Paper 9
Paper 9
IN SOCIOLOGY
SEMESTER‐II
CREDIT: 4
BLOCK: 1, 2, 3 & 4
AUTHOR
Founded in 1943, Utkal University is the 17th University of the country and the first of
Orissa. It is the result of the efforts of Pandit Nilakantha Dash, Maharaja Krushna
Chandra Gajapati, Pandit Godavarish Mishra and many others who envisioned a
progressive education system for modern Odisha.
NAAC accredited in its 3rd cycle with A+ status in 2023. It is a member of the
Indian Association of Universities and the Commonwealth Association of
Universities.
C.D.O.E.
Education For All
The Centre for Distance and Online Education, originally established as the University
Evening College way back in 1962 has travelled a long way in the last 52 years. ‘EDUCATION
FOR ALL’ is our motto. Increasingly the Open and Distance Learning institutions are aspiring to
provide education for anyone, anytime and anywhere. CDOE, Utkal University has been constantly
striving to rise up to the challenges of Open Distance Learning system. Nearly one lakh students
have passed through the portals of this great temple of learning. We may not have numerous great
tales of outstanding academic achievements but we have great tales of success in life, of
recovering lost opportunities, tremendous satisfaction in life, turning points in career and those who
feel that without us they would not be where they are today. There are also flashes when our students
figure in best ten in their honours subjects. Our students must be free from despair and negative
attitude. They must be enthusiastic, full of energy and confident of their future. To meet the needs of
quality enhancement and to address the quality concerns of our stake holders over the years, we are
switching over to self instructional material printed courseware. We are sure that students would go
beyond the course ware provided by us. We are aware that most of you are working and have also
family responsibility. Please remember that only a busy person has time for everything and a lazy
person has none. We are sure, that you will be able to chalk out a well planned programme to study
the courseware. By choosing to pursue a course in distance mode, you have made a commitment for
self improvement and acquiring higher educational qualification. You should rise up to your
commitment. Every student must go beyond the standard books and self instructional course material.
You should read number of books and use ICT learning resources like the internet, television and
radio programmes etc. As only limited number of classes will be held, a student should come to the
personal contact programme well prepared. The PCP should be used for clarification of doubt and
counseling. This can only happen if you read the course material before PCP. You can always mail
your feedback on the course ware to us. It is very important that one should discuss the contents of
the course materials with other fellow learners.
DIRECTOR
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SOC-2.5: RURAL SOCIOLOGY
Brief Contents
Block No Block Unit No Unit
05 Characteristics of Village
02 Village Community Community
06 Types of Village Community
07 Rural-Urban Contrast
08 Rural-Urban Continuum
13 IAY
04 Rural Development 14 SGSY
Programmes
15 SHGs
16 Panchayati Raj.
2
CENTRE FOR DISTANCE AND ONLINE EDUCATION, UTKAL UNIVERSITY,
BHUBANESWAR
Program Name: Master in Sociology Program Code: 010316
Course Name: Rural Sociology
EXPERT COMMITTEE:
1. Prof. Navaneeta Rath
Dept. of Sociology Utkal University, Vani Vihar
COURSE WRITER:
PUBLISHED BY
CDOE, UTKAL UNIVERSITY
3
SOC-2.5: RURAL SOCIOLOGY
Content
Blacks/Units Page No
Block-01 Rural Sociology 1 - 26
Unit-01 Its Emergence of Rural Sociology
Unit-02 Importance of Rural Sociology
Unit-03 Nature of Rural Sociology
Unit-04 Scope of Rural Sociology
Block-02 Village Community: 27 - 49
Unit-05 Characteristics of Village Community
Unit-06 Types of Village Community
Unit-07 Rural-Urban Contrast
Unit-08 Rural-Urban Continuum
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Block-01 Rural Sociology
1
Block-01 Rural Sociology
2
1.1 Learning Objectives
After going through this unit, the learner will be able-
1. To provide key insights into the emergence of rural sociology as a discipline.
2. To understand the emergence of rural sociology in India.
1.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
Rural sociology is a field of sociology that is connected with the study of social life in rural areas. It
is an active field in much of the world, and in the United States originated in the 1910s with close
ties to the national Department of Agriculture and land-grant university colleges of agriculture. The
sociology of food and agriculture is one focus of rural sociology and much of the field is dedicated to
the economics of farm production.
1.3 Rural Sociology: An Introduction
Rural sociology is a field of sociology that is connected with the study of social life in rural areas. It
is an active field in much of the world, and in the United States originated in the 1910s with close
ties to the national Department of Agriculture and land-grant university colleges of agriculture. The
sociology of food and agriculture is one focus of rural sociology and much of the field is dedicated to
the economics of farm production. Other areas of study include rural migration and other
demographic patterns, environmental sociology, amenity-led development, public lands policies, so-
called "boomtown" development, social disruption, the sociology of natural resources (including
forests, mining, fishing and other areas), rural cultures and identities, rural healthcare and educational
policies. Many rural sociologists work in the areas of development studies, community studies,
community development and in environmental. Much of the research involves the Third World.
Rural Sociology, as indicated by its name, studies rural society, rural social structures and
institutions. The rural society is primarily dependent on agriculture and hence rural sociology also
concerns itself on the peasant society. Rural sociology is centered on the rural community life. There
is a stark difference between the social structure, processes, social dynamics and social control in
rural society. Hence, there is a difference between studying urban society and rural society, rural
sociology studies the latter. Thus, rural sociology has been specially designed to study the rural
phenomena and it is a systematic study of the varied aspects of the rural society. It is the study of the
rural social networks and how they operate for the smooth functioning of the society. The rural
society is generally rooted in the villages, and rural sociology studies the facets of the villages, the
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way it functions, the various problems it faces and the how it tackles to face the imminent challenges.
Rural sociology offers viable solutions and ways of mitigating the problems that hound over the
villages.
1.4 Definition of Rural Sociology
1. According to Sanderson, “Rural sociology is the sociology of rural life in the rural
environment”.
2. Bertand says, “Rural sociology is that study of human relationships in rural environment”.
3. T.L. Smith, “Such sociological facts and principles as are derived from the study of rural
social relationships may be referred to as rural sociology”.
4. F.S Chapin, “The sociology of rural life is a study of rural population, rural social
organization, and the rural social processes operative in rural society”.
5. A.R Desai defines rural sociology as, “the science of rural society….It is the science of laws
of the development of rural society”.
The above definitions clearly justify that rural sociology studies the social interactions, institutions
and activities and social changes that take place in the rural society. It studies the rural social
organizations, structure and set up. In other words, it can be said that rural sociology acts as a
reflection of the rural social life and provides the norms and values that govern the rural society. It
provides a clear picture of the rural population and the difference they possess from the urban
population.
1.5 Emergence of Rural Sociology
During the beginning of the 1950s, the sociologists and the social anthropologists began conducting
extensive and innumerable studies in the field of rural sociology. The major concern of these studies
was the scrutiny of the interrelationships between various dimensions of the rural organization. The
field of rural sociology was enriched with the contributions by M.N.Srinivas (1960), McKim
Marriott (1955), S.C.Dube (1955) and D.N.Majumdar (1955).
The birth of rural sociology was due to the requirement of the study of different conditions and
aspects of rural life and the prevailing problems that plagues the rural society. Earlier, many social
sciences have strived to provide viable solutions for the challenges found in the rural society but have
not been able to provide viable solutions to them. In order to provide a discipline for serious and
focused study of the rural society, rural sociology was born. According to Charles R.Hoffer, “Like all
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sciences, Rural Sociology developed in response to a need. It is an elementary fact in the realm of
scientific thought that a new science comes into existence whenever phenomena confronting the
human mind are not, or cannot be understood satisfactorily by the existing disciplines or sciences”.
Though rural society exists since a long long time, but rural sociology had then not emerged due the
static and unchanged nature of the rural social life. In recent years, the components of dynamism and
change have escalated the capability to comprehend the complex problems of life. During the 18th
century, there was a major shift in the scientific inventions and discoveries that helped in
transforming human thinking and life. The exponential growth of industrialization and urbanization
caused issues such as slums and overcrowding in the cities. Such grave concerns diverted the
attention towards the villages and the migrating population. Rural people faced a lot of challenges
and difficulties. Eventually, the streams of thought by the thinkers focused on issues such as poverty,
unemployment, health and hygiene, education and disorganization etc.
1.5.1 Rural Sociology as a Systematic Science
As a systematic science, rural sociology emerged in United States of America and the American
society was facing severe disintegration from the period of 1890 to 1920. The problems included
mass poverty, economic crises, no land rights with the cultivators etc. Such problems led to mass
migration of the people from the rural hinterlands to the cities. As a result, there was severe shortage
of food grains and also there was fear that the entire rural society was facing a threatening decay. The
Country Life Commission (CLC) appointed in America to study the degrading situation of the rural
society provided relevant data from the field and the findings were referred to the American
Sociological Society in 1912. Reputed sociologists, such as James Michel Williams, warren H.
Wilson and Newell L. Sims contributed extensively to the study of American rural society. During
those days, the rural sociologists used statistical and historical data along with field interview to find
out empirical reality of the US country life. The works on rural sociology in America were discussed
from humanist viewpoint and the solutions that it offered were highly revered in national level policy
planning. The way general sociology emerged due to the problems in general life, similarly rural life
problems necessitated the emergence of rural sociology.
In 1917, by the collaborative efforts of various sociologists, a new department named rural sociology
was opened in American Sociological Institute for the survey, study and research in the rural areas.
However, there were times when rural sociology faced paucity of research work due to inadequate
skilled and trained personnel. But, gradually the research work on the rural problems was conducted
by eminent research scholars that led to substantial and significant contributions, to rural sociology.
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A quarterly magazine name ‘Rural Sociology’ was published in the year 1936 and it fulfilled the
requirement for a platform for publication of research papers in the area of rural life. Hence after, an
organization named Rural Sociological Society was established in 1937. In 1930, a book written by
Sorokin, Zimmerman and C.J Galpin named ‘A Systematic Source Book in Rural Sociology’ was
published which was known as a milestone in rural sociological literature.
Due to the pervasive turmoil during the war period, the need of rural sociologists was utterly felt.
There were many departments established by the American government for the continuity of rural
research work. While many scholars did research work on rural society, others were engaged as
faculty members in various universities. However, the major prominence that rural sociology
received was after the post war period. It was in this era that rural sociology was widely studied and
researched upon. There was an expansion in the scope of the discipline of rural sociology which was
earlier limited to rural problems only. The scope widened to study the rural social institutions like
caste, marriage, family system; rural social change like migration and newer livelihood opportunities,
rural community, rural education, rural urban contrast and rural health. This era witnessed various
noteworthy publications like Rural Sociology (1948) by Nelson and A Study of Rural Society (1952)
by Kolb and Bruner. Along with significant publications in the field of rural sociology, there were
also newer subjects introduced in the American universities that created a mass applause for the
discipline.
1.5.2 Emergence of Rural Sociology in India Summary
The commencement of rural sociology as a discipline in India dates back to Sir Henry S Maine who
published two books i.e. Ancient Law (1861) and Ancient Society (1877). He wrote extensively on
the Indian villages but was later criticized by Dumont for his European biasness and centricism.
According to Dumont, “Sir Henry Maine hardly ever looked at the Indian village in itself, but only as
a counterpart to Tutonic, Slavonic or other institutions”. India was to him little more than the
historical repository of veritable phenomena of ancient usage and ancient juridical thought”.
However, a systematic study of rural sociology in India commenced after the promulgation of the
Constitution of India and the implementation of the Community Development Programmes. During
the British era in India, sociologists tried to trace for the patterns of land tenure, customary laws and
the functioning of the peasants and the artisans. There were also researches and enquiries made on
the day to day affairs of the rural life. The recurrent famines in India provoked numerous studies. It
was the effort of the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR)-an apex body of the social
scientists who conducted research based surveys for nearly a decade. In its very first volume entitled
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A Survey of Research in Sociology and Social Anthropology (Vol.I), the sub-discipline of rural
sociology is discussed under the chapter ‘Rural Studies’. A.R. Desai, a noted sociologist, has done a
pioneering work in the field of Rural Sociology by editing Rural Sociology in India. He has raised
few queries before defining rural sociology. Is rural sociology a distinct science or is it merely an
application of the general principles of sociology? Should rural sociology restrict its scope merely to
the life processes of rural society or should it also include as an integral part a study of rural and
urban social life, comparative as well as in the mutual interconnection and interaction. He also
interrogates: Should rural sociology only provide scientific knowledge about rural societies and laws
governing its development or should it serve as a guide and suggest practical programmes of reform
or reconstruction of that society in the socio-economic and cultural fields?
Post-independent India saw an upheaval in the community based life due to extensive participation of
the rural masses in the freedom struggle. There have been many instances of deep divide on the basis
of language, caste, regional biasness etc. Rural sociology eventually gained prominence and emerged
in the India soil due to aforementioned reasons and also due to its agrarian nature. India resides in
villages and majority of its denizens are dependent on agriculture, these twin statements paved way
for the origin and growth of rural sociology in India. It aimed at studying the grave issues,
understanding the observable phenomena and proving viable and practicable solutions to mitigate the
challenges.
1.6 Self Assessment Questions
1. Define and discuss the emergence of rural sociology.
2. Explain the emerging condition of rural sociology in India.
1.7 Key Words
Rural- is geographical region where most of the people lead their life from agricultural sources.
Village- is geographical community where certain amount of close social relation is seen.
1.8 Study Guide
7
7. Gillette. J.M., Rural Sociology
8. Dube. S.C., Contemporary India & Its Modernization
9. Dhanagare. D.N., Peasant Movements in India
10. Desai. A.R., Peasant Struggles in India
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Unit-02 Importance / Significance of Rural Sociology
Structure
2.1 Learning Objectives
2.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
2.3 Significance of Rural Sociology
2.4 Summary
2.5 Self Assessment Questions
2.6 Key Words
2.7 Study Guide
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2.1 Learning Objectives
After going through this unit, the learner will be able-
1. To let the reader know the significance of rural sociology.
2.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
The study of the Indian rural society, which varies from state to state, district to district, due to their
extreme geographical, historical and ethnic peculiarities, hitherto made has been spasmodic,
insufficient and often superficial. He further states that, “such a study cannot give an authentic,
composite picture of the variegated landscape of the rural life, nor can it serve as a guide for evolving
a scientific programme of reconstruction of the rural society, so essential for the renovation of the
entire Indian society”.
2.3 Significance of Rural Sociology
Rural sociology holds immense significance in a county like India that is predominantly agrarian and
majority of its population resides in villages. Dependence on agriculture forms the fundamental base
of the Indian rural life and it also acts as a backbone for the rural population. It not has an economic
role to play but also helps in shaping the moral, psychological and ideological life of the rural people.
But an urban bias has always been noticed among the scholars and researchers who have hitherto
focused their attention on the study of phenomena and the challenges faced in the urban society.
Although, there-fourths of the population resides in the villages under acute poverty and distress but
they are hardly studied upon.
According to A.R Desai, “the study of the Indian rural society, which varies from state to state,
district to district, due to their extreme geographical, historical and ethnic peculiarities, hitherto made
has been spasmodic, insufficient and often superficial”. He further states that, “such a study cannot
give an authentic, composite picture of the variegated landscape of the rural life, nor can it serve as a
guide for evolving a scientific programme of reconstruction of the rural society, so essential for the
renovation of the entire Indian society”.
However, there is an urgent need for the scientific and systematic study of the rural social life to
understand its intricacies, complexities and the eventual transformations that it is going through.
As per general understandings the rural society in India is considered as immobile and stagnant,
where people prefer to stay all their lives without even sparing a thought for migration. But with
changing times, the unique agrarian socio-economic witnessed a major transformation due to the
prolific impact of the British rule in India. In the post-independent era, the implementation of the
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five-year plans and the permeation of the mass media facilitated in revolutionizing the rural society.
Villages were earlier known to be atomistic, independent and self sufficient and also a closed group.
But with the influx of modern technology and industries, rural people started migrating from the
hinterlands causing slums and over populated cities. Villagers were exposed to political power
through adult franchise, democracy and breezy transformation. It is in this context that the rural
society and the living patterns of the rural folks needs to be evaluated by understanding the
significance of rural sociology. It is argued by David Pocock and Louis Dumont that there is nothing
special about Indian rural life. Both rural and urban communities are a part of the larger civilization
of the subcontinent. They argue that the urban community is nothing but an expansion of rural
community. Basically, rural and urban communities are the two sides of the same coin.
Whether it is Rampura or Kanpur, the Hindu marriage is basically a Hindu marriage. It does not
change with the change of community. Correspondingly, there is nothing like rural family or urban
family. Family is a basic Indian institution and in the paraphrase of I.P. Desai, family in India means
joint family. The observations made by foreign anthropologists in the Contributions to Indian
Sociology appear to be oversimplified. The facilities, comforts and the sources of income found
obtainable in urban community are in a degree inadequate in rural community. It is this inequality
which differentiates the rural communities from the urban communities. Although, the cultural and
religious realm of both the communities doesn’t appear obvious, there are various differences in the
basis style of living of the respective populations.
