor has been
maintained during the analysis process through the degree of attentiveness and
sensitivity towards the data and continued care with each case. Transparency and
coherence can be shown through a detailed description of each stage of the research and
the decision made where each argument is presented, and the degree of fit between the
Transparency was ensured through continuous reflexivity towards the research process.
According to some researchers, being transparent about the nature of the researcher’s
personal views through reflexivity is an important way that qualitative research achieves
validity (Lawrence, 2012; Willig, 2008). The impact and importance of the study is
findings.
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Chapter 3
Findings
This chapter presents the findings produced by the analysis, highlighting how
participants understand and talk about gambling. The analysis suggests that there are
three distinct themes that seem to reflect the participants’ perceptions. These are:
‘Temptation’, ‘Stay away’ and ‘What would others think?’. Each theme, and its
subthemes, are subsequently described using quotes from across the interviews with the
participants.
gambling advertisements. This seems to have created a thrill that tempted the
feelings, which make them want to stay away from gambling. Their avoidance was
found to be related to the fear of negative consequences that can arise. These negative
perspectives were identified to have stemmed from the way media portrays gambling
and associated negative stereotypes in their immediate social environment. The role of
the type of gambling they may participate in or avoid. Analysis suggests that the media
and the immediate social environment seem to have played the main role in shaping
young people’s perceptions. The three main themes derived from the analysis are
‘Temptation’, ‘Stay away’, and ‘What would others think?’ (Figure 1).
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Excitement
Enticement
Temptation
Life Experience
Fun
Disgust
Wealth
Stay Away
Fear
Alienation
Stigma
Media tells us
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Theme 1: Temptation
something that lures them in, which creates an element of excitement. For example, in
the extract below, Luke shows how gambling websites tempt him to play.
Luke: Actually ... I think it makes it look really fun ... like they’ve got ... got these
characters that look like they are having a good time [laughs] and erm ... it’s
kind of like they are saying ‘look at us, come and join us, win lots of money’
[laughs]. And err ... They have the £30 large bang in the middle so it does catch
your eye. You kind of put two and two together and think yeah I’ll play this one
[laughs].
(Lines 78–83)
Luke’s extract identifies the temptation to gamble from the enticing elements of
the cartoon characters appearing to have fun and winning money. The images seem to
suggest a carefree social life that is enjoyable and possibly enticing for Luke. He also
draws on explicit connections to wealth and its benefits. The combination of the fun and
of winning a lot of money appears to be appealing to Luke, which tempts him to play.
Luke’s laughter could further imply feelings of excitement and enjoyment, which
Jason, below, also refers to the financial incentives that make gambling exciting.
It is evident that, for Jason, a reward tempts him to bet more money and compensates
the risk of losing. Jason’s use of the words ‘definitely’ and ‘obviously’ implies that he
perceives financial gain as a sure win that he would not hesitate to question. He also
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obviously I could win a lot of money and therefore like you could put £5 on and
win loads back. To be fair the risk versus the reward are... like I would definitely
(Lines 63–66)
James describes below his temptation to gamble, through what appears to be a process
of decision making. James initially notices the variety of choices presented, which
appear to give the impression that winning is possible; however, he questions the truth
in them. This tempting element of incentives from gambling advertisements shows that
James is in a dilemma between his concern of whether the advertisements are truthful
and his acceptance that the incentives are good enough for him to join. Despite not
being completely convinced, it is evident that James gives into the temptation to join.
James: I think they are on to something ... they have given people lots of options
and from what I can see it looks like pretty good options ... erm yeah some of
them kind of give you the impression that you are guaranteed a win ... I don’t
think that’s true [laughs] but I think they’ve got a good concept ... I probably
would try one of these ones because the outcome looks good.
(Lines 121–126)
Excitement. Across the data, participants noted the excitement that gambling
arouses and how this leads to a decision to play. All participants perceived gambling as
exciting when thinking about the possibility of a monetary gain. Participants described
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their temptation to gamble through the excitement of a “hope to gain” and feeling of
luck.
James: Oh you know what ... it was fantastic… that feeling you get is just
brilliant. Like... when you feel lucky it’s good to just go with that and place the
bet that you feel is right. There are some days where I do just feel good and feel
(Lines 30–33)
James’s description identifies excitement and impulsivity to bet. It could be argued that
feeling lucky. This rush and feeling of luck seems to drive his spontaneity to place a bet.
Gambling, therefore, becomes tempting. Similarly, with Kelly below, having won in the
past and having at times considered herself as lucky, this seems to be adding to the
Kelly: Erm... yeah I have bet a couple of times but it’s not something... I will
only do it if I feel lucky enough or if I feel like ... because we’ve been playing a
certain way I feel like I’m more likely to win with money back.
(Lines 23–25)
‘buzz’, and similarly to James's extract above, Jason’s ‘buzz’ could suggest a rush of
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which reinforces and strengthens the temptation to play due to the experience of
positive feelings.
When you know you’ve won that’s great ... it’s.. yeah... the losses are shit...
After I win... after I lose I’m just like ah no, I need to think through this. But if
(Lines 129–133)
drawn from advertisements. It was evident that all participants were enticed by at least
Anna: So I think the first one and the last one were a little bit more catchy I
guess. Erm, yeah they make it look more like, more gamey than kind of betting, I
mean it is a betting game but it looks more like a game with some weird
Well the first one is kind of like these cartoon characters on the side that makes
it look more like a game I think and the way they’re dressed as well, they’re kind
of dressed a bit wacky too. And the last one because you’ve got the mini table
there and little poker chips, that’s probably why it looks more gamey, I think
definitely the first one looks the most like a game just because of the characters.
(Lines 109–114)
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It kind of makes it look a little bit interesting to be honest because they are quite
quirky. Erm so it does in that way ... it catches, it’s a little bit enticing you
know... compared to like the second one where you’ve just got two guys playing
football, erm, which is a bit, it’s more kind of a normal image. So that one I
suppose is less intriguing to me. So I think the first one grabs my interest a little
bit more.
(Lines 120–125)
Anna describes her appeal to the images in the advertisement. Anna’s talk
suggests that the cartoon images and nature of the advertisement put across a fun and
playful environment. This is reinforced by her description of the images as “wacky” and
“quirky”. She also refers to the advertisement as being “more gamey” suggesting its
light-hearted nature. Interestingly, the use of these words can arguably be suggested as a
to less involvement of risk. This is further supported as Anna makes a contrast and
identifies little interest in what seems to be a “normal image” of men playing football.
Therefore, the image creates a perception of a safe environment that makes gambling
enticing to Anna and tempts her to gamble. This is further demonstrated in Tina’s
extract below.
Tina: So, the first image is what I class as kind of like, less kind of gambling
addiction. It’s more playful, more like ‘hey you can play’ even though it is, it’s
kind of more playful, whereas the second one ... err ... is more for a dedicated
gambler I think.
(Lines 49–52)
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Tina provides a description of being lured and enticed by the playful images.
understanding that playfulness in the advertisements makes it more like a game and
Ladbrokes, you know it’s a betting company and I just... it’s not something I
would do.
(Lines 153–154)
I prefer like the colouring to the green ... it’s full of smiling people, so it’s more
appealing, the advertising... it just makes it look easy. Sign up, get £30 and join
now...
(Lines 161–163)
It looks like something I would play to be fair... like, I don’t think I would pay
for it straight away but I would probably like... try a free version and if I like
(Lines 170–171)
Alice initially seems to be sceptical to play the game as it is associated with the
something negative that she would not want to participate in. Later, she shows her
enticement to the images that portray the game as “easy”. Despite her initial scepticism,
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she gives in to the temptation and shows willingness to try out the game. From this
description, it appears that the images also enticed Alice and increased her temptation to
gamble.
It has been identified in previous extracts that the monetary incentives provided
by the gambling industry appear to make games more enticing. Jason’s extract below
provides evidence that these incentives enticed him to his first experience of gambling.