The following may be noted as the factors that have led to transformations in the Indian rural society
that has necessitated the significance of the discipline of rural sociology:
1.4.1 Class Formation and Power Transformation:
The significance of rural sociology in present-day India is principally due to political transformation
and the ensuing class formation. The performance of the five-year plans and the surfacing of green
revolution in 1960s and 1970s have propelled the creation of new classes. The agricultural
bourgeoisie which came into prominence during this time, eventually, claimed due allocation of
political power. Agricultural development has been convoyed by the augmentation of a progressively
more confident class of rich capitalist farmers, comprising newly rising rich kulak peasants and the
middle class peasants who have articulated their interest through political power. However, the class
formation and class differentiation in rural India has not been an even process. This potholed
development of agriculture has caused conflict and contradiction at the village level. This has also
given rise to communalism and brought in power the political parties that are non-secular.
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1.4.2 Panchayat Raj and Its Impact:
The new power regime of the Panchayat Raj system has also asked for the significance of rural
sociology. The distinction attributed through the policy of reservation to the scheduled castes,
scheduled tribes and women has reinforced the lately budding social formation in village life. The
structure and functioning of Panchayat Rai and the in-built contradictions between the progressive
castes and the dalits have also affected the rural structure. It calls for the use of scientific approach to
the understanding of the village community.
1.4.3 Poverty Removal Programmes:
The catchphrase for the removal of poverty has taken a multiplicity of forms. The small and marginal
farmers are in arms against the big or kulak farmers. The new peasant movements are a signal to this
new struggle along with other immanent problems like over wage-land to the tillers, distribution of
wasteland, agrarian relations in the context of commercial crops and above all class discrimination.
The various poverty alleviation programmes, in order to be successful and reach out to the target
population, need to understand the rural social structure and the factors pervasive in the social life.
1.4.4 Changing Ecosystem and Environmental Dilemma:
Numerous factors have resulted in rapid deforestation of the forest and subsequent degeneration of
the forest land. Due to extensive unscientific and unsystematic mining, the forest land is on the verge
of ruin. Both the urban and rural areas are facing devastation due to forest land degradation. The
debate on development and sustainable environment assumed new implication in India. It is argued
that plans of development should not be made at the cost of environmental degradation and
disequilibrium in eco-system. If big dams provide ample opportunities for irrigation, they also ruin
the forest, mind wealth and turn thousands of farmers as oustees. The crisis of rehabilitation of these
oustees becomes an agricultural disaster. On the other hand, the development specialists and,
particularly the state and the central governments, put forward a counter-argument that these human
resource 'losses' are at the cost of development. There is an accord in the country that development in
all conditions should be eco-friendly. Thus the significance of rural sociology gains importance in
the present context of massive developmental projects that lead to ravage of the environment. Rural
sociology can offer solutions for creation of environment suitable and eco-friendly development
projects.
1.4.5 Constitutional Obligations:
As observed earlier, the growth and progress of rural societies has always been a compulsion on the
part of the governments (both sate and central) which has to be implemented as prescribed in the
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Constitution. The Constitution of India Directive Principles of State Policy is "fundamental in
governance of the country". And it is "the duty of the state to apply these principles in making laws".
As per the constitutional mandate, the state is asked to build a social order in which justice-social,
economic and political-prevails in all the institutions of the national life. "The state shall direct its
policy in such a manner as to secure the right of all men and women to an adequate means of
livelihood.... "Some of the other important directives relate to the prerequisite of opportunities for
"the organization of village Panchayat" and enhancement in the standard of living. There are a
variety of objectives of five year plans and the development policies but the fundamental spotlight is
on the development of the standard of living of the vast rural population residing in the villages. In
this context it is obligatory to foster development in the rural segment of society. Rural sociology
can, hence, help in providing theoretical approaches as well as practical solutions for rural
development.
1.4.6 Despair of the small and marginal farmers:
Due to excessive and continuous segmentation of the land holdings with every process of succession
going through one generation to the other in a period of decades, land today has become an
inadequate commodity. It has resulted into depeasantisation. The new and modern agricultural
technology has become beneficial for big peasants and seldom is favorable to the small owners. This
has forced the poor small and marginal farmers to leave their homestead land and migrate to other
places. The marginal farmers are on the way of proletarianization as they don’t possess adequate land
that would help in higher productivity. As a result, lower production leads to lower returns which
drag them into poverty and poor standard of living. Rural sociology can be utilized to study the
condition of the poor farmers and the its perspectives can be used to formulate suitable policies that
would target the small and marginal farmers. Such a farmer oriented policy would help in uplifting
the standard of their living and provide them with viable opportunities in other livelihood realms.
1.4.7 Diverse Ethnicities:
India is an apt example of heterogeneity, diversities and multi-ethnicities which makes it mandatory
to comprehend the village life methodically. There are many villages in our country that have their
own language, dialect, customs, norms and values. It clearly brings out the fact that thorough
knowledge of rural anthropology and rural sociology is essential to understand the diversities and yet
the coexistence. From the aforementioned points it is conclusive that rural sociology as a discipline
holds immense significance as it touches varied facets of rural social life. In recent years, rural
sociology is widening its horizons. Rural Sociology now studies agrarian relations, land reforms,
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agricultural labourers, wage reforms, stratification, rural leadership, environment and above all
peasant movements and struggles. There are troubles of rural people concerning exploitation and
antagonism between lower peasantry and upper peasantry. Rural sociologists have recently shifted
their emphasis from caste, ritual and village solidarity to agrarian relations and peasant movements.
Such a widening zone of rural sociology provides attractive feedback to an appropriate rural
development. It is a holistic study of rural social setting. It provides us valuable knowledge about the
rural social phenomena and social problems which helps us in understanding rural society and
making prescription for its all round progress and prosperity.
2.4 Summary
The state shall direct its policy in such a manner as to secure the right of all men and women to an
adequate means of livelihood.... "Some of the other important directives relate to the prerequisite of
opportunities for "the organization of village Panchayat" and enhancement in the standard of living.
There are a variety of objectives of five year plans and the development policies but the fundamental
spotlight is on the development of the standard of living of the vast rural population residing in the
villages. In this context it is obligatory to foster development in the rural segment of society. Rural
sociology can, hence, help in providing theoretical approaches as well as practical solutions for rural
development.
2.5 Self Assessment Questions
1. Discuss the importance of rural sociology.
2. Outline the significance of rural sociology in Indian context.
2.6 Key Words
Community- is a geographical habitation where people have we-feeling, intimacy, face to face
relationship.
2.7 Study Guide
14
7. Gillette. J.M., Rural Sociology
8. Dube. S.C., Contemporary India & Its Modernization
9. Dhanagare. D.N., Peasant Movements in India
10. Desai. A.R., Peasant Struggles in India
15
Unit-03 Nature of Rural Sociology
Structure
3.1 Learning Objectives
3.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
3.3 Nature of rural sociology
3.4 Summary
3.5 Self Assessment Questions
3.6 Key Words
3.7 Study Guide
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3.1 Learning Objectives
The nature of Rural Sociology generally implies whether it can be categorized under natural sciences or
under arts. August Comte, the father of Sociology, called Sociology as the queen of sciences. Some
sociologists have viewed sociology in terms of natural sciences. According to Pierre Bourdieu, “Sociology
seems to me to have all the properties that define as science…All sociologists worthy of the name agree on a
common heritage of concepts, methods and verification procedures”. Most of the sociologists opine that
Sociology has all the characteristics of science and it is, no doubt, a science. Since rural sociology is a
specialized branch of Sociology, therefore it is also a science.
3.3 Nature of Rural Sociology
Firstly, science employs the scientific method. Secondly; it is a study of facts. Thirdly scientific principles
are universal. Fourthly, scientific laws are vertical. Its validity can be examined at any time and it proves
true in every place. Fifthly, science discovers the cause-effect relationship in its subject-matter and in this
connection provides universal and valid laws. Finally, science can make predictions on the basis of
universal and valid laws relating to the cause-effect relationship in any subject. The function of
science is based upon a faith in causality.
The nature or Rural Sociology as a science can be examined on the following grounds.
Scientific Methodology: Rural Sociology utilizes scientific methodology and hence, all the
methods used in rural sociology are scientific in nature. These methods are observation, interview,
case study, schedule, and questionnaire etc. In these methods, the first step is collection of data
through observation. On a stipulated date the results are brought out on the basis of accepted data.
The validity of these results is verified and theories are formulated. Such rigorous methodology is
assumed to produce dependable theoretical constructs Facts Accumulation: Rural Sociology is
always founded on factual study. It studies rural social relationship and activities in a factual
manner. It makes a scientific study of facts, general principles and theories involved in them. It is
also a known principle that science grows on the data collected from the field and that a sociologist
stands on the shoulders of other sociologists as said by Robert Merton.
Empiricism: Unlike natural sciences that carry out experiments in the closed laboratory for
measurement and verification, rural sociology uses the empirical method in the form of fieldwork.
For a rural sociologist going to the field carries immense significance as it helps him/her to gather
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relevant data on the basis of which he will formulate theories and also it provides an occasion for
experimentation, observation and verification.
Precision and Accuracy: Two of the important features of scientific investigation are precision
and accuracy. The data that is collected should reflect the exact existing situation at the time of
observation. The principles of rural sociology need to be proved true when verified. Their validity can
be examined by any one.
Discovery of cause-effect relationship: Like Sociology, Rural Sociology also discovers a cause
effect relationship between the phenomena. For example, in the modern society, the rate of divorce
increases rapidly due to the family disorganization. Similarly, due to the swift growth of population
the rate of poverty and unemployment increases in the rural society. In these examples, family
disorganization and population growth are two causes and divorce as well as poverty and
unemployment are their effects. Rural Sociology has discovered a cause effect relation between the
phenomena and population growth and divorce. Thus Rural Sociology finds the causal relationship
in social disorganization and other incidents, activities and relationship in rural society and then
forms laws concerning them.
Predictions: Eventually, on the basis of cause-effect relationship rural sociology becomes capable
of anticipating the future and make predictions concerning social relationship, activities, incidents
etc. For example, if disorganization in the families becomes pronounced, it can make predictions
concerning the number of divorces and many other things. Knowing the cause-effect relationship,
rural sociology can conclude ‘what will be’ on the basis of ‘what is’.
Thus, it is evident from the above analysis that Rural Sociology, by nature, is a science. It possesses all the
essential characteristics of science. However, there are plenty of objections against the scientific nature of
rural sociology. Some sociologists have raised their views against the nature of Rural Sociology as a
science. They have vehemently objected to the scientific nature of rural sociology on the basis of the
following grounds:
Lack of Objectivity: The first objection rose against the nature of rural sociology being called a
science is that, an unbiased and objective study cannot be made in it. The chief reason of this is
that the sociologists have to play dual role of both the doctor and the patient in society. They are the
members of that very society which they studies. From this point of view, they have established a very
secure relation with the contents, very commencement of society. The sociologists study religion, family,
marriage, economic system etc. But hold their observation lacks the ingredient of objectivity, which is so
much indispensable to science.
Lack of experiment: There was also an objection that rural sociology doesn’t use Rural Sociology
18
is not a science just because of the term, science used in it. If science is used for physical sciences,
then rural sociology cannot assert to be a science. The term science is used for physical sciences
includes the dual process of experimentation and prediction. Rural Sociology, in this context, is not
a science because its subject matter, the human relationship and behavior and they are abstract in
nature. One can neither see nor touch, neither weigh nor analyze in the laboratory. It does not
possess the instruments like the microscope and the thermometer to measure the human behavior as
science does. It is not probable to validate and test the theory and the principles of rural Sociology
like science.
Lack of measurement: The third argument against the nature of Rural Sociology as a science is
that it is deficient in measurement. In natural sciences, definite and standard measurement is used
to measure and weigh. The different measurements like units, grams, meters, centimeters etc, by
which the subject matter of natural sciences can be measured the units or Rural Sociology. Due to
the lack of measurement, the results of rural sociology differ from time to time which is not in the
case of natural sciences.
Lack of Exactness: The fourth objection is that the discipline doesn’t provide exactness. It is not
possible to follow the laws and principles of rural sociology universally as the principles of natural
science can be followed. Its law and principles vary on the basis of time and place concerned. For example,
the rural social problems of one country may be different from the other country. In India untouchability is a
serious rural problem but in America it is not so.
Lack of Prediction: The fifth and final objection against the nature or Rural Sociology being
called a science is that it is deficient in accurate prediction. Observation and hypothesis are the two
basic ingredients of science. On the basis of observation and hypothesis, science has formulated
many laws and through which any sort of prediction can be achievable about any experiment. But
due to the lack of objectivity and electivity, the principles that are invented by rural sociology are
not always acceptable. Consequently, it becomes to predict any occurrence or phenomena or
forecast cannot be possible about the laws and principles of Rural Sociology. For instance
according to the standing principles of natural science we can predict that the combination of two
hydrogen molecules and one oxygen molecule produces water. But such type of prediction is
almost impossible in the field of Rural Sociology.
It is evident from the above analysis regarding the nature of Rural Sociology, that it is very difficult to
conclude whether, by nature it is science or not as there are dual and contrasting opinions both in favor and
against the scientific nature of rural sociology. There can be no doubt over the question that rural sociology
19
uses scientific techniques like observation, experimentation, classification and tabulation in the collection
and interpolation of data systematically.
3.4 Summary
The conclusion derived by the rural sociology is based upon empirical realities. Therefore, rural sociology, no
doubt can definitely be a novel branch of science having the subject‐matter and methodology of its own.
20
Unit-04 Scope of Rural Sociology
Structure
4.1 Learning Objectives
4.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
4.3 Scope of Rural Sociology
4.4 Summary
4.5 Self Assessment Questions
4.6 Key Words
4.7 Study Guide
21
4.1 Learning Objectives
After going through this unit, the learner will be able-
1. To learn the scope of rural sociology.
4.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
In comparison to other social sciences, Rural Sociology is a novel branch of Sociology and is a separate
science that possesses its own subject matter and method of study. By scope of the discipline, it is meant
that what Rural Sociology refers to what it studies. To draw attention on the scope, N.L. Sims says, “The field
of Rural Sociology is the study of association among people living by or immediately dependent upon
agriculture. Open country and village groupings and groups behavior are its concern.”
4.3 Scope of Rural Sociology
The scope of Rural Sociology is the description and analysis of progress of various groups as they exist in
the rural environment. In the words of Bertrand and his associates: “In its broadest definition Rural
Sociology is the study of human relationship in rural environment.” On account of the opinions given by
Sims, Nelson and Bertrand, it is observed that the scope of Rural Sociology revolves around rural people,
their livelihood and social relationship in rural environment.
Though it studies society from the rural perspective, its main aim is concentrated on rural lives. The subjects
that are included within the scope are very comprehensive in nature and we can blindly say that its boundary
is varying large. The scope of Rural Sociology may be clear from the analysis of the following subjects.
Rural Society:
Rural Sociology is widely understood as the sociology of Rural Society. Apart from studying the rural
society, Rural Sociology also studies its nature and primary components from the structural and functional
stances. The most crucial objective of rural sociology is to study rural social life. Rural social life
encompasses the behavior patterns, web of relationship, social interactions, standard of living and socio-
economic conditions of the rural people. Therefore, the scope of Rural Sociology expands where the
boundary of Rural Society is expanded.
Rural Population:
The population residing in the geographical rural area is the basic essence of Rural Sociology. The
discipline studies the nature, characteristics, size, density and distribution of rural population from various
angles. Rural Sociology aims at the study of the factors of growth of population, its evil effects of Rural
Society, rural –urban migration for the greater interest of the country at large. It also tries to understand the
behavioral patterns, prevailing customs and folklores that dominate the day to day lives of the rural
population.
22
Rural Community:
Rural community is considered as one of the primordial organizations of mankind. Hence, Rural Sociology
is chiefly concerned with the origin, nature, characteristics, social attributes and human ecology of rural
community. It also studies the homogenous trajectory of the rigid and conservative nature of hither to
existing customs, traditions, folkways, mores, norms, values and so on in rural community.
Rural Social Organization:
Social organization plays the backbone of every society as well as social life. The most imperative function
of Rural Sociology, therefore, is to offer fundamental knowledge about rural social organization. Rural
Social organization envelops the spiritual lives, religious activities, sacred relationship and divine notion of
rebirth, Karmaphala etc. of the rural folk which intensely affects the entire rural social life. Rural sociology,
thus, for the betterment of rural life, studies the future prospectus of rural social organization and governing
laws for its development.
Rural Social Institution:
Rural social institutions imply the known figures of processes that prevail among the relations between the
rural people. Rural sociology, thus, studies the structure, characteristics and functions of rural social
institutions. Rural social institutions comprise family, marriage, kinship, religion, caste. Rural Sociology
studies the sociological significance of these institutions in the rural context.
Rural Economy:
Agriculture is the backbone of rural economy and majority of the rural population are absorbed in it. They
directly depend on agriculture for their livelihood and sustenance. Rural Sociology, therefore, studies the
causes liable for the failure of agriculture and suggests various measures for the development of
agriculture in villages. Besides, the acceptance of new agricultural technology among the farming
centers, upgrading of old farming methods, formation of open markets and providing agricultural training to
the farmers are the vital areas of the study of rural society.
Rural social Process:
Rural Sociology also studies the two process of rural social interaction, namely, conjunctive and disjunctive.