Jason: They all encourage you to start ... they’ve all got bonuses... like 100% to
£200 ... like a 100% deposit up to £200 I guess that’s something that lured me to
some sites... I went to... I started using Paddy Power because whatever you put,
whatever deposit you put they double, erm... which is great you get like free bets
(Lines 98–102)
and risk, which appears to be valuable to life experience; this therefore makes gambling
Tara: It could be a detrimental behaviour and another way is that some people
need to take a bit of a risk when it comes to life in general, when people are
overly cautious, don’t take any risk whatsoever so don’t experience life ... (line
18 – 21)
Say you’re at the top of a diving board, you’re there, it’s a risk to jump off, but
you could hurt yourself but you could be exhilarated and feel like you’ve
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achieved something after you’ve done, after you’ve jumped off the balancing
(Lines 24–27)
Her use of a metaphor creates a seemingly tempting image to “jump” into something
exciting, such as diving into a swimming pool. Her expression of “say you’re at the top
of a diving board, you’re there” suggests the build-up to the event with possible feelings
as the wait before finding out the outcome of a bet. Using the word “exhilarated”
evidences her perception that there could be a positive outcome. This extract shows that
have a well-rounded and not overly cautious life. Moreover, having this perception
James: I do think that people should take a chance ... obviously there’s no need
to bet your house and that but a fiver here and there wouldn’t make too much of
a difference ... and if you win it’s an even better pay out. I mean living a little is
ok (laughs).
(Line 79 – 82)
James’s extract identifies that he believes in taking small risks or chances in life.
He seems to imply that betting small amounts of money is more acceptable compared to
larger bets that could possibly be harmful. His laughter and suggestion for others to live
a little demonstrates his somewhat care-free and relaxed perception of gambling and its
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ways. Below, Luke talks about gambling as a way in which his peers can be
spontaneous. From his extracts, it is evident that being spontaneous means that they are
experiencing life and taking chances that are not too harmful.
like… enjoying taking chances knowing that it’s not going to kill us (laughs).
(Line 58 – 60)
Kelly also describes herself and partner as cautious people who gamble as a way
they can relax and not worry. It appears that Kelly perceives her gambling behaviour as
a casual, fun experience. It could be interpreted that it is valuable to her life experience
Kelly: We don’t do something that ... say ... has the potential to be harmful. I
think we are both cautious like that but at the same time ... having a little bet or game
here and there is just our way of ... having fun I guess and maybe ... like... we don’t take
(Line 49 – 52)
gambling and its tempting nature. They described elements of excitement and pleasure,
temptation to place a bet. Francis’s extract below describes the fun environment with
peers.
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Francis: Erm if I’m with them in like an environment where we are all watching
the game then like if I see them do it then I could probably be tempted.
Especially if like there’s a few drinks flying around and we’re a bit ... what’s the
(Lines 55–58)
Erm... I don’t know... I guess there’s a bit of a thrill really and also I guess you
can just like showboat on things if you’ve won and it’s like a happy
environment, whereas if you are kind of sitting at home watching a sport, it’s a
(Lines 64–67)
Francis describes a social event with friends, and makes reference to alcohol
making him more “susceptible”. It appears that there is a playful and fun environment
within his peer group that makes gambling more appealing compared to other settings
where he may be alone. It could be assumed that the relaxed nature of the environment
makes him more tempted to take part in activities such as gambling. Moreover, it can be
interpreted that the fun environment makes gambling seem safer and less risky than
gambling alone.
Jason’s extract does not explicitly describe a fun environment, but clearly
demonstrates how gambling elevates his boredom and also adds to the excitement
appears that placing a bet would introduce an element of fun, and also excitement, into
the discussion. Placing a bet when he’s at home also appears to alleviate his boredom. It
is therefore evident that for Jason, gambling is perceived as a behaviour that will
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Jason: Yeah like to be honest... I don’t mind [betting] anywhere really. Like, if
I’m with my mates then yeah... sometimes we’ll be chatting about a match that’s
coming up and all have different views so it’s like ... why not bet on it? Or if I’m
home and I’m bored then I might check out what events are on and sometimes
(Lines 47–51)
James: We have a good laugh over it... if we [him and his friends] are together
it’s a laugh when we all make a bet and see who wins ... especially in football
matches... that’s the best time to do that. Whoever loses will usually have to buy
Line 49 - 52
The analysis suggests that participants talk about gambling as something that
can be tempting to participate in. Another common way that gambling was described by
It was evident across the data that the participants perceived gambling as a
behaviour that holds negative consequences and outcomes that should be kept away
from. The extent to which the participants perceived gambling as a behaviour that
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should be avoided was evident in their constructs of disgust, wealth, alienation, and
fear.
Kayla: I really don’t think it’s something that appeals to me. I’m far from
interested and hardly see the point. All I hear is about people losing and some getting
into debt and family problems. I mean... I know people do win but I just can’t
understand why they would chance losing so much money. I would perhaps... do
something like the lottery. I would only do it every so often but... that I feel like... there’s
not so much money being put down... losing a pound or two is reasonable. Anything
(Lines 167–174)
Kayla’s extracts evidence her feelings of wanting to stay away from gambling,
which appears to stem from hearing about others’ loss of money. Although Kayla
appears at the start to have a strong opinion not to gamble, she seems to perceive the
lottery as acceptable since there is a smaller loss. Kayla draws from discourses of debt
and family problems in gambling to construct gambling as something negative and risky
Luke: I have got one friend, actually he’s more of an acquaintance ... and he
always goes to the casino and puts down like fifty quid. I mean that’s great if
you have that money and know that you are going to win it back... but in reality
are you? I… I… think losing money will worry me, because... I’m not like him
who will be happy to lose. I mean... he’s not happy to lose but he can handle it. I
can’t because I’ll be kicking myself knowing I could have spent it more wisely.
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(Lines 23–30)
a financial loss or gain. He openly questions this in the interview by asking “are you?”.
Luke could possibly be looking for reassurance in order to confirm his ideas of
gambling. It seems that Luke compares his financial circumstances with a “friend”; it
appears that Luke identifies himself as somebody who cannot afford to lose. His
significantly impact him financially. This uncertainty and chance of losing appears to
observation that gambling industries are untrustworthy and disgusting, as they attempt
disgust towards the gambling industry. Some participants demonstrated disgust after the
Tara: People that are predisposed to be a bit more influenced by things like that
and people that have that kind of personality that, I don’t know, not to say
they’re like a crow and they see something shiny and they want to grab it but
there’s people that are excited by things like that and think ‘yes!’ When they see
I’ve got a sales background so I’m used to helping people market and helping
people with their brand development. So, these are tips and tricks that you are
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actually taught in upselling, and in general in sales this is what you are taught.
So you are aware that it catches people’s attention and that’s how it works ...
(line 96 – 100)
I think it’s disgusting and I think you lose a bit of your soul because sometimes
(Lines 102–103)
Tara shares her experience of working in the marketing industry. Her description
implies that she perceives marketing as deceiving and spiteful. Tara uses a metaphor,
“like a crow and they see something shiny and they want to grab it”, which appears to
something that has been advertised. It appears that Tara believes the marketing industry
has the ability to take advantage of this, and therefore entice gamblers through exciting
advertisements and incentives. Her description of “losing a bit of your soul” puts across
an image of her going against her moral values and beliefs. It appears that Tara has been
told to sell or advertise something that she does not believe in. In relation to gambling,
it could be understood that gamblers are tricked to play through the use of marketing
gambling.
Kayla: It’s actually really bad ... that it can be so easy to gamble anywhere and
you don’t really have to make an effort to do it. Like people are always on their
people’s face. When you think about it... it’s a serious issue for some people.
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(Lines 118–121)
I feel terrible ... like ... not for me but like for people who need to gamble and for
people that lose their money. I feel sorry for them but I’m thinking if it’s always
(Lines 123–125)
being put “in front of people’s face”, which gives the impression of her being
who may have a gambling problem, which results in her feeling angry and, later on,
evidently disappointed. It could be argued that Kayla is also disgusted at the gambling
market and industry as it impacts those with a gambling problem. This perception of the
Tina: It’s dangerous isn’t it? It’s a bit wrong. It is a bit wrong. With everyone in
debt, it entices people to come in to potentially get into more debt, I don’t agree
(Lines 81–83)
It seems that Tina is processing her thoughts around the danger of incentives.
She appears to ask for clarity as she says “isn’t it?” to the researcher. Repetition of the
words “it’s a bit wrong” emphasises a connection between her feelings towards
gambling and the realisation of gambling incentives as dangerous. Despite these strong
emotions, Tina shows acceptance through her words “it’s the world we live in right?”.
Tina’s low tone of voice and pause further suggests her disappointment and possible
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disgust towards gambling marketing. Moreover, her language and demeanour gives the
impression that Tina feels helpless and must accept that the world is not always good.
associated with wealth. It was seen as more acceptable for those with money to gamble.
They also described people who attend casinos as wealthy individuals who associate
within the casino network. Participants talked about this world being different from
theirs, and therefore depicted that they should stay away from gambling.
Anna: I don’t know if I would do it myself, err ... I suppose if you were someone
who’s kind of very wealthy and you’ve got connections and it’s not so risky, but
I think if you’re just an ordinary person like myself, it does kind of ... warning
signals pop up a little bit when I think about it. It’s not something I would never
do but it’s just(..) I would be a little bit wary about it because I think it could go
quite wrong and you could find yourself getting in too deep into it and you could
potentially get addicted. So I think from that perspective it’s not something that I
(Lines 39 –46)
wealth and those who also have “connections” within the gambling field. She constructs
herself as an “ordinary person”, which, arguably, suggests a divide between herself and
the world of gambling. When discussing wealth and gambling, Anna uses words such as
“warning signals”, “wary”, “wrong”, “too deep”, and “get addicted”. These words
identify that she constructs gambling as a negative and harmful behaviour, which makes
her apprehensive. Anna’s description suggests that she perceives gambling as very
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separate from her, in a world that appears to be too dangerous for her. This therefore
This divide between wealthy and non-wealthy is also evident in Luke’s extract,
as he describes the differences in the ways in which people of wealth spend money. He
compares the way he may spend money to those who gamble in a casino, which
suggests that he clearly positions a distinction from them. Luke appears to hold the
perception that wealthy people have the assets to afford to lose money in gambling,
which he does not identify with. Within Luke’s account, he refers to wealthy people as
“they”, which further suggests the distinction from himself. Furthermore, this evidences
Luke: It’s kind of like... those people who have money can do what they want
really they can go into casinos every Saturday night and would have no issue if
they lost some money because I guess for them it’s like a night out drinking. The
money that we would spend on a drink, for them is money that they can put
down.
(Line 50 - 54)
Kayla: I do know one person from home he did ... he got into gambling at
casinos and spent his whole student loan on it, yeah ... that’s just one person
and I think all the others thought ... well we can’t... if they’re earning I can
understand if they want to do it and if they are earning a good amount and they
can afford to lose £100 then that’s fair enough but… I think it’s a dangerous
thing to get into if you are young or a student because it can just easily take
(Lines 28–34)
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Kayla also seems to perceive that gambling is more acceptable for those for who
“can afford to lose” money. She talks about a group of people who say that they can’t
afford to gamble. As she refers to the group as “we”, it can be assumed that Kayla also
identifies herself as part of that group. She refers to the financial danger of students and
young people gambling, which are two groups Kayla falls into. Therefore, it can be
suggested that as Kayla doesn’t assert herself as wealthy, she stays away from
gambling.
Fear. Another aspect that displays participants’ position that gambling needs to
be avoided is the fear participants expressed regarding losing money, and the impact
this potentially has on themselves and their families. This fear was generally associated
with a gambling addiction, which seems to further reinforce that gambling is something
Tara: A lot of them are trapped in their own behaviour and it’s affected their life
detrimentally, to the point that they can’t function normally because they’re so
obsessed and absorbed in the next thrill and the next ‘I could win’, and they’re
convinced the next time they do it they are going to make a massive windfall.
There’s no guarantee! It’s like they’re high off the rush and it can be just as
(Lines 37–42)
Tara describes those who gamble as being possibly “trapped” and unable to
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with the dangers of substance misuse. This highlights the level of risk that Tara
perceives gambling to have, which clearly indicates that she should avoid such
behaviour. During the interview, Tara said this in a strong and passionate tone, which
Kayla: Erm… I think it can be a bad habit [gambling] but if the person is able to
control themselves and know when to stop then I guess it’s a choice that they
(Lines 41–43)
Erm... I see it more as a loss because I think you are more likely to lose than
win. If you are really smart and lucky and stuff then obviously it’s a different
(Lines 74–76)
Kayla appears to be fearful about gambling due to the risk of losing money and
the chance that the games are noticeably addictive. She mentions the individual being
“able to control” their “habit”. Firstly, her use of the word “habit” suggests that she sees
it as an addictive behaviour and possibly something that somebody cannot change. She
also links this with the ability to control, which suggests that she sees it as something
that can become uncontrollable. Kayla’s perception of the uncertainty of the outcome in
you away from the world. This was identified around their descriptions of loneliness,
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Tara: They’re very obsessed and I feel like they’re missing out on life because
they’re spending so much time in their own head and too much time in the game.
And they’re missing out on life and they’re going to wake up and realise hold
on, wait, is all that time wasted? I could have done something that I could have
achieved something.
(Lines 176–180)
…they spend so much time locked in their rooms; I have no idea what they’re
doing. Apart from telling me they’re playing a game or I’ve got this new game, I
(Lines 182–183)
would have a clue because it’s on your phone. People could think you are just
fiddling on your phone or on Facebook, you’re on social media. But really they
(Lines 187–190)
Tara’s description of her siblings who play games on their phones suggests a
disconnect with real life. She uses the words such as “missing out on life”, which
demonstrates her perception that they are taken away from life and the world, which is
potentially affecting their life development. She states that “they spend so much time
locked in their rooms” where “no one would have a clue” what they are doing. This
further identifies that, as well as gambling and gaming alienating people, there is also a
chance for people to alienate themselves with accessible gambling and gaming
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opportunities. Tara’s description appears to be around the use of a mobile phone, which
suggests that access to these games on technology eliminates the social interaction.
if it ... Like shows breaking down in relationships and you know the person is
being in the bookies ... so yeah I’ll say that’ll be an addiction and when it’s gone
too far.
(Lines 56–60)
alienation. She uses the word “withdrawal”, which suggests a total disconnect from life
and portrays the gambler as struggling to keep away from the gambling world.
Luke: I think it’s something that can really take you away. I don’t know how to
describe it ... but you see people who don’t talk to friends or even family
anymore because they are so stuck in this... This... trap, I guess... that’s
(Lines 66–70)
Luke also highlights that an individual can become alienated from family and
involved in gambling cannot get out, therefore implying that the consequences of
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James: The apps are good if you want to gamble, but it means that it’s easy
again. Like... you don’t have to go anywhere and if you want to bet you can. It’s
kind of like another social media app... like people are always on their phones,
constantly. Gambling on your phone just means that you can do it quietly
are always on our phones ... and if I was to start gambling a lot on my phone it
(laughs).
(Lines 66–72)
gambling in secrecy. Secrecy is evident as James states it “just means that you can do it
quietly without anybody knowing”. He talks about gambling apps in reference to “other
social media apps”, which suggests that since apps are commonly accessed, others do
not question when gambling apps are accessed, further highlighting the element of
secrecy. James points out the potential of gambling being addictive through use of
This theme of ‘stay away’ encompasses participants’ views that gambling can
talk about gambling as a behaviour that holds a high level of risk, which they do not
want to be part of. Participants’ constructs of ‘stay away’ identify their fear and
concerns with those who gamble, and the potential consequences that could arise. Much
of the participants’ perceptions have been derived from the media and what they see in
society. The next theme of ‘What would others think?’ highlights this in further detail.
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and gambling behaviour. The analysis suggests that the views of others contribute to the
way participants perceive gambling and those who gamble. It appears that the media
and society has reinforced negative stereotypes which seems to have an influence on the
participants’ perspectives as they worry about how they may be seen. The following
extracts show how participants consider the perception of their social groups in
gambling.
Kayla: I think they [friends] might find it weird if I was to gamble because ...
(Lines 50–51)
Luke: I’m not sure how my closest friends will feel about going to a casino every
night. They more like a bit of casual fun. I feel like if I was to go to casinos and
things like that I would probably have a very different group of friends; my
(Lines 29–33)
Kayla’s extract clearly identifies that gambling is not an activity that her friends
would regularly do; therefore, she would be seen as “weird”, evidencing her
consideration of how she would be perceived by peers. It could be suggested that Kayla
would not want to be seen as different from her social group, and therefore would,
arguably, not participate in gambling. Luke’s extract further provides evidence to this
casinos for fun. Both these extracts highlight that the views of social groups are taken
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into consideration when deciding if to gamble. Both Kayla and Luke provide evidence
James’s extract below provides evidence of the assumptions made about the
perceptions of those in a casino environment, and how this impacts his behaviour.