Rural conjunctive process includes co-operation, accommodation and assimilation. Rural disjunctive
process, on the other hand, comprises competition and conflict. Thus, the nature, characteristics and social
importance of these processes are to be appropriately considered by the scope of Rural Sociology.
Rural Religion:
Religion plays a predominant role in the rural society, considered as the soul of rural people and it is
regarded as the chief quintessence of rural life. The rural people blindly follow the religious ideas and
23
values; consider worshipping as a prime duty. Rural Sociology, in this context, and studies the concept and
social importance of rural religion and its impact on rural society.
Rural Culture:
Culture refers to that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, moral law, art, custom and any other
capabilities acquired by man as a member of society. Rural culture is firmly rooted in rigid and conservative
dogmas and it is generally very stagnant in nature. It includes old customs, tradition, folkways, mores,
norms, values and so on. Rural Sociology studies the complexities of rural culture, its different structural
organizations, cultural patterns, cultural traits and cultural lag in the rural contexts.
Rural Social Problems:
One of the important contents of rural sociology includes the study of problem engulfed in the rural life.
These problems are centered on socio-economic conditions, political, cultural ethos and value based. The
problems generally are poverty, unemployment, population growth, illiteracy, casteism, untouchability
etc. Rural Sociology, therefore, studies the causes and evil effects of these problems and also suggests
measures for their eradication for the greater interests of the country at large. As these problems are rooted in
the rural societies that are also diverse from place to place, their causes, nature and remedies vary from on
one another. Rural sociology tries draw in the similarities as well as the differences between the problems
that stem from various existing issues and also the discipline tries to provide viable remedies to it.
Rural Social Control:
Social control is the control of society over an individual. In Rural Society, social control is in formal and
rigid in nature. Rural Sociology considerably studies the informal means and agencies such as religions,
customs, folkways, mores, norms etc, of social control. In rural society, the imperative primary groups like
family and neighborhood play a vital role in social control.
Rural Social Change:
Social change is meant only such alterations as occur in social organization, that is, structure and functions
of society. Of late, the rural society is on the path of social change. Due to the impact of money modernizing
forces, Rural Society is undergoing incredible transformations in the twentieth century. In order to pace up
social change in the rural areas and also keep the momentum going, Rural Sociology undertakes necessary
steps. Rural Sociology also studies the diverse factors responsible for social changes in a systematic way. It
also tries to provide possible solutions for any change ignited derailment in rural social life.
Rural Urban Contrast:
The study of rural society remains incomplete unless the study of rural urban contrast is done in a proper
and scientific manner. Both the village and city, hypothetically, are the two contrasting modes of community
life. Rural Sociology studies the rural-urban contrast on the basis of social, economic, religious and cultural
point of view. Besides, rural sociology also draws attention on the comparative study of these two societies.
24
As a result, the concept of rural society and social institutions can be clear by this contrasting analysis.
Rural Planning and Reconstruction:
Rural planning and reconstruction are very much necessary for under developed societies. In this context,
the poor and backward condition of Indian rural society requires planning and reconstruction in a systematic
and planned manner. Rural Society is engulfed in plenty of issues and social problems. Therefore, for the
eradication of these problems and for the betterment of rural life, proper planning and reconstruction should
be made by the state as well the central government. A.R. Desai says, Rural Sociology studies all these
subjects and provides proper guidelines in this direction. It is obvious from the above analysis that the scope
or subject matter or Rural Sociology, no doubt is very immense. Though, it is the youngest and progressive
science, yet it studies the various aspects of rural society as well as rural life to a great extent.
Tools of Data Collection in Rural Sociology:
Rural Survey: A survey is always known as holistic in nature and it studies the village in its
totality. The surveys generally aim at studying all the existing and already existent facets of the
village. They study the socio-economic changes that the villages have undergone due to internal or
external factors.
Village Monographs: The Census of India has habitually published village monographs every
decade. The monographs basically portray the overall scenario in the villages and are non-intensive
in nature. The researchers conduct a casual study of the village life and write up narratives on the
villages as they exist and operate.
Observation: One of the most basic and essential methods to collect data from the village is
observation. This method helps in making the researcher understand the occurring phenomena all
by himself (i.e.in his presence). There are two types of observations: Participant and non-
participant, while in the former the researcher identifies himself with the village, in the latter he
doesn’t participate in any of the activities and behaves like an outsider.
Interview: the technique of interview is essential because often it is not possible to understand the
phenomenon just by observing it. Many a times, it becomes difficult for a non-villager researcher
to simply reach to a conclusion just by observation. He needs to sit and ask questions to the
villagers to comprehend the intricacies of a village social life and the underlying norms that govern
the behavioral patterns of the rural people.
Case Studies: A deeper and intensive study of a village is done through case studies. By
conducting case studies, the researchers try to find out any unique occurrence in the village that’s
stands out from the rest of the findings. The case studies also help in throwing insights into the
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main study or body of work.
4.4 Summary
The eradication of these problems and for the betterment of rural life, proper planning and
reconstruction should be made by the state as well the central government. A.R. Desai says, Rural
Sociology studies all these subjects and provides proper guidelines in this direction. It is obvious
from the above analysis that the scope or subject matter or Rural Sociology, no doubt is very
immense.
4.5 Self Assessment Questions
1. Write a short note on scope of rural sociology.
2. Discuss the tools of data collection in rural sociology.
4.6 Key Words
26
Block-02 Village Community:
27
Unit-05 Characteristics of Village Community
Structure
5.1 Learning Objectives
5.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
5.3 Characteristics of a village community
5.4 Summary
5.5 Self Assessment Questions
5.6 Key Words
5.7 Study Guide
28
5.1 Learning Objectives
After going through this unit, the learner will be able-
1. To understand the meaning of village community.
2. To learn the characteristics of village community.
5.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
A village community is basically characterized as a particular area inhabited by small number of
people sharing intimate and informal relationships with one another. The primary source of
livelihood of the rural people is agriculture, though they also get engaged in forest produce
collection, weaving, dairy etc. In the words of T. L. Smith, “Agriculture and the collecting
enterprises are the bases of the rural economy, farmer and countryman are almost similar terms”.
5.3 Characteristics of a village community
The primary source of livelihood of the rural people is agriculture, though they also get engaged in forest
produce collection, weaving, dairy etc. In the words of T. L. Smith, “Agriculture and the collecting
enterprises are the bases of the rural economy, farmer and countryman are almost similar terms”. Apart
from these features, the people of the village also exhibit homogeneity of population due to which they do
not frequently come into conflict with each other and maintain mutual intimacy and harmony. The following
are features that characterize rural community:
Bases of social organization: In India there are more than half a million villages. Eighty per cent
of the Indian population lives in these villages. Hence, in every respect the future of India is very
much linked with the development of villages.
Group of people: Village community signifies a group of people in which the people do not take
part in a particular interest. On the other hand, they share the basic conditions of a common life.
Specific locality: Locality is the physical basis of village community. A group of people forms
village community only when it begins to inhabit in a definite locality.
Smaller size: Village communities are generally smaller in size. The Census of India assigns a
place with 5000 inhabitants as a village community. 80% of the Indian villages have less than 1000
population each.
29
Significance of neighborhood: Neighbourhood relationship is another significant
characteristic of village life. Two factors namely living in immediacy on the part of the rural
people and an atmosphere of fellow-feeling, friendship, sympathy, affection and love available
in the rural setting, encourage neighbourhood relationship in the village. So far as the village
community is concerned, each one loves his neighbour as he loves himself. He, in fact,
considers his neighbour more central than the relatives living far away from him. He always
defends his neighbor during any crisis and is also supported similarly by his neighbours.
Community sentiment: Community sentiment is the primary very core of village community.
The villagers display a strong sense of belongingness and we-feeling. Often “my own village”
is the normal expression of such community sentiment. Furthermore, the members have a sense
of reliance on the community for both physical and psychological satisfaction.
Prevalence of primary relations: A village community is often observed as a primary group.
It is characterized by the preponderance of personal and as such comparatively long-lasting
relations. There is relative unfussiness and genuineness in human relationships. Kinship groups
play critical roles in the context of the village community.
Marriage: Generally in the villages, endogamy is practiced. The traditional system of
marriage is predominantly arranged marriage based on choice of parents selecting the spouse
for their children. There is either no or very little freedom on the part of both boys and girls in
matters of mate selection.
Joint family system: The joint family system still shapes the basic structural unit in the rural
community. All the members of a family stay together under the same roof, take food cooked
in the common hearth, hold property together, participate in common worship and are related
to each other as some particular type of kindred. It is established that the amount of joint
families in villages is much more than that in towns and cities.
Agricultural economy: Agriculture is considered as one of the most profound occupations in
rural India. It is fundamentally a way of life for the villagers as their entire mode of social life,
day by day schedule, habits, customs and attitudes spin round agriculture. A very minute segment of
the rural population relies upon non‐agricultural occupations such as carpentry, pottery, basket
making etc for their livelihood but these occupations are also indirectly linked to the major occupation
that is agriculture.
Caste System: Caste system is an exceptional feature of the Indian village community. It prescribes the
30
role, status, occupation and marital relationships of the village people. The caste system exercises such
a decisive authority on the villagers that it has rightly been portrayed as the “alpha and omega” of
village life.
Jajmani system: Jajmani system is one more practice of village life in India. Under this
system, members of a caste or many castes tender their services to the members of other castes.
People to whom such services are offered are called, ‘Jajmans’ and those who offer their
services are known as “Parjans” or “Kamins”. The Kamins are remunerated in terms of crops
or grains either annually or half-yearly. On ritual occasions such as marriage, birth and death,
the Kamins are paid additional wages. The Jajmani relations unite the families of various castes
into a hereditary, permanent and multiple relationships. Of late, the system has been
significantly destabilized by socio- economic and political modifications in India.
Uncomplicated lifestyle: It is appealing to watch that even in the money-oriented era of today,
the usually established ideal in the village is one of simple living and high thinking. The
villagers are a simple and genuine people with a tranquil and peaceful life.
Faith in religion: Religion plays a supreme role in the life of the village. Religious influence is
visible in every significant action of village life like sowing, harvesting of crops, birth,
marriage, illness, death etc. On all such occasions, the villagers observe religious ceremonies in
the form of ‘Puja’, ‘Mela’ or ‘kirtan’. In this way, faith in religion is very robust in rural area.
Homogeneity: Homogeneity of population is one more vital attribute of village communities.
The members of a village display resemblance in their dress, speech, beliefs, values, attitudes
and behaviour. There is hardly any apparent distinguishing character among the rural people
and they genuinely celebrate their similarities.
Panchayat system: The operation of the village as a political and social body assembled
together the members from diverse castes. The traditional village Panchayat in the shape of
village council performs a multiplicity of tasks, comprising the maintenance of law and order,
settling of disputes, celebration of festivals and construction of roads, bridges and tanks. On the
other hand, significant matters relating to the caste rules, property and family disputes and
other activities of serious nature were dealt with by the caste Panchayat.
Informal social control: In the rural areas, there is a prevalence of social control which is
informal and direct. The primary groups like the family, neighbourhood act as influential and
commanding agencies of social control in villages. The traditional village Panchayat and the
31
caste Panchayat also exercise stringent control on the deviant members of the community. No
deviance is tolerated and the criminals are severely punished.
Mobility: One of the characteristics of the village population is that their territorial,
occupational and social mobility is limited and scarce. The reason is attributed to the lack of
satisfactory spread of education in the rural areas. However, in recent times, there have been
rampant cases of rural exodus owing to the declining agricultural productivity. Rural people are
leaving their hinterlands in search of better livelihood opportunities (that cities provide) and to
uplift their standard of living. Migration and mobility have, hence, become quite frequent.
Status of women: In general terms, the women in villages are illiterate or less educated and
their social status is lower than that of their counterparts in the towns. Factors like prevalence
of child marriage, joint family system, traditional ideals, old values and lack of education
among females are liable for the low status of women.
Standard of living: On account of gross poverty and lack of adequate employment
opportunities, the standard of living of the villagers is quite low. Hence most of them do not
have home conveniences and recreational facilities. Many of them suffer from acute poverty
and food insecurity. They don’t have sufficient surplus income or savings.
Culture: In the villages, culture is more static than in the bigger cities or towns as greater
significance is attached to religion and rituals in the former. The rural population is found to
be more philosophical than the materialistic urbanites. From the sociological point of view, the
villages are important because they safeguard the antique culture of the Indian society. The
villagers in India still have faith in the lofty ideals of the theory of Purushartha and the doctrine
of Karma and lead a simple and natural life marked by sacrifice, theistic tendency etc. They
worship many gods and have each and every festival to celebrate.
The above characteristics convey that the villages in India are comparatively steadier and strong. The
rationale is perhaps attributed to the relative static character of ruralism as a way of life – the norms of
behaviour, customs of family relations, traditions of community life etc. The aforementioned are some
of the most important characteristics of a village community where life is more natural and an orderly
arrangement.
In spite of the fact that villagers are not economically sound, their life continues in a vein of satisfaction
because of its very simplicity. However, the aforesaid characteristics have gradually disappeared and
taken over by newer terms. Over the years, these characteristics have vanished, partly or wholly, some
32
of their purity because of the impact of processes of social change like industrialization, urbanization
etc. However, these characteristics hold good by and large, if not in their entirety.
5.4 Summary
Village community- Village community signifies a group of people in which the people do not
take part in a particular interest.
5.7 Study Guide
33
Unit-06 Types of Village Community
Structure
6.1 Learning Objectives
6.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
6.3 Types of village community
6.4 Summary
6.5 Self Assessment Questions
6.6 Key Words
6.7 Study Guide
34
6.1 Learning Objectives
After going through this unit, the learner will be able-
1. To understand types of village community.
2. To know the structure of village community.
6.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
The study of the classification of village community assumes implication on numerous grounds. Its
study allows understanding varied social institutions and cultural patterns operating in the rural context.
In addition, such a categorization is helpful in analyzing the growth of a specific village community.
Rural sociologists are not undisputed on any generally agreed-upon classification of rural community.
However, there have been some of the significant criteria have been put forth to classify village
communities.
6.3 Types of village community
The study of the classification of village community assumes implication on numerous grounds. Its
study allows understanding varied social institutions and cultural patterns operating in the rural context.
In addition, such a categorization is helpful in analyzing the growth of a specific village community.
Rural sociologists are not undisputed on any generally agreed-upon classification of rural community.
However, there have been some of the significant criteria have been put forth to classify village
communities.
According to some criterion, villages have been divided into three categories.
1. Migratory agricultural villages: These villages refer to the villages where the people
live in fixed abodes only for few months.
2. Semi permanent agricultural villages: These villages are characterized by the
people living in a village only for few months.
3. Permanent agricultural villages. So far as permanent agricultural villages are
concerned, the population resides for many generations.
According to another criterion, villages have been classified into six groups. They are isolated
farmstead, villages, line villages, circular pattern, market centre settlements and hamlets. In isolated
farmstead is concerned, the individual lives on his farm with his farmland surrounding him. Village as
a pattern of settlement signifies concentration of the rural people together with their farmland. In case
of line villages residences are nearby and effortlessly reachable to one another and at the same time
are located on their respective farms. Coming to circular pattern, village houses are found to be
35
arranged in a circle enclosing a central area with the houses and yard at the apex of triangular plot.
Market centre settlements are predominantly dwelled by merchants who handle agricultural products,
bankers, shopkeepers and others. Hamlets refer to small villages. Ordinarily they do not provide the
facilities and services which are readily available in the larger village.
The following types are other criteria for categorization of the village communities:
a) The nucleated village: It is otherwise known as grouped village where homes of
farmers and artisans are bunched jointly whereas the land cultivated by them is
located outside the village at varying distances. Their livestock are often
accommodated with them or nearby. Irrespective of the variety of shapes, such
villages are typified by a close-knit social organization promoted by residential
closeness, contact, community sentiments and ideas. In the Indian context, nucleated
village is the most common pattern of settlement frequently visible in paddy growing
areas.
b) The linear village: In linear type of settlement the houses are built on parallel rows
and there is hardly any physical demarcation to illustrate where one village ends and
where another begins. Small streams or mountains divide one village from the other
and dole out as natural boundaries. Every house is bounded by a small garden of
coconuts, plantains, and cashew nuts and the rice fields are bit away from the houses.
This model unites the social advantages of residential closeness and economic
advantages of living on one’s land. Such villages are found in Kerala and in the delta
land of Bengal.
c) Dispersed village: The village in which the dwelling places of the village lay
speckled or diffused is called a dispersed village. Such kinds of villages are found in
hilly areas, as in the Himalayan foothills, in the highlands of Gujarat etc. These
villages have no definite shape or structure and no village streets. There are only
footpaths connecting one cluster with another. Families living on their farms retain
all the livestock and other possessions in the farm.
d) The mixed village: Mixed village is the combination of nucleated and dispersed
pattern of settlements. In this type of village settlement there is a bigger compact
settlement of houses which is surrounded by a few small hamlets at a distance. Such
villages can be seen both in plain as well as mountainous regions.