James: I don’t think casinos are my thing. I mean ... I have been once or twice
but to be honest I find it a bit ... pretentious and ... that’s not me, I don’t like
that. Similar with betting shops, I think that’s weird... I wouldn’t want to be seen
in one of those [laughs] ... It’s just the way in which people are seen, I’m not a
hard gambler and don’t want people to think I am. I like it every so often for a
(Lines 43–49)
shop; it highlights that he is concerned with the image society may have of him if he
were to be seen in a betting shop. James states that he’s not a “hard gambler”, which is
evidence that he assumes that he may be perceived that way if he attends a casino or
betting shop. This identifies that James is concerned with how others will perceive him
in that environment, which arguably may evolve from his own stereotypes of those in a
casino.
Stigma. Participants were able to put across their concerns of what others think
through the discussion of stigmas. Participants described images of those who they
participants reflected on in relation to how they would be seen in society if they were to
gamble.
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Francis: Yeah, I kind of imagine just like seedy old guys kind of sitting in there
and betting on horses all day... it’s not really a good image when you are
walking past it. And yeah there’s just a… when I went there it was just a bit
(Lines 163–166)
Francis’s use of the words “seedy old guys” and his description of them “sitting there
all day”, suggests that he also holds a negative portrayal of those who attend a betting
shop. The latter also gives the impression of someone who may be unproductive and not
be working. It could be assumed that his description means the individual is also lonely
Kayla: I feel like... people who do those things actually have nothing else to do.
Like... they spend a lot of time gambling so I feel like they have money to waste,
and then when they get in debt it’s an issue... I mean if you gamble regularly
there’s a chance that you will end up in debt. Those people that gamble are just
(Lines 43–48)
Similarly to Francis, Kayla’s stigma also appears to be around someone who has
failed in life. Kayla refers to them having “nothing to do”, further highlighting a
perception of someone who doesn’t have much in life apart from gambling.
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These constructs of those who gamble appear to create discomfort for young
people to go into a betting shop, as they believe there is a negative stigma. Due to the
that this is a shared social image. Moreover, young adults avoid attending betting shops
Alice: I don’t think I ... want to be seen in that way ... Like as a gambler... I think
... I don’t see it as a positive message. It sounds so bad... it’s not even like I’ve had a
bad experience with a gambler or anything, it’s just the way that I feel. I personally...
From Alice’s extract, it appears that she holds negative stigmas towards
gambling, which she doesn’t want to be associated with. It is evident that she is
concerned about how others will perceive her if she was to gamble. As she states that
she has not “had a bad experience with a gambler”, it can be argued that she holds a
negative image that can be assumed to have been shaped from society or the media.
This further results in Alice’s concern about what others will think of her.
Apps escape shame. The analysis suggests that access to mobile applications
alleviates the discomfort from attending betting shops and casinos. Participants who
gambled would usually do so via apps for ease of access and comfort.
in a betting shop as a failure. In the extract below, he goes on to describe his discomfort
pressure for him to do well in a betting shop. However, having apps means that he
doesn’t have to experience that discomfort. Being able to gamble “in the comfort of
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your environment” arguably suggests that gambling in a safe environment means that
Francis: Yeah... it just feels a bit intense going in there especially like if I’m not
that experienced in betting ... I don’t really know what I’m doing... it’s a lot
easier to just like have your app in the comfort of your environment and just
(Lines 168–171)
This description of “intensity” was also captured in Jason’s extract below. His
repetition of “I don’t like the intensity” highlights his discomfort of a betting shop. It is
evident that his discomfort comes from others in the environment, where he possibly
feels as if he is being judged. Having mobile applications for gambling clearly allows
Jason to gamble without being watched or judged by others; therefore relieving his
feelings of shame.
Jason: I don’t like the intensity ... I don’t like the intensity ... people watching
you, people enquiring; obviously it’s like my own private business if it’s on my
phone.
(Lines 43–45)
Further to this, Alice also talks about the discomfort of attending a betting shop.
She also refers to it as being “more of a game” at home, which arguably suggests that
Alice also feels safer gambling in an environment that she is comfortable in. She talked
highlighting the way that access to apps allows her to gamble without social judgement.
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Alice: Well… a lot of it is online now, so... You like... especially... because our
generation it’s easy and you can do it from home and it’s more of a game. I
guys, that doesn’t appeal to me but if I was interested in gambling I would much
(Lines 121–125)
belong there. Erm also with a casino... I feel like I wouldn’t know what I’m
doing and I’m out my depth. I guess it’s just judgement from other people
whether it’s like... what are you doing here or what are you betting or like you
(Lines 217–221)
Peer influence. The analysis suggests that the participants tend to follow their
peers in taking part in gambling, and would be more likely to gamble if this was
not gamble regularly also described being influenced if the majority of their peers
would try.
Anna: If you’re in a casino or if you’re with a bunch of friends and they’re like
‘oh let’s play this game’... then I think it’s a little bit harder to not get involved
compared to if you’re just sitting at home on the computer and you see an ad,
you know ... I think I definitely feel a lot less compelled if I’m at home and I just
see an ad ... if I was with a group of friends and they’re like ‘oh let’s play’… a
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bit of like the peer pressure element involved ... I’m not saying because there are
other people... you might think ... like, oh it might kind of be a bit more fun that
(Lines 371–379)
situation. Anna describes not being interested in gambling alone, but perceives
activity if peers are keen to participate. It could also be seen that Anna may not want to
be left out of an activity that could potentially be fun. Moreover, it could be argued that
if Anna was not to get involved, she may be perceived in a negative way by her peers.
This further highlights the pressure from peers and the concern of what others will
think.
Francis’s extract, below, is evident that within his peer circle they encourage
Francis: Er... well... if you’re in an environment with a load of guys you kind of...
you guess you will want to show off and be... motivated by each other and carry
(Lines 182–184)
opportunity to gamble. It appears that she places bets from her boyfriend’s account. It
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could be assumed that she was influenced by her boyfriend to gamble as he has an
Kelly: Yeah sometimes we bet together erm... I mean usually when I’ve bet it’s
through his account and I’m like... ‘ah I’ll put the bet on for’ you so… yeah
(Lines 44–45)
Media tells us. Participants have emphasised the role the media plays in
creating either positive or negative stereotypes of how gambling is seen by others. From
the analysis, it is evident that the young adults’ perception is derived from the media,
which includes movies, TV shows, and social media. The following extracts by Anna
Anna: Erm, it might sound a bit silly but it’s mainly through media, mostly what
I’ve seen on television to be honest, I think that’s primarily where I have made
that kind of association, because otherwise I don’t really have much err,
knowledge of ... well in terms of what gambling is, I don’t remember specifically
learning about it in school or anything, I think it’s mostly through media that
(Lines 24–29)
I think just like episodes of shows like Friends when they’re in casinos and they
play things like Blackjack and stuff ... erm I think there was also this, there was
a film that I saw a long time ago. I think it was called, like, 21 or something.
(Lines 31–34)
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I think probably the ones where it’s kind of, they’ve shown it in a ... obviously I
haven’t watched that many gambling movies but the few that I have watched I
think when they’ve portrayed it in a negative way, that’s when… you start to
think, oh this is kind of a dangerous thing. But if it’s like an episode of Friends
or some kind of TV show where they’re just betting in a casino or something and
nothing really that bad happens, then I don’t really tend to think that much of it.
I think it’s just when you see it going wrong and you see people racking up large
amounts of debt then I think erm you start to think it could all go wrong very
quickly.
(Lines 73–80)
Anna’s extracts vividly capture the notion of media defining young people’s
perceptions. Anna talks about gambling that she has seen in the media that has
contributed to her understanding. She talks about gambling in a comedy, which she
understands as a fun social experience, where she doesn’t think or hold a strong
opinion. Her reference to a movie that appears to have a negative portrayal of gambling
clearly impacts her perception of gambling. Anna’s description is similar to the view
she has held throughout the interview: that a one-off game with friends is less harmful
than gambling on a frequent or solo basis. This highlights the way that the media
Alice: Because I don’t think the risk is worth it, you hear more about people
losing than you do winning, in my view anyway but occasionally you’ll get
people placing a bet then put a Facebook status. ‘Oh won 40 quid at the horses’
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or something like that ... but like, I don’t know, I don’t really hear about people
winning.
(Lines 83–87)
Alice talks about hearing more of the negative outcomes of gambling compared
to the positive. It can be suggested from her extract that people may post about their
winnings from gambling on Facebook; however, it can be assumed that they do not post
about their losses. Although in this case, it has not directly impacted Alice’s decision, it
can be argued that the messages communicated through social media contribute to the
‘invasion of privacy’.
Tara: It’s been used as a facilitating tool to bring about people’s agendas and
there’s people in war-torn countries that don’t have a penny to their name that
have smartphones nowadays. So if there’s one way to access the masses and
they use it to their utmost. Even the other day when it comes to things like
advertising, like, Facebook, and because they own WhatsApp they have given
WhatsApp access to your browsing data so it can tell Facebook what you like
and advertise towards you accordingly, that’s an invasion of your privacy and
it’s gearing towards, say someone has a problem and they look at things and it’s
just showing you constantly ‘oh buy this buy this’ and you’re trying not to.
(Lines 207–213
It is evident that Tara’s experience of the media and the way in which they reach the
masses has been seen as intrusive and vindictive. This tells us that the media is
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These messages, whether positive or negative, shape young people’s perceptions of how
This theme has demonstrated the role that society and the media plays in shaping
and influencing young adults’ perception of gambling. It provides young adults with
ideas of how those who gamble may be perceived in different contexts. This perception
The current study aimed to explore the accounts of young adults’ perceptions of
gambling and their view of its representation in the media. It endeavoured to gain an
understanding of how young adults perceive and understand gambling today. The
analysis indicated that gambling is perceived as an activity that is tempting, whilst at the
same time an activity of risk and negative consequences. On the one hand, participants
described gambling advertisements as luring and enticing, which made them feel
intrigued and excited about the outcome. Incentives in the advertisements played a big
role in tempting young adults to participate. This is in line with previous research such
as studied by Lee et al (2008), Binde (2009) and Hing et al (2016) who argued that
gambling advertisements attracts society to gamble. On the other hand, the analysis
suggested that young adults have a sense of ambivalence towards gambling, as they fear
the negative consequences. When reflecting on the temptation and incentives of the
of gambling has been similarly found in studies by Wickwire (2010), however this
research adds more insight into the participants accounts of avoiding gambling.
Participants also expressed the role of society and their peers in their decision making to
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gamble, and also in the way in which they gamble. It appeared that the view of others
and the media's portrayal has an influence in shaping their perception of gambling.
Previous research has identified that the media holds stereotype portrayals which
influence young people (e.g. Barnes, 2007; Binde, 2009; Korn, 2005). Overall, the
findings add further insight and knowledge into the perspectives of gambling and
complement existing gambling literature. This is discussed in more detail in the next
chapter.
The analysis phase evoked my anxieties around not being experienced conducting
qualitative research. At times, I questioned whether I would do the data justice and if
my interviewing skills were sufficient to have gathered in-depth data. During the
interviews, a couple of the participants responded timidly with short answers. This
accounts. In leaving those interviews, I jumped to the assumption that the data may not
be rich enough. However, during the first phase of analysis I noticed that the data had
more depth than what I anticipated. During the transcription phase which involved me
listening very carefully to the tapes, facilitated my understanding and engagement with
the data. This was also essential in developing codes that were connected to the
accounts.
Phase three and four of analysis involved the clustering of codes and developing
themes. Early in this stage, I felt overwhelmed of codes and somewhat struggled to see
the themes clearly. I grouped the variety of codes into similarities that I could see and
left codes that I struggled to fit in to the side. I then took some time away from the data
and came back with a clearer mind. Revisiting the data with a fresh mind allowed me to
see the themes and missing codes which I couldn’t before. Developing an initial
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thematic map at this point facilitated the development of the main themes and identified
the overlaps between themes. I was then able to group the themes further to create the
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Chapter 4
Discussion
This chapter discusses each theme in relation to the existing literature. The
winning. This excitement was also produced from the enticement of advertisements, as
the images gave participants a feeling of luck and a high chance of winning. Previous
literature has ascertained that excitement is one of the common reasons for why people
gamble (Walker, 1992). Boyd (1982) described excitement as the “gambler’s drug”.
Previous studies have also linked excitement to the expectancy of winning money
(Wulfert, 2008). In this study, the excitement of expectancy to win was present
gambling advertisements are in line with Lee, Lemanski and Jun’s (2008) findings,
which suggest a positive relationship between media gambling exposure and attitudes
which, gamblers play due to distorted beliefs and over-estimation of their chances of
winning (Ladouceur & Walker, 1996). Drawing on cognitive theory and findings from
the study, it could be argued that the distorted beliefs are strongly facilitated by what is
that winning in gambling is highly possible, which appears to create excitement; hence
the findings of positive attitudes towards gambling advertisements (Lee et al., 2008).
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enticed. They specifically talked about monetary incentives as attractive and appealing,
which contributed to their decision to play or not. Research has stressed the concern that
the continued enticement of adverts could potentially increase the rates of gamblers and
essentially problem gambling rates (Binde, 2009; Grant & Kim, 2001). Incentives
appeared to entice participants, where they tempt gamblers to continue gambling, and
those who do not usually gamble, to try. Furthermore, participants were enticed by the
playful nature and entertainment of the advertisements, which made gambling tempting.
This, therefore supports the assertion that gambling advertisements intend to appeal to
audiences (Hing et al., 2016). The features that seemed apparent in this study are similar
to those found by Korn et al. (2005), where participants were attracted to the idea of
possible wealth, happiness, and material gain. These features appear to be evident in
achieving their aim to entice and gather customers. However, the implication of this is
that it could draw in gamblers and potentially entice those who are recovering from a
social groups. Fun, along with financial gain and enjoyment, has been found as a key
fun experience. Fun, furthermore, has been identified as a significant feature that
motivates youths to gamble (Korn et al., 2005) and as a social activity that alleviates
boredom (Mercer & Eastwood, 2010; Nower & Blaszczynski, 2006; Skinner et al.,
2004). Participants in this study also expressed gambling as a means to relieve boredom
and have fun instead. Supporting research acknowledges fun as a gambling expectancy
(Stewart et al, 2015). Interestingly, when discussing gambling as fun, it appeared that
the male participants found the element of competition amongst friends as being fun.
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Studies have identified that women respond less favourably to competition than men
(Wong et al., 2012); however, gender was not considered in the selection process. In
order to explore this further, additional research will need to be conducted on gender
differences.
experiences in life. They talked about not being too cautious and taking chances
reflecting Kristiansen and Jensen’s (2014) findings that at-risk gambling patterns could
be a normal part of adolescent life. This is further supported by Korn (2005), who found
that gambling in young people is seen as merely a form of entertainment with no risks
attached. Researchers have stressed that exposure to gambling has normalised the
behaviour (Gainsbury et al., 2015; King at al., 2014; Lamont et al., 2011; Moore &
This temptation, that is evident in the data and the literature, can pose a risk to
accessible (Griffiths, 2011) and frequently participated by young people (Derevensky &
Gupta, 2004), there appears to be a threat that it could be seen as merely entertainment,
and become embedded in general behaviour (Kristiansen & Jenson, 2014). Recently, the
Gambling Industry Code for Social Responsible Advertising (Industry Group for
Responsible Gambling, 2015) was updated in order for the media to not intentionally
target those under the age of 18 through the style and context of their advertisements.
Updates have included the restriction of advertisements after 9pm if it includes a sign-
up offer, a socially responsible gambling message and clear indication of age restriction.