36
There is substantial disparity in the lay out, distribution and internal structure of rural communities. Four
criteria have been adopted in categorizing them into major sub-groups. They are permanency, settlement,
social stratification and social organization. Permanency refers to the process of transition from man’s
nomadic life to settled village life. Settlement signifies pattern of ecological distribution of residences of
social groups Social stratification refer to forms and extent of social differentiation, ranking in a
stratification system, degree of mobility admitted by the system as well as patterns of ownership of land.
Last but not least, organization reflects the way village communities organize their life in common.
Typically co-operative, semi- collective and collective villages have been delineated in rural sociology
6.4 Summary
Village as a pattern of settlement signifies concentration of the rural people together with their
farmland. In case of line villages residences are nearby and effortlessly reachable to one another and at
the same time are located on their respective farms. Coming to circular pattern, village houses are found
to be arranged in a circle enclosing a central area with the houses and yard at the apex of triangular plot.
Market centre settlements are predominantly dwelled by merchants who handle agricultural products,
bankers, shopkeepers and others.
Village community- is whole total of social life where individual are self-sufficient.
6.7 Study Guide
1. Desai. A.R., Rural Sociology in India
2. Dube. S.C. India’s Changing Village
3. Bertrand. A.L., Rural Sociology
4. Shah. G., Gandhian Approach to Rural Development
5. Dey. S.K., Panchayati Raj
6. Puri. K.E., Social System in Rural India
7. Gillette. J.M., Rural Sociology
8. Dube. S.C., Contemporary India & Its Modernization
9. Dhanagare. D.N., Peasant Movements in India
10. Desai. A.R., Peasant Struggles in India
37
Unit-07 Rural-Urban Contrast
Structure
7.1 Learning Objectives
7.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
7.3 Rural Urban Contrast
7.4 Summary
7.5 Self Assessment Questions
7.6 Key Words
7.7 Study Guide
38
7.1 Learning Objectives
After going through this unit, the learner will be able-
1. To understand rural-urban contrast.
2. To learn the rural-urban continuum.
7.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
Many families and individuals find themselves, at least at some point, questioning the advantages of
rural versus urban life. Quality of life is one of the central issues to consider in any comparison between
rural versus urban living. While a case can be made for either location as being the best place to live, it
is worthwhile to consider how these two options, rural versus urban, are similar and different. Important
factors such as the capacity to make general choices, diversity, health, and employment concerns all
influence both sides of the comparison and although each both rural and urban living offer great
benefits, they both have a seemingly equal number of drawbacks. Rural and urban areas are generally
similar in terms of terms of human interaction but differ most widely when diversity and choice are
issues.
7.3 Rural Urban Contrast
Quality of life is one of the central issues to consider in any comparison between rural versus urban
living. While a case can be made for either location as being the best place to live, it is worthwhile to
consider how these two options, rural versus urban, are similar and different. Important factors such as
the capacity to make general choices, diversity, health, and employment concerns all influence both
sides of the comparison and although each both rural and urban living offer great benefits, they both
have a seemingly equal number of drawbacks. Rural and urban areas are generally similar in terms of
terms of human interaction but differ most widely when diversity and choice are issues.
There are a number of positive as well as negative factors that contribute the overall quality of life in
urban centers and if there is any general statement to be made about urban living, it is that there is a
great deal of diversity and choice. In urban areas, there are many more choices people can make about a
number of aspects of their daily lives. For instance, in urban areas, one is more likely to be able to find
many different types of food and this could lead to overall greater health since there could be a greater
diversity in diet. In addition, those in urban areas enjoy the opportunity to take in any number of
cultural or social events as they have a large list to choose from. As a result they have the opportunity to
be more cultured and are more likely to encounter those from other class, cultural, and ethnic groups.
Pollution (noise and atmospheric) is an issue that could impact the overall quality of life. In addition to
39
this, overpopulation concerns can also contribute to a decrease in the standard of living. Parents have a
number of choices available for the education of their children and can often select from a long list of
both public and private school districts, which leads to the potential for better education. It is also worth
noting that urban areas offer residents the possibility to choose from a range of employment options at
any number of companies or organizations. Aside from this, urbanites have better access to choices in
healthcare as well and if they suffer from diseases they have a number of specialists to choose from in
their area. According to one study conducted in Canada, rural populations show poorer health than their
urban counterparts, both in terms of general health indicators (i.e. standardized mortality, life
expectancy at birth, infant mortality) and in terms of factors such as motor vehicle accidents and being
overweight. This could be the result of less reliance on vehicles in urban areas as well as greater
emphasis on walking. Despite the conclusions from this study, however, there are a number of
drawbacks to urban living as well, although, the life expectancy in cities may be higher.
Rural places do not offer the same level of choice and in very isolated areas and one might be forced to
commute long distances to find even a remote selection of the diversity found in urban centers. Still,
despite this lack of choice, there are a number of positive sides to rural living in terms of quality of life.
For instance, living in a rural area allows residents to enjoy the natural world more easily instead of
having to go to parks. In addition, people do not have to fight with the daily stresses of urban life such
as being stuck in traffic, dealing with higher rates of crime, and in many cases, paying higher taxes.
These absences of stressors can have a great effect on the overall quality of life and as one researcher
notes, “People living in rural and sparsely populated areas are less likely to have mental health
problems than those living in urban areas and may also be less likely to relapse into depression or
mental illness once they have recovered from these in more densely populated areas”.
The lack of daily stress found in cities from external factors (traffic, long lines, feeling caged, etc) has
much to do with this. While there may not be a large number of stores and restaurants to choose from,
those in rural areas have the benefit of land upon which to grow their own food, which is much
healthier. Although urban populations have large numbers of social networks and networking
opportunities, rural communities offer residents the ability to have long-lasting and more personal
relationships since they encounter the same people more frequently. While there are not as many
schools to choose from and sometimes rural schools are not funded as well as some others, children can
grow up knowing their classmates and experience the benefits of smaller classrooms.
One of the drawbacks to living in a rural area, however, is that unlike urban areas, residents do not have
the best opportunity to choose from a range of employment options. While they can commute to larger
towns, this gets expensive and is not as convenient as working close to their residence. In general, if
there is any statement to be made about the quality of life of rural living, it is that there is a greater
40
ability to connect with people and the landscape. The quality of life in urban areas is similar to that in
rural areas in that both involve a high degree of socialization, even if on a cursory level. Where they
differ most noticeably is in the availability of choices and diversity, especially when vital factors
(healthcare, education, and employment options) are concerned.
7.4 Summary
The large number of stores and restaurants to choose from, those in rural areas has the benefit of land
upon which to grow their own food, which is much healthier. Although urban populations have large
numbers of social networks and networking opportunities, rural communities offer residents the ability
to have long-lasting and more personal relationships since they encounter the same people more
frequently. While there are not as many schools to choose from and sometimes rural schools are not
funded as well as some others, children can grow up knowing their classmates and experience the
benefits of smaller classrooms.
7.5 Self Assessment Questions
41
Unit-08 Rural-Urban Continuum
Structure
8.1 Learning Objectives
8.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
8.3 Rural Urban Continuum
8.4 Summary
8.5 Self Assessment Questions
8.6 Key Words
8.7 Study Guide
42
8.1 Learning Objectives
After going through this unit, the learner will be able-
1. To understand rural-urban continuum
8.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
Rural-urban continuum is a course of socio-economic interface between the villages and the towns or
cities. Numerous cultural traits are diffused from cities to the rural areas. For example, dress patterns
like pants, shirts, ties, skirts, jeans, etc. diffuse from cities to the rural areas. In addition, modern
thoughts, ideologies are also transmitted from the cities to the rural areas due to widespread
communication via radio, television, newspaper, etc. The urbanism, which is urban way of life, emerges
in the cities and gradually reaches to the rural areas, depending on their immediacy to cities. The
process of urbanization has not been a remote occurrence. Currently, together with the entire range of
occupational diversification, spread of literacy, education, mass communication, etc, continuity between
rural and urban areas has amplified. Urban jobs and other facilities of living have become status
symbols in the rural areas. Several up to date techniques of agricultural development and many of the
institutional frameworks for rural development are also produced from the urban centres.
8.3 Rural Urban Continuum
Numerous cultural traits are diffused from cities to the rural areas. For example, dress patterns like
pants, shirts, ties, skirts, jeans, etc. diffuse from cities to the rural areas. In addition, modern thoughts,
ideologies are also transmitted from the cities to the rural areas due to widespread communication via
radio, television, newspaper, etc. The urbanism, which is urban way of life, emerges in the cities and
gradually reaches to the rural areas, depending on their immediacy to cities. The process of urbanization
has not been a remote occurrence. Currently, together with the entire range of occupational
diversification, spread of literacy, education, mass communication, etc, continuity between rural and
urban areas has amplified. Urban jobs and other facilities of living have become status symbols in the
rural areas. Several up to date techniques of agricultural development and many of the institutional
frameworks for rural development are also produced from the urban centres.
The large scale commercialization of agriculture has also been facilitated by the process of
urbanization. Correspondingly, agricultural requirements for machinery have generated the growth of
manufacturing units in urban areas. Earlier, numerous scholars had supposed that there is a perceptible
disparity between the urban and the rural community. Nevertheless, this concept of rural-urban
dichotomy underwent a revolution. The scholars noticed that there was much individualism, lack of
understanding, fear and suspicion even among the villagers, the peaceful village image of rural life took
a severe blow. These studies pointed out that the peaceful community type of existence in villages was
43
not a fact. Remarkably the concept of the urban community also underwent change in the 1950's. It was
found that family made life close, informal and secure. That is to say there do exist 'Urban villages.'
This aspect of complex societies is very mystifying. Moreover there exist people who live in villages
and work in towns. Neither the village nor the town can thus be thought of as a stereotype.
What is clear from above discussion is that the rural and urban life in complex society is not the
opposite of one another. In fact it could no longer be assumed that the environment determined any one
type of association. However this is not to say that rural and urban populations do not have any
differences. Usually, rural-urban continuum proposes a linear portrayal of the contrasting natures of
social relationships characteristic of rural and urban settlements. This was an accepted theoretical tool to
categorize diverse types of community and the changeover between them. It began from the early 20th
century Sociology’s endeavor to understand the social changes resulting upon rapid urbanization. Life
in the countryside occurred in small, geographically isolated settlements which were socially
homogeneous, with high levels of mutual communication and social solidarity, and which changed very
slowly.
Urban communities were attributed the opposite characteristics: L. Louis Wirth of the Chicago School,
in his highly influential essay ‘Urbanism as a Way of Life’ (American Journal of Sociology, 1938),
thought cities distinctive because they were large, dense and heterogeneous and that this produced the
transient, disorderly, anonymous and formal associational relationships of urban living. Such
understandings had affinities with Ferdinand Tonnies’ a-spatial distinction between gemeinschaft
(community) and gesellschaft (association). In principle, if all settlements could be placed on such a
continuum we would have a strong account of spatial arrangement influenced social life.
There are varied opinions from various sociologists; while some have used the concept of rural- urban
continuum to stress the idea that there are no sharp breaking points to be found in the degree or quantity
of rural-urban differences.
1. Robert Redfield has given the concept of rural -urban continuum on the basis of his
study of Mexican peasants of Tepoztlain. The rapid process of urbanization through
the establishment of industries, urban traits and facilities has decreased the
differences between villages and cities.
2. M. S. A. Rao points out in the Indian context that although both village and town
formed part of the same civilization characterized by institution of kinship and caste
system in
pre-British India, there were certain specific institutional forms and organizational ways
distinguishing social and cultural life in towns form that in village.
44
3. G. S. Ghurye believes that urbanization is migration of people from village to city and
the impact it has on the migrants and their families.
4. Maclver remarks that though the communities are normally divided into rural and
urban the line of demarcation is not always clear between these two types of
communities. There is no sharp demarcation to tell where the city ends and country
begins. Every village possesses some elements of the city and every city carries some
features of the village.
5. Ramkrishna Mukherjee prefers the continuum model by talking of the degree of
urbanization as a useful conceptual tool for understanding rural-urban relations.
A number of sociologists believe that it is complicated to differentiate between rural and urban areas
predominantly in countries where education is universal and people follow heterogeneous
occupations, have membership in large organizations and therefore have secondary relations. On the
other hand, a lot of sociologists have highlighted on heterogeneity, impersonal relations, anonymity,
division of labour, mobility, class difference, employment patterns, secularism etc. as the items to be
the basis for distinguishing ruralism from urbanism. They maintain that rural and urban are two
dichotomous terms which are differentiated on the basis of above criteria.
45
However, there are some sociologists who still believe that this dichotomy is not possible. There is no
absolute boundary line which would show a clear cut cleavage between the rural and the urban
community. Secondly many a time most of these items are regular both to rural as well as urban areas
with the consequence that it is complex to distinguish the two. For example, ‘empirically, at least,
urban can be independent of size and density.” If this is true, then large size and high density of
settlement are not always conditions for an urban way of life in any given community. Similarly, O.D.
Duncan has revealed by an analysis of quantitative data that such characteristics as relative size of
income and age group, mobility of population, extent of formal schooling, size of family and
proportion of women workers do not even correlate closely with via reactions in the size of
population. Oscar Lewis, an anthropologist, worries about the reality of any widespread criteria to
distinguish the rural environment from the urban. In this regard what one needs to know is what kind
of an urban society, under what conditions of contact, and a host of other specific historical data to
understand rural-urban dichotomy.
However, there are sociologists who consider that rural- urban differences are real and to use these
concepts on dichotomic basis is necessary for analytical purpose. Dewey observes, “Evidence
abounds to show that many of the things which are uncritically taken as part and parcel of urbanism
do not depend upon cities for their existence. History reveals that creativity in the form of invention
and discovery is not limited to cities, that literacy is not tied to urbanization and sacred ties are
stronger in some cities than in many small towns and farming areas.”
The addition of both population and cultural bases in the term ‘Urbanism’ confuses the whole issue.
People and culture, in fact, are inseparable. But the influences upon human attitudes and actions of
the two logically must be distinguished. Man appears to be no exception to the general rule that
important variation in numbers and density of objects brings about uniformly significant changes in
the nature of the objects, relationships. Variation in size and density of population at least have certain
effects in respect of (i) anonymity, (ii) division of labour, (iii) heterogeneity, induced and maintained
by anonymity and division of labour, (iv) impersonal and formally prescribed relationships, and (v)
symbols of status which are independent of personal acquaintance.
Culture can increase or decrease the impact of these items but it cannot eradicate them from the city.
Richard Dewey thus correctly pointed out that these five elements are unavoidable accessories of
urbanization and must be taken into deliberation in understanding it.
But there are some sociologists who still believe that urban ways of life are piercing into the rural
46
areas and it might be hard to sketch a line between the two. In a village where the inhabitants walk,
talk, dress and otherwise deport themselves like urbanites, it is difficult to say whether it is a rural or
urban community.
In ancient times when cities lived within walls and the gates were closed at night it was the walls that
divided rural from urban. Such an ancient city was like a house for its inhabitants, or a self- isolated
island. With the coming of industrialism, cities could no longer be preserved within walls. As such
the walls were a hassle, access being more important. Cities turned from building walls to roads. In
recent times it is not basically practicable to draw a line between city and country because of their
mutual interdependence. Scholars, both of urban and rural sociology, are largely in agreement that
rural community that is not under urban influence would be difficult to locate. On the other hand,
there is no urban community without a substantial share of people of rural origin not yet fully
urbanized.
Ruralites who migrate to cities continue to maintain links with their kin in villages. Social change
may have weakened family bonds but primary relations have not vanished. The prototype of
migration is often step by step from village to small town, to big city and to metropolitan city. It is
worth mentioning in this context that our metropolitan cities have ‘rural pockets’. In other words, the
rural penetrates into the city as the urban penetrates into the country and the city and the villages are
not dichotomous entities but co-terminus units.
The two extremes of the line represent two forms of life on one remote village and on the other
metropolitan life. In this way we can visualize communities as ranging from the most urban to the
least urban. The purely urban and the purely rural would be abstractions at the opposite poles of the
‘rural-urban dichotomy’. This range between the extremes is termed by some sociologists as the
‘rural-urban continuum, generally the villages having most contacts with the city tend to be more
urbanized than those with the least contacts. It would differ with the urbanity of the city and the
rurality of the country.
47
This wide fluctuation in definitions has three important implications:
iii. Public investment in services and infrastructure tends to concentrate on the centres that are
defined as urban. As a consequence, investment can bypass settlements not defined as urban
even if these can, and often do, have an important ‘urban role in the development of the
surrounding rural areas. Within national and regional urban systems, larger cities also tend to
be favoured with public investment over small- and intermediate-sized urban centres,
including those with important roles in supporting agricultural production, processing and
marketing.
8.4 Summary
Ruralites who migrate to cities continue to maintain links with their kin in villages. Social change may
have weakened family bonds but primary relations have not vanished. The prototype of migration is
often step by step from village to small town, to big city and to metropolitan city. It is worth mentioning
in this context that our metropolitan cities have ‘rural pockets’.
Rural-urban continuum- means the continuity of rural and urban growth and difficult demarcate each
from other.