However, those over the age of 18, likewise the participants in this study, are still
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Apart from the enticing and tempting elements, participants also spoke about the
need to stay away from gambling. Participants in this study picked up on the
consequences that could arise, identifying that gambling could become an addictive
behaviour leading them to avoid gambling. This study found that participants perceived
people to a behaviour that could eventually become harmful and addictive. This is in
line with findings by Fam et al (2009) who found that in China gambling
advertisements were seen as being “offending” as the behaviour is seen as lazy and a
non-productive way to pass time. It is noted that there is a difference in the cultural
context and the role culture plays in the perception of gambling is out of the scope of
gambling; they connected it with wealth and appeared to distance themselves from such
a status. The model of casino gambling based on Tversky and Kahneman’s (1992)
cumulative prospect theory posits that “people evaluate risk using a value function that
is defined over gains and losses” (Barberis, 2012, p. 2). This is known as loss aversion
and suggests that people are more sensitive to losses than to gains. It can therefore be
assumed that participants perceive casinos as holding more risk, and arguably believe
there is more chance that they could lose. This finding could reflect how young people
view the difference between casinos and sports betting which provides an insight into
problematic gambling, it could be suggested that research and education could focus on
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Participants reported feeling afraid that gambling could become problematic and
Research has suggested that avoidance of fearful stimuli is associated with anxiety
(Dymond & Roche, 2009; Pittig et al., 2014). It could be argued that the participants’
worry of losing money to gambling makes them feel anxious, which in turn makes them
perceive gambling as something they should stay away from. Furthermore, identify
involvement that could lead to negative consequences, such as addiction. This negative
expectancy made participants feel as if they should stay away from gambling.
Although being social was a factor that contributed to fun in gambling, at other
that gambling is an activity that can be done in secrecy with minimal interaction with
others. They also associated alienation with people who gamble regularly and often with
those who have an addiction. This was also talked about by one participant in relation to
gaming. One participant also expressed gaming being similar to gambling as it means
that you are always in the game and “missing out on life”. It could be argued that the
suggested that solo gamblers tend to be more frequent and heavy betters (Bernhard,
Dickens & Shapiro, 2007). It was also noted by the participants that gambling via
mobile applications contribute to the alienating element which is in line with Griffiths
(2001), who found that mobile gambling reduces sociability. The participants in this
reason to avoid the activity. However, this evidence highlights that mobile gambling
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Research has found that the media informs society (Binde, 2009) and repeats
stereotypical portrayals (Barnes, 1997). This study has identified that the media sends
messages about gambling behaviour through shows and movies on TV. Participants
would refer to what they have seen on TV and media, which contributes to their
understanding and perceptions of gambling. In line with previous research (Un & Lam,
2016), participants suggested that if TV portrays gambling as fun, it makes them more
assertion that movies provide an insight into the psychologies and fantasies of ordinary
people. However, participants did not only reflect on gambling shown in a positive
light, but also expressed that it demonstrated the negative consequences of excessive
gambling and the consequences that can arise. Two participants in particular talked
about an episode of a popular TV soap that showed the impact gambling could have on
a young person. This appeared to cement with them and contributed to their
appeared that the negative portrayals of gambling in movies stuck with them more than
the positive. This resulted in the participants reflecting on how they would be perceived
the media creates positive attitudes (Korn et al, 2005) and irresponsible gambling (Un &
They described different types of stigma that revolved around those who go to betting
shops and who develop a problem from gambling either on TV or in real life.
perceived, and self stigma (Hing, Russell & Gainsbury, 2016). The descriptions of
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stigma that the participants shared all appeared to be related solely to those who have a
gambling problem. Based on stigma descriptions by Hing et al. (2016), it appears that
the participants were drawing on stereotypes produced from public stigmas. Stereotypes
are viewed as structures of social knowledge that are learnt by the majority of a social
group (Judd & Park, 1996). Hamilton and Sherman (1994) claimed that stereotypes are
who belong to a stereotype group. Within this study, a representation of gamblers that
appeared to be consistent amongst the majority of the participants was the perception
that those who attend betting shops are “old guys” who have nothing to do, have lost
their life to gambling and are possible failures. It appeared that participants saw those
who attend a betting shop as similar to previous studies that found problem gamblers
2016), and lazy (Miller & Thomas, 2017). This view made participants cautious of
attending a betting shop, as they felt that they would also be perceived by society in a
negative light. Similarly, to the findings of Hing et al (2016) participants seemed to fear
produced from either what they had seen or from the media’s emphasis of the extreme
negative consequences of gambling, parallel to the finding from Miller and Thomas
(2017). This study supports the assertion that media plays a vital role for individuals to
acquire knowledge and develop expectations for society, self-behaviour, and beliefs
demonstrating how society and the media have an influence on the way in which
gambling is perceived; this in turn made the participants cautious of their gambling
behaviours.
Participants described that they were able to minimise the discomfort they had
experienced in attending land-based gambling outlets through the use of mobile phones
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or tablets to gamble. Previous research has suggested that online access to gambling
avoid the impact of negative stereotyping. Although technology has acted as a means
for gambling without judgement, it also means that it can be done without others
knowing (Valentine, 2016). Participants in this study seemed to be pleased with the
access to gambling on mobile phones. Quinlan et al (2013) support this in a study with
young adults, which found that gambling motives were positively correlated with
gambling alone. Thus, it can be argued that it could potentially contribute to the
Influence of peers within social circles was apparent in the analysis. Participants
expressed an inclination to gamble if it was an activity carried out within their social
groups. Similarly, Hardoon and Derevensky (2001) noted that 44% of adolescents
reported that the gambling behaviours of their peers led to the initiation of their
gambling. Deans et al. (2017) also found that young men experienced a social pressure
to fit in with their friends who bet on sports. Research has identified that peers are the
social norms. One participant spoke about the concern of how they may have been seen
by their peers if they were the only one who did not participate in gambling when
everyone else did. This supports findings that peers have an influence on gambling
behaviour (Tang & Oei, 2011; Magoon & Ingersoll, 2006; Langhinrichsen-Rohling et
al, 2004). Perhaps, campaigns could include encouraging young people to support each
other in making their own decisions and not being pressured into the majority. This
especially includes activities that may involve risk. Recently, there has been
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dilemma. Participants seemed to perceive gambling as enticing and tempting, yet at the
same time dangerous and to be avoided. Billig (1991) asserted that when people speak
or specifically give opinions on a topic, they are thinking and arguing the debates within
themselves; they are essentially debating what is common sense. Billig et al (1988)
argued that maxims and values that individuals hold can often be in conflict with one
dilemmatic quality. Drawing on Billig et al’s (1988) ideas on ideological dilemmas, this
common sense. From the analysis, it appears that participants are conflicted between the
being enticed and attracted, which make gambling tempting. This seems to be related to
internal desires to win money and be a part of something that seems exciting. The
acceptable. It seems to stem from ideals and depictions created between peers, social
groups and from the media whilst considering whether it is worth the risk. This
indicates that gambling holds a dilemmatic element that could potentially contribute to
could also be especially concerning for those with a gambling problem aiming for
recovery. This information could be vital to informing support services of the struggle
that their clients experience and to educate them and the communities of the dilemmatic
The participants expressed gambling as a fun activity that is used for entertainment
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purposes; however, the ease and accessibility raise concerns of excessive gambling
becoming normalised (Kristiansen & Jensen, 2014), and continue to have a growing
concern of the development of gambling and the impact it may have. Research has
identified that there are mental health issues associated with gambling (Zangeneh et al,
2008; Gillespie, 2008; Reith, 2006), and with the development of technology, problem
gambling amongst young people has continued to be an area of interest. The discussion
suggests that there is a need for more education on gambling. Counselling psychologists
could play a crucial role in reaching this population. Young people have been identified
as a group that is the most influenced by peers (Brown, 2004; Chassin et al, 2004;
Steinberg & Monahan, 2007) and arguably follow popular society trends (Sandford &
Rich, 2006). With the rise of problem gambling in this group, it will be valuable to
educate and raise awareness of gambling. In terms of targeting young people, a focus
for counselling psychologists could lie within the education sector. The government has
highlighted the crucial role of schools in supporting young people to improve their
mental health and wellbeing (Department of Education, 2016). The Health and Care
(HCPC, 2015) encourage teaching and education of mental health. It is therefore within
gambling and virtual gambling and gaming could be beneficial in raising young
people’s awareness of the consequences these games could have. Young people have
been noted as not seeking support in gambling due to stigma and shame (Gainsbury et
al., 2014); education on gambling could also include information on seeking support.