48
8.7 Study Guide
49
Block-03 Rural Social Structure and Peasant Movements in India:
50
Unit-09 Rural Social Structure
Structure
9.1 Learning Objectives
9.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
9.3 Rural Social Structure
9.4 Caste System
9.5 Sub- Caste
9.6 Changes in the Caste System
9.7 Family
9.8 Change in Family
9.9 Lineage and Kinship
9.10 Summary
9.11 Self Assessment Questions
9.12 Key Words
9.13 Study Guide
51
9.1 Learning Objectives
After going through this unit, the learner will be able-
To find out the meaning of a social structure, rural and agrarian structure.
To understand the crucial components of the agrarian social structure
9.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
As per study the Sociologists use the word ‘social structure’ to imply the inter-relationship, inter-
connectedness, and inter-dependence of the diverse parts of society. In terms of their form, all societies
have the similar parts. Thus, there are groups and communities in all societies, but the nature and
substance of these groups and communities vary from one society to another. For example, an Indian
village is unimaginable without the caste system, while a Chinese village does not have castes. Its units
are the people of different families and occupational groups. The logic of distinctiveness that the people
of dissimilar groups have is also seen at the level of the people of different families and occupational
groups in Chinese villages. The inter-relationship of the different units makes up the structure of the
society. Every unit of a society is supposed to be important, for each one of them is involved in the
functioning of society. In other words, none of them can be doled out with. But, in each society, some
of its elements are regarded as central, because the society is structured around them. Many scholars
mention that for defining an Indian village, its population, physical structure, and modes of production
are absolutely significant. Typically, a village has less than five thousand individuals. As a physical
entity, it is an aggregation of houses of mixed architecture (some of mud and thatch and some of
cement) in the midst of surrounding agricultural fields—the mainstay of village life is agriculture. Of
course, there may be some exceptions to the image of village that is presented here: for instance, a
village may have more than ten thousand people, as is the case in Kerala. Or, the village may be an
assortment of cement houses inhabited by people who may chiefly be in service or may be self-
employed non-agriculturalists. Additionally to these indicators, sociologists believe that the social
structure of an Indian village is implicit best in terms of the interrelationship of different castes, as a
frequent suggestion is that the caste system has been destabilized in urban areas, but not in the rural
areas, where even the members of non-Hindu communities, which have opposed the caste system, have
continued to be treated as ‘castes’. Of late, the Indian rural society substantially transformed,
particularly since the Independence as a result of a series of the land reform legislations that have sped
up the rapidity of this change. This explains why the altering agrarian relations comprise one of the
essential scholarly concerns of social scientists, including sociologists in India. A society is a
collection of people who are adequately organized to generate conditions essential to live together with
a universal recognition. It is an organized system of social interactions and patterned behaviour. Every
52
society has its own identity based on the nature of its social institutions. India has a rich cultural
heritage and is a land of diversities. The diversity in social life is reflected in multi-social, multi-
lingual, multi-religious and multi-caste nature of the society. The main features of the Indian social
structure are: major rural habitation in small villages; multi-religious and multi-caste social identities
and significant role of family in the social life.
9.3 Rural Social Structure
Village community, family and caste are the fundamental machinery of the rural social structure and
they connect the economic and social life of people in rural areas. In order to comprehend this social
structure, it is essential to understand the nature of society. Each society consists of different parts, such
as individuals, groups, institutions, associations, and communities. The most common analogy one can
think of at this point is that of an organism that has diverse components working mutually as a whole.
Society is a system like any other system, such as the solar system, the chemical system, a mechanical
system or an organic system. Of these the most appropriate parallel for detailing the concept of society
is that of an organism. This is typically identified as the ‘organic analogy’. The collectivity of the
groups is known as the community. In an organism, the organs unite to shape the organism, which is the
whole. In a similar manner, the aggregation of numerous communities makes the whole called society.
9.4 Caste System
53
priest and scholar), Kshatriya (ruler and soldier), Vaisya (merchant) and Shudra (peasant, labourer and
servant). The scheduled castes are outside the varna scheme. Each varna may be divided into different
horizontal strata, and eacJ strata is known as caste. The caste system leads to
(a) segmental division of society
(b) hierarchy
A sub-caste is considered a smaller unit within a caste. In the village setting usually we find
that there is only one sub-caste living there. A larger number of sub-castes indicate the late
arrivals to a village. Thus for all practical purposes a sub-caste represents the caste in the
village. In the wider setting of a region, however, we find many sub-castes. One example from
54
Maharashtra is of kumbhar (potters). There are several groups among them; those who tap the
clay, those who use the large wheel, those who use the small wheel. All the three are
endogamous groups.
The major traditional avenues of social mobility were Sanskritisation, migration and religious
conversion. Lower castes or tribes were able to move upward in the caste hierarchy through
acquisition of wealth and political power. They could accordingly claim higher caste status
along with sanskritising their way of life, i.e., emulating the life-style and customs of higher
castes. Some significant transformations have taken place in the caste system in rural areas in
the current era due to the novel forces of industrialization, urbanization, politicization, modern
education and legal system, land reforms, development programmes and government policy of
positive discrimination in favour of the lower castes.
Occupational association of caste has slightly altered in the villages. Brahmins may still work as priests,
but in addition, some have also taken up agriculture. Landowning dominant castes belonging to both
upper and middle rung of caste hierarchy generally work as supervisory farmers. Other non-
landowning lower castes, including small and marginal peasants, work as wage labourers in agriculture.
Artisan castes, namely, carpenters and iron-smith continue with their traditional occupations. However,
migration to urban areas has allowed individuals from all castes including untouchables to enter into
non-traditional occupations in industry, trade and commerce, and services. Additionally, inter-caste
marriage is almost non-existent in rural areas. Inter-caste restrictions on food, drink and smoking persist
but to a smaller extent because of the existence of tea stalls in villages which are patronized by nearly
all castes. The hold of untouchability has narrowed. Dissimilarity in dress has become more a matter of
income than caste affiliation. In conventional times, the upper castes were also upper classes but it is
not entirely factual today because now new job-related opportunities to increase income have developed
in villages. People migrate to cities and bring money back to their villages. This has changed the
traditional social structure.
9.7 Family
The joint family is considered to be one of the three pillars of Indian social structure, the other
two being the caste and the village community. Family is an essential social unit and in
55
country like India, the family ties and bonds are immensely strong. In ancient times, the joint
family system essayed a crucial role as a socio - economic institution. The social norms
presecribe the subordination of personal interests to that of family. However, in contemporary
times, the joint family system is paving way for the nuclear family system, but still the
emotional ties of extended family keep playing an important role in the social life. Patriarchy
dominates the family life. The head of the family is usually the father or the eldest male
member. Women generally occupy a secondary position. The structure and operation of
family has many implications on administrative system. The paternalistic and authoritarian
structure of the family life is partly responsible for the paternalistic and authoritarian
behavioural orientations of the administrators. The socialization process in the family
influences the attitude formation'of the administrators. The family loyalties may also result in
sacrifice of values like impartiality, integrity and universality.
9.8 Change in Family
Traditional joint family occupied a prominent place in villages in India. It was largely
established among the landed gentry and priestly caste. But nuclear family also existed in
India. Lower caste families whose primary source of livelihood was agricultural labour were mostly
nuclear. However, they valued the ideal of joint family. Diverse studies have been conducted to
analyze the change taking place in family in India with increasing industrialization and urbanisation,
changes in economy, technology, politics, education and law in modern times. There are two
approaches. The first assumes that the family structure in India has undergone the process of unilinear
change from the joint to nuclear form as in the West. Secondly, I.P.Desai (1964), S.C. Dube (1955),
T.N.Madan (1965), and others argue that it is necessary to observe family as a process. They adopt
developmental cycle approach to understand changes in the family structure in India. They advocate
that the presence of nuclear family households should be viewed as units, which will be growing into
joint families when the sons grow up and marry. The ‘developmental cycle’ approach implies that a
family structure keeps expanding, with birth and marriage, and depleting with death and partition in a
cyclical order during a period of time.
Within the village, a group of families tracing descent from a common ancestor with
knowledge of all the links constitute a lineage; and the children of the same generation behave
as brothers and sisters. They form a unit for celebrating major ritual events. Sometimes the
56
word Kul is used to describe these units. Usually these families live in closeness and a guest of
one (e.g. a son-in-law) could be treated as such in all these families. These bonds of families
may go back to 3 to 7 generations. People do not marry within this group. Beyond the known
links, there are further connections but people know the common ancestor but are incapable to
map out each connection. Such families use a more general phrase like being “bhai- bandh” of
one another. They are also exogamous. The word Gotra or clan may be used for them.
9.10 Summary
However, migration to urban areas has allowed individuals from all castes including untouchables to
enter into non‐traditional occupations in industry, trade and commerce, and services. Additionally, inter‐
caste marriage is almost non‐existent in rural areas. Inter‐caste restrictions on food, drink and smoking
persist but to a smaller extent because of the existence of tea stalls in villages which are patronized by
nearly all castes. The hold of untouchability has narrowed. Dissimilarity in dress has become more a
matter of income than caste affiliation. In conventional times, the upper castes were also upper classes
but it is not entirely factual today because now new job‐related opportunities to increase income have
developed in villages.
57
6. Puri. K.E., Social System in Rural India
7. Gillette. J.M., Rural Sociology
8. Dube. S.C., Contemporary India & Its Modernization
9. Dhanagare. D.N., Peasant Movements in India
10. Desai. A.R., Peasant Struggles in India
58
Unit-10 Agrarian and Peasant Social Structure
Structure
10.1 Learning Objectives
10.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
10.3 Agrarian class structure
10.4 The Issue of village Autonomy
10.5 The Jajmani system
10.6 Changes in village power structure and Leadership
10.7 Summary
10.8 Self Assessment Questions
10.9 Key Words
10.10 Study Guide
59
10.1 Learning Objectives
In the modern period, the British land revenue system propelled a more or less comparable agrarian
class structure in villages in India. They were the three classes of the landowners (zamindars), the
tenants and the agricultural labourers. The landowners (zamindars) were taxgatherers and non-
cultivating owners of land. They belonged to the upper caste groups. The agricultural labourers were
placed in a position of bondsmen and hereditarily attached labourers. They belonged to the lower caste
groups.
10.3 Agrarian class structure
They were the three classes of the landowners (zamindars), the tenants and the agricultural labourers.
The landowners (zamindars) were tax gatherers and non-cultivating owners of land. They belonged to
the upper caste groups. The agricultural labourers were placed in a position of bondsmen and
hereditarily attached labourers. They belonged to the lower caste groups. There has been a noteworthy
impact of land reforms and rural development programmes introduced after independence. Land
reforms led to the expulsion of small and marginal tenants on a large scale. But the intermediate castes
of peasants, e.g., the Ahir, Kurmi etc. in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh benefited. Power of the feudal landed
families started declining all over the country. The commencement of the Green Revolution in the
1960s led to the emergence of commercially oriented landlords. Rich farmers belonging normally to
upper and intermediate castes prospered. But the fortune of the poor peasantry and the agricultural
labourers did not improve. This has led to inflection of class conflicts and tensions. Agrarian unrest in
India became a common feature in various parts of the country. P.C. Joshi (1971) has summarized in the
following manner the trends in the agrarian class structure and relationships:
(i) It led to the decline of feudal and customary types of tenancies. It was replaced by
a more exploitative and insecure lease arrangement.
(ii) It gave rise to a new commercial based rich peasant class who were part owners
and part tenants. They had resource and enterprise to carry out commercial
agriculture.
(iii) It led to the decline of feudal landlord class and another class of commercial
60
farmers emerged for whom agriculture was a business. They used the non-
customary type of tenancy.
10.4 The Issue of village Autonomy
The Indian village was depicted as a ‘closed’ and ‘isolated’ system. In a report of the Select
Committee of the House of Commons, Charles Metcalfe (1833), a British administrator in
India, depicted the Indian village as a monolithic, atomistic and unchanging entity. He
observed, “The village communities are little republics, having nearly everything that they
want within themselves and almost independent of any foreign relations”. Current historical,
anthropological and sociological studies have however revealed that Indian village was
hardly ever a republic. It was never self-reliant It has links with the wider society migration,
village exogamy, movement for work and trade, administrative connection, interregional
market, inter-village economic and caste links and religious pilgrimage were prevalent
in the past, connecting the village with the neighbouring villages and the wider society.
10.5 The Jajmani system
A very significant characteristic of conventional village life in India is the ‘Jajmani’ system. It
has been studied by various sociologists, viz., Willian Wiser (1936), S.C. Dube (1955), Opler
and Singh (1986), K. Ishwaran (1967), Lewis and Barnouw (1956). The term ‘jajman’ refers to
the patron or recipient of specialized services and the term ‘jajmani’ refers to the whole
relationship. In fact, the jajmani system is a system of economic, social and ritual ties among
different caste groups in a village. Under this system some castes are patrons and others are
serving castes. The serving castes tender their services to the landowning upper and
intermediate caste and in turn are paid both in cash and kind. The patron castes are the
landowning dominant castes, e.g., Rajput, Bhumihar, Jat in the North, and Kamma, Lingayat
and Reddi in Andhra Pradesh and Patel in Gujarat. The service castes comprise Brahmin
(priest), barber, carpenter, blacksmith, water-carrier, leatherworker etc. The jajmani relations
essentially operate at family level. A Rajput land-owning family has its jajmani ties with one
family each from Brahmin, barber, carpenter etc., and a family of service caste offers its
services to specific families of jajmans. However, jajmani rules are enforced by caste
panchayats. But the jajmani system also possesses the elements of dominance, exploitation and
conflict. There is a vast difference in exercise of power between landowning dominant patrons
and poor artisans and landless labourers who serve them. The rich and powerful jajmans
61
exploit and coerce the poor ‘kamins’ (client) to uphold their supremacy. In fact, there is
reciprocity as well as dominance in the jajmani system.
10.6 Changes in village power structure and Leadership
Marginal changes of adaptive nature have occurred in power structure and leadership in
villages after gaining independence due to various factors e.g. land reforms, panchayati raj,
parliamentary politics, development programmes and agrarian movements. According to Singh
(1986), upper castes now exercise power not by traditional legitimisation of their authority but
through manipulation and cooption of lower caste people. The traditional power structure itself
has not changed. New opportunities motivate the less powerful class to aspire for
power. But their economic backwardness thwarts their desires. B.S. Cohn (1962), in his
comparative study of twelve villages of India, found a close fit between land‐ownership and degree of
domination of groups. Now younger and literate people are found increasingly acquiring leadership
role. Moreover, some regional variations also have been observed in the pattern of change in power
structure in rural areas.
10.7 Summary
According to Singh (1986), upper castes now exercise power not by traditional legitimisation of
their authority but through manipulation and cooption of lower caste people. The traditional
power structure itself has not changed. New opportunities motivate the less powerful class
to aspire for power. But their economic backwardness thwarts their desires.
10.8 Self Assessment Questions
62
4. Shah. G., Gandhian Approach to Rural Development
5. Dey. S.K., Panchayati Raj
6. Puri. K.E., Social System in Rural India
7. Gillette. J.M., Rural Sociology
8. Dube. S.C., Contemporary India & Its Modernization
63
Unit-11 Caste & Politics
Structure
11.1 Learning Objectives
11.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
11.3 Caste and Politics
11.4 Dalit in Politics
11.5 Modern India
11.6 Politically Important Castes
11.7 Summary
11.8 Self Assessment Questions
11.9 Key Words
11.10 Study Guide
64
11.1 Learning Objectives
After going through this unit, the learner will be able-
1. To the interlinkages between caste and politics.
2. To understand the Dalits in politics.
11.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
Caste has always been vital to modern Indian politics. Even the power structure of mediaeval India was
based on caste. Caste also functioned as the key standard in the distribution of power and material
resources in the colonial period. Colonialism in India created a democratic and modernist space;
nevertheless this space was also predominantly captured by upper-caste groups. The nationalist struggle
against the imperial power was targeted at establishing the caste-class hegemony. Non-Brahmin and low-
caste movements were active during the colonial era, broadly pursuing two aims: achieving upward caste-
class mobility and annihilation of caste. The caste system played a noteworthy role in determining the
content and direction of the processes of political socialization, political mobilization and
institutionalization within the framework of modern democracy.
11.3 Caste and Politics
Caste also functioned as the key standard in the distribution of power and material resources in the
colonial period. Colonialism in India created a democratic and modernist space; nevertheless this space
was also predominantly captured by upper-caste groups. The nationalist struggle against the imperial
power was targeted at establishing the caste-class hegemony. Non-Brahmin and low-caste movements
were active during the colonial era, broadly pursuing two aims: achieving upward caste-class mobility
and annihilation of caste. The caste system played a noteworthy role in determining the content and
direction of the processes of political socialization, political mobilization and institutionalization within
the framework of modern democracy. The dynamics of caste and class were at the root of the intricacy
of Indian politics in its functioning. Behind the apparently religious and communal movements in post-
independent India, it was the dynamics of caste-class supremacy that was the real operational factor.
Both the anti-caste and the upwardly mobile caste movements are directing the pro-reservation
movement, which aspired at upward class mobility of the hitherto excluded castes. The pro-imperialist
bourgeois policies of the ruling class and the struggles against these policies are also influenced and
shaped by the tensions and contradictions in caste-class dynamics. In the subsequent year’s
independence, the traditional upper castes continued to rule in most parts of India. For example, until
1977, upper castes continued to hold important elected positions in Uttar Pradesh, the most populous
state in the Indian union.
Until 1962, as many as 63% of ruling Congress members of the Legislative Assembly came from elite
65
castes. Soon, however, long-established peasant castes such as Ahirs, Kurmis, Koeri, Lodh Rajputs, and
Jats began to rule the political space of northern India. In the southern state of Tamilnadu, the
Vanniyars and Thevars became confident, and in Karnataka, control was wrested in the mid-1950s from
the traditional rural elite within the Congress party by the Vokkaligas and Linagayats. In the North
Indian Hindi speaking belt, upper caste members of parliament fell below 50% for the first time in
1977. The challenge to the established Congress was mounted in Uttar Pradesh rather effectively in the
late 1960s by a coalition of peasant castes led by Charan Singh. In Bihar, also, there was a considerable
fall of upper caste members of the legislative assembly after 1977.
11.4 Dalit in Politics
The dual relationship between caste and politics is set for re-examination whenever there’s a major
election. That caste association is a basic determinant of political calculation and voting patterns is an
ordinary aspect of academic and street discourse. Even when the relationship is complex, and not easily
reducible to a limited set of factors, it acts as a matrix which encloses the electoral field. This is usually
denied or condemned by the urban upper class which occupies the apex of the social structure and
whose concerns and ideology are reflected in the mainstream media. But for the overwhelming majority
of the Indian bourgeoisie, attached in some way or the other to the countryside, caste considerations
usually govern political affiliation either directly or indirectly. The Republican Party was founded by
the legendary Babasaheb Ambedkar in 1957.
He later led his people to renounce Hinduism and embrace Buddhism instead. It is correct that most of
the votaries of the Republican party of India (RPI) belong to the Mahar caste because other previously
untouchable castes of the region, such as the Mangs, Matangs, and Chambars, have stayed away from it.
In fact, they often veer toward supporting the Bharaiya Janata party, which is, paradoxically, a right-
wing Hindu organization. This is because many members of these other castes believe that the RPI is a
vehicle of upward mobility for the Mahars alone. They have also ceased from becoming Buddhists.
Nevertheless, Babasaheb Ambedkar’s shadow looms large even today in the politics of the previous
known untouchables. They resent the term “Harijan” (children of God) that Gandhi used for them as
they consider it too patronizing. They would rather be known as “Dalits,” or the oppressed. Ambedkar
was the first to use this term to designate the Scheduled Castes for its apparent combative edge.
Ambedkar, today, has been deified among the Buddhist Mahars of Maharashtra and has a similar iconic
status to Buddha in many Mahar families. Ambedkar’s death anniversary in 1981 provided the occasion
for Kanshi Ram to launch the Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samit (or DS- 4). According to Vora, no
Dalit leader after Ambedkar paid any steady attention to economic issues. Dalits are, however, very
66
dynamic when it comes to voting in elections. For example, the turnout of Scheduled Caste (or Dalit)
voters was as high as 62.2% in the 1998 elections. In all, caste has become an important determinant in
Indian society and politics, the new lesson of organized politics and consciousness of caste affiliations
learnt by the hitherto despised caste groups have transformed the contours of Indian politics where
shifting caste-class alliances are being encountered. The impact of these mobilizations along caste-
identities has resulted not only in the empowerment of newly rising groups but has amplified the power
of stimulating politics and possibly leading to a growing crisis of governability.
11.5 Modern India
At the commencement of the twentieth century, caste rank was not a good indicator of material
deprivation. It is highly unlikely that the heterogeneity within a caste and between castes sharing the
same administrative rank would have diminished over time, while observed economic inequalities have
been very high. Clearly, the caste-based public policy is deficient in empirical foundation. However, the
Indian state is essentially conveying the benefits to the advantaged by treating the rich and the poor
belonging to the caste categories as equals. Thus the ruling coalition co-opts the elite of the lower
castes, strengthens itself and weakens the depressed groups.
At the same time the policy and its regular extensions, by determinedly focusing on caste, keep the poor
divided along caste lines. Thus caste quotas are extremely useful as a tool of governance. It is
hypocritical to argue that this policy does anything to get rid of severe, long standing deprivation.
Relationships between castes have become more relaxed today. There is more food sharing between
castes and a lot more eating done at local restaurants where caste distinctions are less likely to be made.
One of the major changes that took place in India was occupational pursuits among men (and women
later on). Earlier, most men did not bend away from their caste-linked occupations, such as
blacksmithing and pottery making. Many have now taken up novel occupations that are not associated
with their caste, such as government jobs, teaching, retail and services, and machine repair. Wealth and
power in the village is now less associated with caste than before, and landownership has become more
diversified. Also, the idea that purity and pollution is caused by the lower castes has reduced fairly. It
has, however, only somewhat diminished in the public, whereas behind closed doors and on ceremonial
occasions, purification rituals related to caste status are still observed. Although discrimination on the
basis of caste has been outlawed in India, caste has become a means for contending for access to
resources and power in modern India, such as educational opportunities, new occupations, and
improvement in life chances. This drift is associated to India’s favored policies and the execution.
Politics in India highly depended on patron-client ties along the caste lines during the Congress-
dominating period. The caste that one belongs to serves as a strong determinant of his or her voting
67
pattern. In India, different political parties represent the interests of different caste groups. The upper
and merchant castes such as Brahmin, Rajput and Kayasth tend to express their interests through the
Congress Party. The agrarian middle class such as the Jats tend to vote for the competing parties.
Numerically minor parties, represented by the Jan Shangh, receive votes almost exclusively from the
upper and trading castes. However, caste does not solely determine voting behaviors. Discrepancies
occur especially for the upper caste groups. (ibid) This means that not everyone from the same caste
would vote for only one particular party. The upper caste people have more freedom to vote by
political beliefs. The Mandal
Commission covered more than 3000 Other Backward Castes. It is thus not clear which parties are
associated with each castes. Loyal groups of voters usually back a certain candidate or party during
elections with the expectation of receiving benefits once their candidate is in office. This practice,
called "vote bank", is prolific throughout most regions of the country. Many political parties in India
have openly indulged in caste-based votebank politics. The Congress party used votebank to maintain
power; the competing parties constructed vote banks to challenge the Congress dominance of politics.
11.6 Politically Important Castes
Bihar
Yadav,
Bhumihar Brahmins
Rajputs
Uttar Pradesh
Yadavs
West Bengal
Lingayat
Punjab
Dalits (especially Ad-Dharmis and Mazhabis), who tend to support Bahujan Samaj Party
68
Jat Sikhs, who tend to support Akali
Dal(Badal) Rajasthan
Jat/Bishnoi,
Rajput,Gurjar/Gujjars
Maharashtra
Marathas (26%)
Kunbi (OBC)(8%)
Mali (OBC)(8%)
Bramhans 6%
11.7 Summary
We have to come to certain conclusions and offer viable solutions to the problems created by a wrong
understanding and application of the standard of Caste in India. What has been there for centuries
cannot be undone in a day or two. Therefore there is change all over the place – in the thinking of
people about caste, community, religious and philosophical values. Nothing is objectionable so long as
there is no compulsion, hatred, animosity. The world is created by God in a wonderful and mysterious
way. Diversity is the Art of Nature; but Unity is the Heart of God. This is what the Rgveda (I.164.46)
declared ages ago: ‘ekaˆ sad viprābahudhāvadanti’ (What exists is One but wise men call it by different
names). Let people do what they think is right and good for them; but let them not battle in the name of
religion, philosophy, race, caste, class, community or political affiliations.
11.8 Self Assessment Questions
1. Discuss the relationship between caste and politics.
2. Write the role of the Dalits in politics.
11.9 Key Words
69
11.10 Study Guide
70
Unit-12 Major Peasant Movements in India
Structure
12.1 Learning Objectives
12.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
12.3 Major Peasant Movements in India
12.4 Movement for Indigo Cultivation
12.5 Movements in Bihar and Bengal
12.6 Movement in Maharashtra, Keral and Assam
12.7 Anti-Moneylender Uprising
12.8 Summary
12.9 Self Assessment Questions
12.10 Key Words
12.11 Study Guide
71
12.1 Learning Objectives
After going through this unit, the learner will be able-
1. To trace the various peasant movements and their significance in the history of
India.
Peasant movement and uprisings in India took place mostly during the British rule, as the economic
policies confounded traditional ways of livelihood, and resulted in seizure of land and increase in debt
of the peasants and farmers. The exploitations of British colonialism were borne by the Indian peasants
unfavorably. However the peasants stood their ground and wrestled against the British at every single
step. There was an alteration in the confrontation actions of the peasants, because they started fighting
for their demands and the injustice done to them. This behavior became visibly important and in action
after 1858. The colonial economic policies, the new land revenue system, the colonial administrative
and judicial systems and the damage of the handicrafts leading to the congestion of land, transformed
the agrarian structure and impoverished the peasantry.
In the vast zamindari areas, the peasants were left to the tender mercies of the zamindars that rack-
rented them and bound them to pay the illegal dues and perform beggar. In Ryotwari areas, the
government itself levied heavy land revenue. This forced the peasants to borrow money from
moneylenders. Increasingly, over large areas, the actual cultivators were reduced to the status of
tenants-at-will, share-croppers and landless laborers, while their lands, crops and cattle passed into the
hands of landlords, trader-moneylenders and rich peasants. When the peasants were unable to suffer
further, they opposed the coercion and exploitation; and, they found whether their target was the native
exploiter or the colonial administration, that their real enemy, after the barriers were down, was the
colonial state. One form of elemental protest, especially when individuals and small groups found that
collective action was not possible though their social condition was becoming unbearable, was to take
72
to crime. Many expelled peasants took to robbery, decoity and what has been called social banditry,
preferring these to malnourishment and social deprivation.
The most militant and widespread of the peasant movements was the Indigo revolt of 1859-60. The
indigo planters, nearly all Europeans, forced the tenants to grow indigo which they processed in
factories set up in rural (mofussil) areas. From the beginning, the indigo was grown under an awfully
tyrannical system which involved huge loss to cultivators. The planters forced to peasants to take a
scanty sum as advance and below market price. The comment of the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal,
J.B. Grant was that: the root of the whole question is the struggle to make the raiyats grow indigo plant,
without paying them the price of it.” The peasant was forced to grow indigo on the finest land he had
whether or not he sought to assign his land and labour to more paying crops like rice. At the time of
release, he was cheated even of the due low price. He also had to pay regular bribes to the planter’s
officials. He was forced to accept an advance. Often he was not in a position to repay it, but even if he
could he was not allowed to do so. The advance was used by the planters to force him to go on
cultivating indigo. Since the enforcement of forced and fraudulent contracts through the courts was a
difficult and prolonged process, the planters restored to a reign of terror to coerce the peasants.
Kidnapping, illegal confinement in factory godowns, flogging attacks on women and children, carrying
off cattle, looting, burning and demolition of houses and destruction of crops and fruit trees, were some
of the methods used by the planters. They hired or maintained bands of lathiyals (armed retainers) for
the purpose. In practice, the planters were above the law, with a few exceptions the magistrates; mostly
the European favored the planters. However, the government was bound to employ a commission for
investigation and alleviation of the system. But still, the clash could not be mitigated and the domination
of British and confrontation of peasants continued.
The indigo peasants of Bihar revolted in greater scale in Darbhanga and Champaran in 1866-68. Again
turbulence broke out amidst peasants in 1870`s in East Bengal. The influential and cunning Zamindars
liberally took way out to expulsion, harassment, unlawful capture of property, including crops and
chattels and extortions, and large-scale use of force to increase rents and to prevent the peasants from
acquiring occupancy rights. The Bengal peasants also had a long tradition of resistance stretching back
to 1782, when the peasants of North Bengal had rebelled against the East India Company. From 1872
73
to 1876, the peasants united and formed a union to impose a No Rent policy and fought against the
Zamindars and their agents. It was stopped only when the government suppressed the peasants` acts of
violence. This created a state of agitation and unrest amongst the peasants and it ended when the
government promised to take some action on the Zamindari oppression.
A foremost agrarian conflict took place in Pune and Ahmednagar -districts of Maharashtra in 1875. In
Maharashtra, the British government had directly settled the revenue with the peasants. At the same
time, it augmented the rates of revenue so high that it was unfeasible to pay the revenue and they had no
option left other than borrowing the money from the moneylenders who charged high interest rates.
More and more land got mortgaged and sold out to the moneylenders, who gave highest efforts to attain
the land at legal and illegal terms. Peasant endurance got exhausted by the end of the year1875 and
enormous agrarian riots took place. Police was unsuccessful in meeting the anger of peasants` struggle
which was suppressed only when the whole military force at Pune took the field against them. Once
again the modern intelligentsia of Maharashtra supported the peasants` demands. But it pointed out that
the source of misery of peasants was high revenue rates and government`s incapability to provide loan
at cheaper rates. Peasant unrest also broke out in several other parts of country such as North Kerala and
Assam. The situation aggravated in Assam because of high land revenue assessment. The peasants
declined to pay enhanced revenue demands to the landlords and brawled against the land revenue
collectors to seize their lands. The situation worsened and Police had to mobilize their network to
suppress the peasants. Many peasants were killed ruthlessly and viciously in the riots.
12.7 Anti-Moneylender Uprising
The period from 1915 to 1947 witnessed a number of agrarian uprisings beginning with the Anti-
moneylender Agitation in West Punjab, the Kirti Party, the various Kissan Morchas, the Communist
and Socialist struggles. All these formations centered around the issues of the agrarian classes including
both of the farmers and the workers. To begin with, in the year 1915 an anti-moneylender uprising of
peasants emerged in the districts of Multan, Muzaffargarh and Jhang.
The causes of this upsurge were the increased poverty conditions due to the prevalence of famine
conditions that led to a very high rise in food prices and it led to the great suffering of the lower classes
of people including poor peasants. Further to complicate the situation the moneylenders stopped giving
loans to the peasants and it led to the peasants revolt against moneylenders who looted wheat stocks of
moneylenders and burnt the debt bonds. In Ahmadpur Sial in Jhang district the first outbreak occurred.
In Jhang district alone the peasants formed bands of 200-600 and committed about 70 dacoits. Soon the
74
movement spread to Multan district where in Kabirwala tehsil 34 dacoits took place. The most
important of these was the Basti Sikander riot. In Multan district there were 6 dacoity cases. The riots
reached Rangpur, north of Muzaffergarh district. The influence spread and it reached to the Leiah tehsil
and to Alipur tehsil in Muzaffergarh district. About 32 riots occurred in Alipur tehsil only. The total
number of dacoities in Muzaffergarh district was 60 and the rising lasted for three weeks in
Muzaffergarh district.
The peasants also looted shops, burnt account books which recorded their debts and destroyed the
property of moneylenders. It was reported that 4 or 5 persons died of injuries. The uprising was
suppressed but nothing was done to relieve distress of indebted peasantry. These movements or riots of
peasants did not generate any menace to the British rule, but proved that the Indian peasants` reactions
were immediate and spontaneous to every condition. The peasants always resisted the efforts of the
British to get control and power in the name of maintaining law and order. Thus, in practicality, the
illiterate and ignorant people performed acts of appreciation against the menace of the increasing
British colonialism. Their faith, their courage and heroism, their willingness to make immense
sacrifices were no match against the imperialist power armed with the latest weapons and the resources
of a worldwide empire. The popular movements and rebellions of the 19th century did, however, reveal
the immense sources of resistance to imperialism that lay dormant among the Indian people. Later by
the 1930s, the condition of the peasants started to improve all over the nation due to gradual political
and economic developments. This became possible due to the various efforts undertaken by the Indian
National Congress during that period.
12.8 Summary
Marginal changes of adaptive nature have occurred in power structure and leadership in
villages after gaining independence due to various factors e.g. land reforms, panchayati raj,
parliamentary politics, development programmes and agrarian movements.These movements
or riots of peasants did not generate any menace to the British rule, but proved that the Indian
peasants` reactions were immediate and spontaneous to every condition. The peasants always
resisted the efforts of the British to get control and power in the name of maintaining law and
order. Thus, in practicality, the illiterate and ignorant people performed acts of appreciation
against the menace of the increasing British colonialism.
75
12.9 Self Assessment Questions
1. Discuss various peasant movements and their significance in the history of India.
2. Write the understanding of the causes of peasant movements in India
12.10 Key Words
Movement- means the uprising against any system, structure, and rule.
76
Block-04 Rural Development Programmes:
Unit-13 IAY
Unit-14 SGSY
Unit-15 SHGs
Unit-16 Panchayati Raj
77
Unit-13 IAY
Structure
13.1 Learning Objectives
13.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
13.3 Objectives of IAY
13.4 Target Group
13.5 Identification of beneficiaries
13.6 Priority in Selection of Beneficiaries
13.7 Allotment of Houses
13.8 Location of IAY houses
13.9 Upper limit for construction assistance
13.10 Involvement of beneficiaries
13.11 Ban on contractors or departmental construction
13.12 Appropriate Construction Technology and local materials
13.13 Type Design
13.14 Fuel Efficient Chullahs
13.15 Drinking Water Supply
13.16 Sanitation and Sanitary latrines
13.17 Environmental Improvement and Social Forestry
13.18 Involvement of Voluntary Organisations
13.19 Inventory of Houses
13.20 Display of IAY Board and Logo
13.21 Monitoring
13.22 Evaluation Studies
13.23 Transparency in Implementation of IAY
13.24 Pattern of Funding
13.25 Criteria for Allocation of Resources
13.26 . Release of Central Assistance to DRDAs.