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dilemmas around gambling that clients face. Educating counselling psychologists and
gambling clients, as they can acknowledge that gambling is something that is tempting
but is causing them considerable harm. Empathy is a feature in the National Institute for
Health and Care Excellence (2017) guidelines quality statement and has been found to
be a key factor in the therapeutic alliance (Imel, Hubbard, Rutter, & Simon, 2013)
could then use this therapeutically making dilemmas explicit with clients and increasing
their awareness of what they may be exposed to. Increasing clients’ awareness is a goal
been found to be the key to therapeutic change in psychodynamic therapies (Leiper &
Maltby, 2004).
This study has highlighted that there is a need for regulation of gambling
advertisements and warnings on gambling websites. The Gambling Act (2005) has
taken measures to ensure that youths are not accessing gambling websites. However, it
could take further steps to raise awareness of excessive gambling via the websites
themselves. They could potentially put up warning information each time a consumer
logs on, and gambling companies could track their use of the website. The consumer
may wish to put a cap on their account, which means they will no longer be able to play
after spending their specified amount. These are suggestions that need to be taken into
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problem gamblers in the planning and development of policies may provide a powerful
tool for vocalising their viewpoints and moving towards change. Counselling
psychologists have access to clients who may want change and could act as an advocate
4.3 Limitations
found that there are demographic factors such as gender (For example, McCormack et
al, 2014; Wenzal & Dahl, 2009) or culture (for example, Simmons et al, 2016;
Delfabbaro, 2012) that may influence gambling behaviours. The researcher noticed that
there appeared to be gender difference in the participants’ dialogue; however, it was not
considered, as gender was not accounted for in the demographics. Additionally, all the
participants were from a UK western culture suggesting that the sample was
homogenous.
Despite the rationale provided for the 18 – 25-year-old age range, the researcher
noted that there were differences between the responses of the younger (18-year-old)
participants and the older (25-year-olds). Research has suggested that there are many
developmental changes in young adulthood (Duffy et al, 2017) and an 18-year-old will
not be the same at 25 years (Simpson, 2008). Arguably a more focused group of
participants, specifying a particular age, may have yielded more insightful findings.
participants. It is possible that another method, such as focus groups, may have been
more beneficial to gather data, and would arguably allow participants to freely talk in an
environment that is comfortable and perhaps more natural to them. Focus groups in
young people have been found to be particularly helpful in research with young people
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(Bagnoli & Clark, 2010; McKee, Watson & Dore, 2014; Gibson, 2007). With
facilitation from the researcher, participants often build on each other’s responses,
creating more candid answers (Leung & Savithri, 2009). Focus groups have been
suggested to provide a space for participants where they can define their own ideas and
opinions through dialogue and debate with others (Kitzinger, 1994). There is, therefore,
a potential for discussion over issues that are unanticipated by the researcher (Skop,
2006). Researchers have argued that the collective experience of focus groups has the
ability to empower participants to take control of the research process, and bring issues
that are of interest in a language and framework that makes sense to them. This,
therefore, may have provided more in-depth and rich data around their perceptions of
gambling.
The final limitation is the use of images during the data collection. As reflected
on previously, using the media images focused the interview on hose particular adverts
images possibly dismissed any media representations of gambling that may have been
important, meaningful or influential to the participants. Not using image in the future
may allow for a more general discussion for the participant to explore aspects that are
important to them. It is also important to note that the images chosen may not have
reflected the interests of young people today. Considering their ages of 18 – 25, there is
a chance that websites such as Ladbrooks may not be popular amongst their age group.
If this is to be considered in future research, images that are age group specific will need
to be considered.
An interesting finding was that participants expressed that they gain much of
their understanding of gambling from the media, especially television shows and
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movies. This had an influence on the gambling actions they chose. From a review of
television programmes and movies (Un & Lam, 2016). Further research could use a
discourse analysis on how current movies and TV programs portray gambling. It could
involve a discursive analysis of media constructs through linguistic and visual means.
the findings from this study, further research could conduct a quantitative study on
young adults’ perspectives. The quantitative component could include The Gambling
Attitudes and Beliefs Scale (GABS) (Breen & Zuckerman, 1999). This is used to assess
general attitudes towards gambling and focuses on cognitive factors. The scale includes
35 items where respondents report on a scale from the extent they strongly disagree to
strongly agree. High scores indicate more positive gambling attitudes and beliefs. A
quantitative component will allow for more participants and generalizability of the
results.
psychologists who work with gamblers. This will be a qualitative enquiry using
young people who have gambling problems. Interview questions could explore how
counselling psychologists may work with the role of media influence on their clients
and this tension between temptation and staying away. This study could arguably add
further insight into the findings from this study and understand how counselling
psychologist work with these issues. It could begin to raise awareness amongst
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4.5 Conclusion
qualitative inquiry on young adults’ perspective on gambling. This study was able to
conclude that amongst the participants, gambling is seen as an activity that is tempting
which stems from it being portrayed as exiting and fun whilst at the same time it holds
many consequences and should be kept away from. Social circles and the media has
shaping their perspectives and participation. This study has highlighted the role of a
battle of common sense in the decision to gamble. This dilemma could be an important
empathic approach.
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4.6 Reflexivity
embarking on the Counselling Psychology training. During this time, I was working
very closely with children and families in a school where I previously was employed as
a Teaching Assistant and a Family Support Worker for many years. Due to my roles, I
developed very good relationships with students and their families. As a Family Support
Worker, I supported a family who experienced considerable difficulties when the father
was in financial debt due to gambling. He later started drinking alcohol as an escape
from family and financial pressures. Supporting the children and spouse of the gambler
was a challenging experience where I first witnessed the damage that gambling can do.
This case was something that always stuck with me and sparked my interest in working
misuse service. This work provided me with an invaluable experience to understand the
world of those with an addiction. When choosing a topic for the thesis, I engaged in
conversations with peers and colleagues and found that gambling always appeared at
the forefront. I began to notice, new gambling outlets and advertisements that would
come on TV and I began to think about how this impacts those with a gambling
I had personal views about gambling and attempted to bracket these assumptions
and ideas in order to not influence the research. I personally had always experienced
gambling as a leisurely fun activity that I would enjoy with friends on the odd occasion
with no harmful consequences. As I learnt more about gambling and the effects it could
have on society I become more concerned about the availability and access to these
games. From watching regular TV, I noticed the extensive gambling advertisements
that the media is bombarding and encouraging, young people in particular, to gamble
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irresponsibly. From walking around the area where I worked in an addiction service, I
started to notice the increasing number of betting shops and felt somewhat disgusted
that there were so many in very close proximity of each other. It brought up questions
around how this effected the community and especially those who have a gambling
discussions around the influence of general media on their mental health. In relation to
gambling, I felt that this was an important topic to explore. Despite my attempt to
bracket my feelings, it is possible that my disgust could have manifested in the data
analysis; I could have unconsciously wanted to represent the negative aspects of the
feelings of disgust and it could be possible that I felt this was important as it was
aligned with my opinions. To ensure that my feelings of disgust did not influence the
description of the participants disgust, I shared extracts and themes with colleagues and
possible that my own assumptions may have influenced the wording of questions or the
elements I found relevant to pick up on and explore further through prompts. During the
Throughout this thesis, I kept a journal which I would write notes in after each
interview. This allowed me to process emotions or thoughts that arose which was
beneficial in gaining insight into my feelings about each interview and my journey as a
researcher. It was important that my assumptions and feelings towards gambling did not
through reflections were beneficial. It was helpful to reflect prior to interviews in order
to check in with how I was feeling and my position with the research at that point. This
was beneficial in grounding me and cleared my mind in preparation for the interview.
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During the early stages of the interview process, I became aware of my feelings
to want to make the participants feel comfortable and open to talk. I felt that this was
somewhat part of my thoughts around them being ‘young’ and noticing that they were
often nervous at the start. On the other hand, I believe that the urge to make them
comfortable was due to my keen desire and passion for working with young people.