13.27 Summary
13.28 Self Assessment Questions
13.29 Key Words
13.30 Study Guide
78
13.1 Learning Objectives
After going through this unit, the learner will be able-
1. To study the objectives of Indira Awaas Yojana.
2. To know the target group of IAY.
3. To find out the successive story of IAY.
13.2 Introduction/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
Indira Awaas Yojana (IAY) was launched during 1985-86 as a sub-scheme of Rural Landless
Employment Guarantee Programme (RLEGP) and continued as a sub-scheme of Jawahar Rozgar Yojana
(JRY) since its launching from April, 1989. It has been delinked from the JRY and has been made an
independent scheme with effect from January 1, 1996.
13.3 Objectives of IAY
The objective of IAY is primarily to provide grant for construction of houses to members of Scheduled
Castes/Scheduled Tribes, freed bonded labourers and also to non-SC/ST rural poor below the poverty
line.
13.4 Target Group
The target group for houses under IAY will be people below poverty line living in rural areas belonging
to Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes, freed bonded labourers and non-SC/ST subject to the condition
that the benefits to non-SC/ST should not exceed 40% of total IAY allocation during a financial year.
From 1995-96, the IAY benefits have been extended to ex-servicemen, widows or next-of kin of defence
personnel and para military forces killed in action irrespective of the income criteria subject to the
condition that (i) they reside in rural areas; (ii) they have not been covered under any other scheme of
shelter rehabilitation; and (iii) they are houseless or in need of shelter or shelter upgradation. Priority be
given to other ex-servicemen and retired members of the paramilitary forces as long as they fulfill the
normal eligibility conditions of the Indira Awaas Yojana and have not been covered under any other
shelter rehabilitation scheme. The priority in the matter of allotment of houses to the ex-servicemen and
paramilitary forces and their dependents will be out of 40% of the houses set apart for allotment among
the non-SC/ST categories of beneficiaries. 3% of the funds have been earmarked for the benefit of
disabled persons below poverty line. This reservation of 3% under IAY for disabled persons below the
poverty line would be horizontal reservation i.e., disabled persons belonging to sections like SCs, STs and
Others would fall in their respective categories.
13.5 Identification of beneficiaries
District Rural Development Agencies DRDAs) / Zilla Parishads on the basis of allocations made and
79
targets fixed shall decide Panchayat-wise number of houses to be constructed under IAY, during a
particular financial year and intimate the same to the Gram Panchayat. Thereafter, the Gram Sabha will
select the beneficiaries restricting its number to the target allotted, from the list of eligible households,
according to IAY guidelines and as per priorities fixed. No approval of the Panchayat Samiti will be
required. The Panchayat Samiti should however, be sent a list of selected beneficiaries for their
information. This amendment in the IAY guidelines shall come into force with effect from 1-4-1998.
13.6 Priority in Selection of Beneficiaries
The order of priority for selection of beneficiaries amongst target group below poverty line is as follows:
(i) Freed bonded labourers (ii) SC/ST households who are victims of atrocities (iii) SC/ST households,
headed by widows and unmarried women. (iv) SC/ST households affected by flood, fire, earthquake,
cyclone and similar natural calamities. (v) Other SC/ST households. (vi) Non- SC/ST households. (vii)
Physically handicapped. (viii) Families/widows of personnel of defence services / para-military forces,
killed in action. (ix) Displaced persons on account of developmental projects, nomadic seminomadic and
de-notified tribals, families with disabled members and internal refugees, subject to the households being
below poverty line
Allotment of houses should be in the name of female member of the beneficiary household. Alternatively,
it can be allotted in the name of both husband and wife.
13.8 . Location of IAY houses
The houses under IAY should normally be built on individual plots in the main habitation of the village.
The houses can also be built on micro habitat approach or in a cluster within a habitation, so as to
facilitate the development of infrastructure, such as, internal roads, drainage, drinking water supply etc.
and other common facilities. Care should always be taken to see that the houses under IAY are located
close to the village and not far away so as to ensure safety and security, nearness to work place and social
communication.
At present, upper limit of construction assistance under IAY is as given below: Plain areas Hilly/Difficult
areas Construction of house including sanitary latrine and smokeless chulha Rs.17,500 Rs. 19,500 Cost of
providing infrastructure and common facilities Rs. 2,500 Rs. 2,500 Total: Rs.20,000 Rs. 22,000 In case
the houses are not built in cluster/micro-habitat approach, Rs. 2,500/- provided for infrastructure and
80
common facilities should be given to the beneficiary for construction of the house. These limits are
subject to revision from time to time by the Government of India.
13.10 Involvement of beneficiaries
The construction of the houses should be done by the beneficiaries themselves from the very beginning.
The beneficiaries may make their own arrangement for the construction, engage skilled workmen on their
own and also contribute family labour. The beneficiaries will have complete freedom as to the manner of
construction of the house which is their own. This will result in economy in cost, ensure quality of
construction, lead to satisfaction on the part of beneficiaries and acceptance of the house. The
responsibility for the proper construction of the house will thus be on the beneficiaries themselves. A
Committee of the beneficiaries may be formed to coordinate the work.
13.11 Ban on contractors or departmental construction
No contractor is allowed in the construction of IAY houses . If any case of construction through
contractors comes to notice, Government of India will have a right to recover the allocation made to the
State for those IAY houses. The house should not also be constructed by any Government department.
Government departments or organisations can, however, give technical assistance or arrange for
coordinated supply of raw materials such as cement, steel or bricks if the beneficiaries so desire. The
spirit of the IAY is that the house is not to be constructed and delivered by any external agency; on the
other hand, the house is to be constructed by the ultimate occupier of the house.
13.12 Appropriate Construction Technology and local materials
While fixing technical specifications, effort should be made to utilize, to the maximum possible extent,
local materials and cost effective technologies developed by various institutions. The implementing
agency should contact various organizations/institutions for seeking expertise and information on
innovative technologies, materials, designs and methods to help beneficiaries in the construction of
durable and economical houses. The State Governments may also arrange to make available information
on cost effective environment friendly technologies, materials, designs, etc. at block/district level.
Technology using bricks, cement and steel on large scale should be discouraged. As far as possible,
cement should be substituted by lime and lime surkhi manufactured locally. Bricks manufactured by
beneficiaries themselves instead of its purchase may also be undertaken for reduction of cost and better
wage employment.
13.13 Type Design
The layout, size and type design of IAY houses should depend on the local conditions. Hence, no type
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design should be prescribed for IAY house except that the plinth area of the houses should be around 20
sq. mts.
The houses should be designed in accordance with the desire of the beneficiaries keeping in view the
climatic conditions and the need to provide proper space, kitchen, ventilation, sanitary facilities,
smokeless chullah, etc. and the community perceptions, preferences and cultural attitude. No type design
should be imposed on the beneficiary.
The barrier free concept may be incorporated in the construction of houses meant for the disabled person
with a view to facilitate his smooth and free movement in the house. However, as far as possible, the
design of the house should conform to the occupational requirements of the beneficiary. 12.4 In areas
frequented by natural calamities such as fire, flood, cyclones, earthquakes, etc., incorporation of disaster
resistant features in the design should be encouraged.
13.14 Fuel Efficient Chullahs
Fuel efficient chullahs have been developed and are being manufactured at several places. The Ministry
of Non-conventional Energy Sources is encouraging installation of such chullahs. It should be ensured
that every house constructed under IAY is provided with a fuel efficient chullah .
13.15 Drinking Water Supply
The availability of drinking water supply should be ensured by the agencies responsible for the
implementation of the IAY. Where necessary, a hand-pump should be installed on the site before the
work is started, from the funds available under Rural Water Supply or other similar programmes.
13.16 Sanitation and Sanitary latrines
Construction of sanitary latrine forms an integral part of IAY houses. It has, however, been observed that
in a large number of cases, either the sanitary latrines in these houses are not constructed or if constructed,
these are not put to proper use by the beneficiaries. The Government of India attaches considerable
importance to the construction of sanitary latrines as a sanitation measure and, therefore, sanitary latrines
should invariably be taken up as part of the IAY houses. A system of drainage from the houses should
also be provided to avoid overflow from the kitchen, bathroom etc.
13.17 Environmental Improvement and Social Forestry
Plantation of trees in the entire habitat or around the individual house should be taken up simultaneously.
Trees may be planted near the housing clusters so that, in due course, enough trees are available nearby,
to enable the beneficiaries to get fuel/fodder/small timber. Such plantations can be taken up under the
social forestry Programme.
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13.18 Involvement of Voluntary Organisations
Suitable local voluntary agencies with proven good track record wherever available should be associated
with the construction of IAY houses. The supervision, guidance and the monitoring of construction can be
entrusted to these voluntary organisations. In particular the voluntary agencies should be made use of to
popularise the use of sanitary latrine and also in the construction of smokeless chullahs.
13.19 Inventory of Houses
The implementing agencies should have a complete inventory of houses constructed under IAY, giving
details of the date of start of construction and the date of completion of houses, cost involved, number of
houses allotted, names of the village and Block in which the houses are located; name, address,
occupation and category of beneficiaries and other relevant particulars.
13.20 Display of IAY Board and Logo
On completion of an IAY house, the DRDA concerned should ensure that for each house so constructed,
a board is set up displaying clearly the house built under Indira Awaas Yojana and should indicate the
IAY logo, name of the beneficiary and the year of construction.
13.21 Monitoring
Officers dealing with IAY at the State headquarters should visit districts regularly and ascertain through
field visits whether the programme is being implemented satisfactorily and whether construction of
houses is in accordance with the prescribed procedure. Likewise, officers at the district, sub-division and
block levels must closely monitor all aspects of the IAY through visits to work sites in interior areas. A
schedule of inspection which prescribes a minimum number of field visits for each supervisory level
functionary from the State level to the block level should be drawn up and strictly adhered to. The State
Government should prescribe the periodical reports/returns through which it should monitor the
performance of IAY in the districts and also get appropriate reports and returns prescribed, to be collected
by the DRDA/ZPs, for proper monitoring of the IAY. The monitoring of the programme at the State level
will be the responsibility of the State Level Coordination Committee for Rural Development
Programmes. A representative or nominee of the Ministry of Rural Areas & Employment, Government of
India should invariably be invited to participate in the meetings of the Committee. The following reports
and returns should be submitted to the Government of India by the State/UTs separately in respect of the
IAY. (i) a monthly progress report to be furnished by Telex/Fax/E-mail/ NICNET in Proforma -I, by 10th
of every succeeding month. (ii) A detailed Annual Progress Report to be submitted by 25th April of the
succeeding year in Proforma. II.
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13.22 Evaluation Studies
The States/UTs should conduct periodic evaluation studies on the implementation of the IAY.
Evaluation studies may be got conducted by reputed institutions and organisations on issues thrown up
by the concurrent evaluation, meriting detailed studies by the States/UTs as well as the Government of
India.
Copies of the reports of these evaluation studies conducted by the States/UTs should be furnished to the
Government of India.
Remedial action should be taken by the States/UTs on the basis of the observations made in these
evaluation studies and also in the concurrent evaluation conducted by or on behalf of Government of
India.
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Criteria for distribution of funds to blocks/villages including norms for its selection under IAY
IAY is a Centrally Sponsored Scheme funded on cost-sharing basis between the Government of India and
the States in the ratio of 80:20. In the case of Union Territories, the entire resources under this scheme are
provided by the Government of India.
13.25 Criteria for Allocation of Resources
Central assistance under Indira Awaas Yojana will be allocated to the States/UTs on the basis of
proportion of rural poor in a States/UTs to the total poor in the country. The poverty estimates prepared
by the Planning Commission in this regard will be used for this purpose. The proportion of rural SC/ST
population in a district to the total rural SC/ST population in the State/UT is the criteria of inter-district
allocation of IAY funds within a State/UT. These allocation for every year will be decided by the
Government of India on the basis of above criteria subject to availability of funds. Diversion of resources
from one district to another will not be permissible.
13.26 Release of Central Assistance to DRDAs.
IAY funds are operated by the DRDAs /ZPs at the district level. Central assistance will be released every
year to the DRDAs, in two installments, subject to the fulfillment of the following conditions: (a) The
first installment is released in the beginning of the financial year. This is subject to condition that the IInd
Installment during previous year was claimed and released. However, if any specific conditions had been
imposed at the time of release of the last installment of the previous year, its compliance will be ensured
before release of the first installment. (b) The second installment for the districts will be released on the
request of the DRDAs in the prescribed proforma as per Proforma. III on fulfillment of the following
conditions: (i) The quantum of second installment will be dependent on the time of reporting of
utilisation. Depending on the receipt of complete proposal for second installment, the quantum will be
governed as follows: Proposal received in:- December - 50% of allocated funds January - 40% of
allocated funds February - 30% of allocated funds March - 20% of allocated funds (ii) 60% of total
available funds, that is, opening balance of the year plus the amount received including the State share
should be been utilised at the time of applying for the second installment. (iii) The opening balance in the
district i.e. the aggregate of balance with DRDA should not exceed 25% of the district allocation during
the previous year. In case the opening balance exceeds this limit, the Central share of the excess will be
deducted at the time of release of second installment. (iv) The State provision for the current year will
have to be indicated by the DRDAs. The Central release will be restricted in proportion to the provision
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made to the DRDAs. (v) The State Government should have released all its contribution (including those
of previous year) due up to the date of the application for the second installment. In the event of shortfall
in State share, corresponding amount of Central share ( i.e., 4 times the State share) will be deducted from
the second installment. (vi) Submission of Audit Reports of the DRDA for the previous year. (vii)
Submission of Utilisation Certificates from the DRDA for the previous year in the prescribed Proforma
IV which is Annexed. (viii) Annual Plan should have been approved by the Governing Body of the
DRDA. (ix) All progress/Monitoring Reports have been sent. (x) Non-embezzlement certificate will be
submitted. (xi) Certificate to the effect that there has been no diversion of resources from one district to
another will have to be submitted. (xii) Any other condition imposed from time to time will also have to
be complied with. (c) In case of districts/UTs such as Kinnaur, Lahaul and Spiti, Leh, Kargil, Andaman
and Nicobar Islands and Lakshadweep and any other areas as decided, which have a limited working
season, the entire Central assistance may be released in one installment. The State shall also release its
share in one installment. In the case of these districts, to which funds are released in one installment,
funds will be released on fulfillment of the conditions laid down.
13.27 Summary
Housing is one of the basis requirements for human survival. For a shelter-less person, possession of a
house brings about a profound change in his existence, endowing him with an identity, thus integrating
him with his immediate social milieu. With a view to meeting the housing needs of the rural poor,
Indira Awaas Yojana (IAY) was launched in May, 1985 as a sub- scheme of Jawahar Rozgar Yojana. It
is being implemented as an independent scheme since 1 January 1996. The IAY aims at helping rural
people below the poverty line belonging to SC/ST, freed bonded labourers in construction of dwelling
units and upgradation of existing unserviceable kutcha houses by providing assistance in the form of
full grant.
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13.30 Study Guide
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Unit-14 SGSY
Structure
14.1 Learning Objectives
14.2 Introduction the Scheme / Assessment of Prior Knowledge
14.3 Skill Upgradation
14.4 Activity Clusters, key Activities.
14.5 Self - Help Groups (SHGs)
14.6 Revolving Fund
14.7 Lending Norms
14.8 Assistance to IRDP borrowers
14.9 Insurance Cover
14.10 Security norms
14.11 Subsidy
14.12 Post Credit follow up
14.13 Risk Fund for consumption credit
14.14 Repayment of loan
14.15 Recovery
14.16 Refinance of SGSY loans
14.17 Role of banks and state agencies
14.18 Deputation of Bank Officials to the DRDAs
14.19 Su Service Area Approach
14.20 prevision and Monitoring
14.21 Submission of data
14.22 LBR Returns
14.23 Summary
14.24 Self Assessment Questions
14.25 Key Words
14.26 Study Guide
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14.1 Learning Objectives
After going through this unit, the learner will be able-
1. To explain the objective and importance of SGSY.
2. To learn the strategy of execution of SGSY.
3. To observe the monitoring provision of SGSY.
14.2 Introduction the scheme/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
The SGSY Scheme is operative from 1st April 1999 in rural areas of the country. SGSY is holistic
Scheme covering all aspects of self-employment such as organization of the poor into Self Help Groups,
training, credit, technology, infrastructure and marketing. The scheme will be funded by the financial
institutions, Panchayat Raj Institutions, District Rural Development Agencies (DRDAs), Non
Government Organisation (NGOs), Technical institutions in the district; will be involved in the process of
planning, implementation and monitoring of the scheme. NGO’s help may be sought in the formation and
nurturing of the Self Help Groups (SHGs) as well as in the monitoring of the progress of the Swarozgaris.