This instinct to possibly ‘protect’ young people is a part of me that I have recognized
working with issues that young people of this day and age are faced with; gambling is
also a feature that comes under this umbrella. This trait is part of me that has been
highlighted on various occasions throughout the training and also stands at the very
researcher and a therapist. Although I had various roles working with young people, this
was new. In order to let my protective nature, stop me from exploring the participants’
talk, I had to recognize what I would like get the most out of the interviews. This
This further led me to think about a possible power imbalance that could take
place between myself and the participants since I viewed them as ‘young’ and
considered that they may have seen me as an ‘expert’ or ‘professional’. This has been
different, knowledge than the participant (Taylor, 2001). This along with my personal
views could mean that responses will be compliant with what the participants may
expect me to think. In order to refrain from this, I aimed to remain in a curious position
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It was noticed that a few participants who enjoy gambling on a regular basis,
would attempt to make it clear and explicit that their gambling behaviour is not
problematic. They appeared slightly worried that they would be judged for gambling.
Although it was not suspected, it could be possible that the participants were aware of
my position as a trainee psychologist and didn’t want me to think that they had a
gambling problem. This could have influenced the extent to which they expressed their
enjoyment and fun with the games. In the future, it may be beneficial at the start to
reiterate the purpose of the research and reassure the participants that they will not be
judged for what they express. This may ensure that participants feel immediately
conducting qualitative research. I felt that it would be a challenge that will help me
as a tool to reflect on these anxieties alleviate the pressure and focus on what the data
was telling me. This grounded me and allowed me to look at the data with a clear mind.
I then used peer-supervision with other trainee Counselling Psychologists to talk about
the data and share ideas of the clarity of themes and subthemes. This was beneficial as I
was able to connect with others on a research level and became more confident in my
psychological researcher. I feel that I have established a new passion and interest in
particular.
After completion of this research, there are a few things that I would do
differently if this study is to be done again. Firstly, I would reconsider the use of
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images; rather than showing the participants media images I would possibly ask about
their general perceptions of the gambling media where they would have the opportunity
to freely express their opinions from what they have seen and been exposed to. This
would allow for exploration of their natural perceptions and opinions of gambling that
is specifically relevant to them. Secondly, I would make the research gender specific,
which will allow for an in-depth analysis of a genders perception of gambling. This also
mean that the discussion could be based around games that are aimed at females or
males specifically. Lastly, using a focus group as a form of data collection could be
essential to gather the groups perceptions from an environment that may allow them to
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Appendices
Appendix A: Research Advertisement
I am seeking to interview those who are willing to discuss this topic. The interview will
be approximately one hour and arranged at a time convenient to you.
Note: Your personal information will be anonymous and all information is kept as
confidential. You will be provided with further information once contact with the
researcher has been made.
If you are interested and would like further information, please contact me via email on
U1326868@uel.ac.uk.
u1326868@uel.ac.uku1326868@uel.ac.uku1326868@uel.ac.uku1326868@uel.ac.uk u1326868@uel.ac.uk
Tanya Tanya Tanya Tanya Tanya
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The purpose of this letter is to provide you with the information that you need to
consider in deciding whether to participate in the research study. This study is being
conducted as part of my Doctorate in Counselling Psychology at the University of East
London. Before you decide to participate it is important that you understand the purpose
of the research and what it will involve. Please read the following information carefully
before you decide to participate.
Project Title
Gambling has been known to lead to the development of personal, social and
psychological problems. Previous research has identified significant correlation
relationships between young people and gambling. It has also been identified that
internet gambling has a negative impact on young people and can lead to potential
problematic gambling.
This study seeks to explore the experiences of young adults and aims to understand how
they perceive the growing accessibility and advances in technology for gambling.
If you are interested in taking part and feel that you fulfil the requirements, you will be
invited into the University of East London. You will meet with the researcher and have
the opportunity to answer any questions face-to-face. You will then be asked to sign a
consent form, which provides consent to be interviewed, voice recorded and the
transcribed data to be used for the purpose of the study. The interview will take place at
the University of East London at a time convenient for you and will last approximately
one hour. Your interview will be made anonymous and kept in confidence of the
researcher. All interviews are one-to-one with the researcher. The results of the study
will be written up and submitted as the Doctoral Thesis for the Doctorate in Counselling
Psychology.
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Location
The interviews will take place at a time convenient for you at the University of East
London, School of Psychology, Stratford Campus, Water Lane, E15 4LZ.
All personal information you provide will be made anonymous from the research; this
means your name will not be associated with the data. Any consent forms that you have
signed are kept separate and in a safe locked cabinet with only the researchers access.
Your audio recording will be kept confidential and only be used for the purpose of the
research. Once the study has been completed and the Thesis marked, all consent forms
and audio material will be destroyed. Data will only be accessed via a password on a
computer, and will be kept after the study has finished with the view of a possibility to
develop the research further in the future (e.g., for publication).
Disclaimer
If at any time during the process you feel as if you cannot continue, you have the right
to raise this and withdraw at anytime without reason. You are not obliged to take part
and therefore have the choice of withdrawing at any point. If you decide to withdraw,
your personal details and any interview material would be erased and will not be used or
included in any part of the study.
It is not perceived that taking part in the study will have any risks. The advantages are
that you will be able to provide information that will potentially raise awareness and
understanding of gambling amongst young adults. It could also provide information to
those working to support young people who suffer from a gambling problem. There is a
lack of research for young adults and this would provide knowledge of their perceptions
of gambling.
If you have any further questions or feel ready to take part please contact Tanya
Rajmangal on:
U1326868@uel.ac.uk
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I have the read the information sheet relating to the above research study and have been
given a copy to keep. The nature and purposes of the research have been explained to
me, and I have had the opportunity to discuss the details and ask questions about this
information. I understand what is being proposed and the procedures in which I will be
involved have been explained to me.
I understand that my involvement in this study, and particular data from this research,
will remain strictly confidential. Only the researcher(s) involved in the study will have
access to identifying data. It has been explained to me what will happen once the
research study has been completed.
I hereby freely and fully consent to participate in the study which has been fully
explained to me. Having given this consent I understand that I have the right to
withdraw from the study at any time without disadvantage to myself and without being
obliged to give any reason.
……………………………………………………………………………………….
Participant’s Signature
………………………………………………………………………………………..
………………………………………………………………………………………..
Researcher’s Signature
…………………………………………………………………………………………
Date: ……………………..…….
DECISION OPTIONS:
1. APPROVED: Ethics approval for the above named research study has
been granted from the date of approval (see end of this notice) to the date
it is submitted for assessment/examination.
Approved
There are some typos which will require correcting, for example on one occasion, the
typing of pilot
If the proposed research could expose the researcher to any of kind of emotional,
physical or health and safety hazard? Please rate the degree of risk:
HIGH
MEDIUM
x LOW
Date: 21.3.16
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This reviewer has assessed the ethics application for the named research study
on behalf of the School of Psychology Research Ethics Committee
I have noted and made all the required minor amendments, as stated above, before
starting my research and collecting data.
Date:
(Please submit a copy of this decision letter to your supervisor with this box completed,
if minor amendments to your ethics application are required)
PLEASE NOTE:
*For the researcher and participants involved in the above named study to be
covered by UEL’s insurance and indemnity policy, prior ethics approval from the
School of Psychology (acting on behalf of the UEL Research Ethics
Committee), and confirmation from students where minor amendments were
required, must be obtained before any research takes place.
*For the researcher and participants involved in the above named study to be
covered by UEL’s insurance and indemnity policy, travel approval from UEL (not
the School of Psychology) must be gained if a researcher intends to travel
overseas to collect data, even if this involves the researcher travelling to his/her
home country to conduct the research. Application details can be found here:
http://www.uel.ac.uk/gradschool/ethics/fieldwork/
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Debriefing information
Yours sincerely
Tanya Rajmangal
Trainee Counselling Psychologist,
University of East London
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• What do you think of the images I have just shown you? - images
Can you tell me any positives or negatives about the images?
• What do you think about the difference between the terms ‘gambling’ and
‘gaming’?.
Where did you get that understanding from?
• How do you feel new technology has contributed to gambling amongst people
your age?
Do you have any experience of using a tablet, smartphone or computer
for gambling? Can you tell me about this? How did you first get
involved with this?
• Is there anything else that has come up for you from our discussion? Is there
anything that has been missed that you would like to include?
More prompts
What makes you say that?
Where did you learn that?
Why do you say that?
How did you come to that conclusion?
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Media as grooming
Seductive vs disgust
Dilemma to participate
Gambling as affect
Acceptability in society
social circles have same view apps take away shame Stigma
Reality of life
Wealth means no risk gambling as life experience takes you away from
reality
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