Where feasible their services may be utilized in the provision of technology support, quality control of the
products and as recovery monitors cum facilitators. The scheme aims at establishing a large number of
micro enterprises in the rural areas. The list of Below Poverty Line (BPL) households identified through
BPL census duly approved by Gram Sabha will form the basis for identification of families for assistance
under SGSY. The objective of SGSY is to bring assisted family above the poverty line within three years
by providing them income generating assets through a mix of bank credit and Government subsidy. The
rural poor such as those with land, landless labour, educated unemployed, rural artisans and disable are
covered under the scheme. The assisted families known as Swarozgaris can be either individuals or
groups and would be selected from BPL families by a three member team consisting of Block
Development Officer¸ Banker and Sarpanch. SGSY will focus on vulnerable section of the rural poor.
Accordingly the SC/ST will account for at least 50%, Women 40% and the disabled 3% of those assisted.
14.3 Skill Upgradation
Once the person or group has been identified for assistance, their training needs also to be ascertained
with reference to Minimum Skill Requirement (MSR). The assessment regarding technical skills would
be made by line departments and that of managerial skills by the banker, while scrutinising the loan
applications. Swarozgaris possessing skills will be put through basic orientation programme which is
mandatory. This programme includes elements Book Keeping, knowledge of market, identification and
appraisal, acquaintance with product costing, product pricing, familiarisation with project financing by
banks as well as basic skills in the key activity identified. It will be for a short duration of not more than 2
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days. BDOs, Bankers and line departments will act as resource persons for imparting the training. The
training expenditur e will be met by DRDAs. For those beneficiaries who need additional skill
development/Upgradation of skills, appropriate training would be organised through Government
Institutions, it is, Polytechnics, Universities, NGOs etc. Swarozgaris will be eligible for loans under
SGSY when they possess Minimum Skill Requirement, and it will be disbursed only when they have
satisfactorily completed the skill training. For this training, Swarozgaris will be entitled for financial
assistance if they are required to undergo training for more than a week. The rate of assistance would be
fixed locally. The bank will provide loans to the Swarozgaris for this purpose. However, as the credit has
to be extended before the project is taken up, notwithstanding the general security norms for lending
under the scheme, banks may extend loans for skill development training with or without collateral/third
party guarantee at their discretion.
14.4 Activity Clusters, key Activities
Major share of assistance up to 75 % (both by number and funding) will be for key activities and they
should be taken up in clusters. For this, 4-5 key activities will be identified for each block with the
approval of Panchayat Samithis at block level and DRDA/ZP at the District level. One or two activities in
each block would be identified during 1999-2000 so that implementation can be started straight away.
One farm activities to be assisted would be included minor irrigation such as open dug well/bore/tube
well/lift/irrigation/check dam etc. Non form activities will include those activities that result in the
production off goods/services that have ready market. The unit cost as fixed by the regional Committees
of NABARD should be taken into consideration as indicative cost while fixing the unit cost for the farm
sector. In regard to loans falling under ISB Sector, the responsibility of fixing the unit cost and other
techno-economic parameters is of the District SGSY Committee. The selection of activities should be
such that it would afford the Swarozgari an opportunity to expand his asset and skill base in three years
and at least in the third year the net income would be not less than Rs. 2,000 /- p.m
14.5 Self - Help Groups (SHGs)
The Self-Help Groups shall be organised by Swarozgaris drawn from the BPL list approved by Gram
Sabha. The Scheme provides for formation of Self-Help Groups (SHGs), nurturing and their linkage with
banks. Group activities will be given preference and progressively majority of the funding will be for Self
Help Groups. Half the groups formed at block level should be exclusively women groups. SHG under
SGSY may consist of 10 to 20 persons belonging to BPL families. In case of minor irrigation and in the
case of disabled persons this number may be a minimum of 5 persons. The group shall not comprise more
than one member of the same family. A person should not be a member of more than one group. SHG
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may be an informal group or registered under Societies Act, State Co-operative Act or as a partnership
firm. The assistance (loan cum subsidy) may be extended to individuals in a group or to all members in
the group for taking up income generation activities. In States and Union Territories where the formation
of SHGs has not taken root, banks may continue to extend credit facilities to eligible individual
Swarozgaris.
14.6 Revolving Fund
Every SHG that is in existence at least for a period of six months and which has demonstrated the
potential of a viable group will receive a revolving fund of Rs. 25,000 /- from banks as cash credit
facility. Of this a sum of Rs. 10,000 /- will be given to the bank by the DRDA. Banks may charge interest
only on the sum exceeding Rs. 10,000 /-. The revolving is provided to the groups to augment the group
corpus so as to enable larger number of members to avail loans and also to facilitate increase in the per
capita loan available to the members. The revolving fund imparts credit discipline and financial
management skills to the members so that they become credit worthy. SHGs that have demonstrated their
successful existence, will receive the assistance for economic activities under the scheme
14.7 Lending Norms
The size of loan under the scheme would depend on the nature of project. There is no investment ceiling
other than the unit cost i.e. investment requirement worked out for the project. The loans under the
scheme would be composite loan comprising of Term Loan and working capital. The loan component and
the admissible subsidy together would be equal to total project cost. Banks may follow model project
report set out in key activities of the districts for finalising the project cost of the Swarozgaris. Under any
circumstance under financing is to be avoided. Swarozgaris will be given the full amount of loan and
subsidy and they will have the freedom to procure the assets themselves. Disbursements up to Rs. 10,000
/- under ISB sector may be made in cash where a number items are to be bought. Emphasis is laid on
multiple dose of assistance. This would mean assisting a Swarozgaris over a period of time with second
and subsequent dose(s) of credit enabling him/her to cross the poverty line as also access higher amounts
of credit. Subsidy entitlement for all doses taken together should not exceed the limit prescribed for that
category. The second and subsequent doses may be granted by the same bank or any other bank during
the currency of first/earlier loan provided the bank is satisfied about the financial discipline of the
first/earlier dose. Loan under the Scheme will carry interest as per the directives on interest rates issued
by Reserve Bank of India from time to time. All loan granted under the scheme are to be treated as
advances under priority sector. Loan applications should be disposed of within 15 days and at any rate not
later than one month. Branch Managers may be vested with adequate discretionary powers to sanction
proposals under the scheme without reference to any higher authority.
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14.8 Assistance to IRDP borrowers
The existing borrowers may also be considered for second / multiple dose of assistance under SGSY if
they have failed to cross the poverty line because of no fault of theirs. Banks may also credit under SGSY
to non willful defaulter owing dues up to Rs. 5,000 /- under IRDP. Subsidy available to the existing IRDP
beneficiaries would be restricted to the maximum ceiling prescribed for the category less the amount
already availed by the borrower under IRDP.
14.9 Insurance Cover
Insurance cover is available for assets / live stock bought out of the loan Swarozgaris are covered under
the Group Insurance Scheme as per the details given at paragraphs 4.35 & 4.36 of the SGSY guidelines.
14.10 Security norms
For individual loans up to Rs. 50,000 /- and group loans up to Rs. 3 lakhs, the assets created out of the
bank loan would be hypothecated to the bank as primary security. In case where movable assets are not
created as in land based activities such as dug well, minor irrigation etc., mortgage of land may be
obtained. Where mortgage of land is not possible third party guarantee may be obtained at the discretion
of the bank. For all individual loans exceeding Rs. 50,000 /- and group loans exceeding Rs. 3 lakhs in
addition to primary security such as hypothecated/mortgage of land or third party guarantee as the case
may be, suitable margin money / other collateral security in the form of insurance policy, marketable
security / deeds of other property etc. may be obtained at the discretion of the bank
14.11 Subsidy
Subsidy under SGSY will be uniform at 30% of the prospect cost, subject to a maximum of Rs. 7,500/-.
In respect of SC/ST it will be 50% of the project cost to a maximum of Rs. 10,000 /-. For groups of
Swarozgaris (SHGs) the subsidy would be at 50% of the cost of the project, subject to a ceiling of Rs.
1.25 lakhs. There will be no monetary limit on subsidy for irrigation projects. Subsidy under SGSY will
be back ended. The availability of the benefit of subsidy to swarozgaris would be contingent on the proper
utilisation of loan as also its prompt repayment and maintaining the asset in good condition. The
procedure for operation of Subsidy Reserve Fund accounts as detailed in paragraph 4.17 of the SGSY
guidelines may please be followed. DRDAs will be opening savings bank accounts with the principal
participating bank branches for administration of subsidy. These accounts are to be reconciled every three
months and they will be subject to annual audit
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14.12 Post Credit follow up
Loan Pass Books in regional languages may be issued to the Swarozgaris which may contain all the
details of the loans disbursed to them. Bank branches may observe one day in a week as non public
business working day to enable the staff to go to the field and attend to the problems of Swarozgaris.
Banks should ensure through proper monitoring and verification that quality assets have been procured by
the Swarozgaris. Necessary documents relating to actuation of assets should be obtained by the bank and
also followed through visits by field staff. In case of nonprocurement of assets by the Swarozgaris in spite
of reasonable time and opportunity, the bank shall be free to cancel the loan and recover the money. Legal
proceedings (Civil/Criminal) wherever necessary may be initiated against the Swarozgaris and against all
members in case of SHG for recovery of loan
14.13 Risk Fund for consumption credit
The scheme provides for the creation of Risk Fund with 1% of SGSY funds at District level.
Consumption loan not exceeding Rs. 2,000 /- per swarozgari would be provided by the banks. Assistance
to the extent of 10% of the total consumption loans disbursed by banks to the SGSY swarozgaris during
the year would be provided out of this Risk Fund
14.14 Repayment of loan
All SGSY loans are to be treated as medium term loans with minimum repayment period of five years.
Installments for repayment of loan will be fixed as per the unit cost approved by the NABARD/District
SGSY Committee. There will be a moratorium on repayment of loans during the gestation period.
Repayment installments should not be more than 50% of the incremental net income expected from the
project. Number of installments may be fixed taking into consideration the principal amount, the interest
liability and the repayment period. Swarozgaris will not be entitled for any benefit of subsidy if the loan is
fully repaid before the prescribed lock-in period. The repayment period for various activities under
SGSY, broadly be categorised into 5, 7 and 9 years depending on the project. The corresponding lock-in
period would be 3, 4 and 5 years respectively. If the loan is fully repaid before the currency period, the
Swarozgaris will be entitled only to pro-rata subsidy
14.15 Recovery
Prompt recovery of loans is necessary to ensure the success of the programme. Banks shall take all
possible measures, i.e. personal contact, organisation of joint recovery camps with District
Administration, legal action, etc. to ensure recovery. In case, even after this, the bank fail to recover the
entire dues, the process of forfeiture of subsidy for adjustment against dues may be taken up. After getting
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the approval of the District SGSY committee the concerned bank may adjust the subsidy (including
interest earned) against the Swarozgari’s dues. If the bank is able to realise any amount subsequently over
and above the amount due to it, the amount may be returned to the DRDA. The banks may engage the
services of NGOs or individuals (other than government servants) as monitor-cum-recovery facilitators,
on a commission basis. A processing-cummonitoring fee of 0.5 per cent of the loan amount may be
charged to the Swarozgaris to meet this expenditure. Prompt repayment the Swarozgari’s level, will
entitle him/her to waiver of the 0.5 per cent processing-cum-monitoring. Keeping in view the important of
loan recovery, bank should prepare the list of defaulters under IRDP before the end of September 1999
and furnish the same to Gram Sabha / BDO / DRDA and initiate recovery efforts.
Banks are eligible for refinance from NABARD for the loans disbursed under SGSY as per their
guidelines. The eligibility for refinance is related to the recovery position of the banks.
14.17 Role of banks and state agencies
Banks will closely involved with Government agencies in implementing, planning and preparation of
projects, identification of key activities, clusters, self-help groups, identification of individual
Swarozgaris infrastructure planning as well as capacity building and choice of activity of the SHGs,
grading of SHGs, selection of Swarozgaris, pre-credit activities and post credit monitoring including loan
recovery. The bank has the final say in the selection of Swarozgaris.
14.18 Deputation of Bank Officials to the DRDAs
As a measure of strengthening the DRDAs and for promoting a better credit environment, deputation of
bank officials to DRDAs has been suggested. Banks may consider deputing officers at various levels to
the State Governments/DRDAs in consultation with them.
14.19 Service Area Approach
The district SGSY Committee set up under the scheme has been authorised to reallocate the villages,
which are either not covered by any bank branch or where the concerne d branch is not able to perform
for any reason whatsoever. The District SGSY Committee’s decision on reallocation would be placed
before DCC for its consideration and further necessary action.
14.20 Suprevision and Monitoring
Banks may set up SGSY cells at Regional/Zonal Offices. These cells should periodically monitor and
review the flow of credit to SGSY Swarozgaris, ensure the implementation of the guidelines of the
scheme, collect data from the branches and make available consolidated data to the Head Office of the
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bank. The banks should ensure from the field that no query from the field level remains unattended by the
Head Office. Monitoring of the Scheme at the Head Office level of the bank may be entrusted to a Senior
Officer and the progress of this programme may be reviewed on a regular basis by the Top Management.
The scheme provides for the setting up of SGSY committees at Block/District/State and Central level.
These committees will hold periodical meetings wherein the implementation of the scheme will be
reviewed and monitored. It is expected that banks will actively participate in these meetings and maintain
closer co-ordination with the different agencies responsible for the implementation of SGSY
14.21 Submission of data
Close monitoring at all leve ls would contribute greatly to the effective implementation of the scheme. To
facilitate flow of information, the bank branches may submit the data on the progress under the scheme on
a monthly basis to Block Development Officer / Lead Bank Officer / Regional Office by 10th of the
following month. Regional Office of the Bank may submit the same to their Zonal Office by 20th of the
following month and Zonal Office in turn may submit the consolidated data to Head Office by 25 of the
following month. The Head Office of the Bank will submit the consolidated data to the ministry of Rural
Development, Government of India, New Delhi by end of the following month. The review of the
progress under SGSY scheme may be made by the banks at Regional / Zonal / Head Office on quarterly
basis. A copy of the review note duly approved by the board may be forwarded to the Ministry of Rural
Development, New Delhi and Rural Planning & Credit Department, Reserve Bank of India, Central
Office, Mumbai. Bank may continue to submit the data under the scheme to the Government agencies in
the existing format prescribed under IRDP.
14.22 LBR Returns
Separate code for SGSY would be allotted under LBR reporting system. A copy of guidelines issued by
the Ministry of Rural Development indicating the role and responsibilities of the line departments, banks,
NGOs, Swarozgaris is enclosed for reference and further clarifications. We shall be glad if you will issue
suitable instructions to your controlling offices/branches immediately for implementation.
14.23 Summary
The scheme will be funded by the financial institutions, Panchayat Raj Institutions, District Rural
Development Agencies (DRDAs), Non Government Organisation (NGOs), Technical institutions in the
district; will be involved in the process of planning, implementation and monitoring of the scheme.
NGO’s help may be sought in the formation and nurturing of the Self Help Groups (SHGs) as well as in
the monitoring of the progress of the Swarozgaris. Where feasible their services may be utilized in the
provision of technology support, quality control of the products and as recovery monitors cum facilitators.
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14.24 Self Assessment Questions
1. Explain the objective and importance of SGSY in detail.
2. What is the strategy of execution of SGSY?
3. Write the monitoring provision of SGSY.
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Unit-15 SHGs
Structure
15.1 Learning Objectives
15.2 Introduction of SHGs/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
15.3 Structure of SHGs
15.4 Goals of SHGs
15.5 NABARD’s SHG Bank Linkage program
15.6 Advantages of Financing through SHGs
15.7 Summary
15.8 Self Assessment Questions
15.9 Key Words
15.10 Study Guide
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15.1 Learning Objectives
After going through this unit, the learner will be able-
1. To understand the structure of SHGs.
2. To learn the goals of SHGs.
15.2 Introduction of SHGs/ Assessment of Prior Knowledge
Members may also make small regular savings contributions over a few months until there is
enough money in the group to begin lending. Funds may then be lent back to the members or to
others in the village for any purpose. In India, many SHGs are linked with banks for the delivery
of micro-credit.
15.3 Structure of SHGs
A SHG is a community-based group with 10-25 members. Members are usually women from
similar social and economic backgrounds, all voluntarily coming together to save small sums of
money, on a regular basis. They pool their resources to become financially stable, taking loans
from their collective savings in times of emergency or financial scarcity, important life events or
to purchase assets.[1][2] The group members use collective wisdom and peer pressure to ensure
proper end-use of credit and timely repayment. In India, RBI regulations mandate that banks
offer financial services, including collateral free loans to these groups, on very low interest rates.
This allows poor women to circumvent the challenges of exclusion from institutional financial
services. This system is closely related to that of solidarity lending, widely used by microfinance
institutions.[3]
Beyond their function as savings and credit groups, SHGs offer poor women a platform for
building solidarity. They allow women to come together and act on issues related to their own
lives including health, nutrition, governance and gender justice
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15.4 Goals of SHGs
Self-help groups are started by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that generally have
broad anti-poverty agendas. Self-help groups are seen as instruments for goals including
empowering women, developing leadership abilities among the poor and the needy, increasing
school enrolment and improving nutrition and the use of birth control. Financial intermediation is
generally seen more as an entry point to these other goals, rather than as a primary
objective. This can hinder their development as sources of village capital, as well as their efforts
to aggregate locally controlled pools of capital through federation, as was historically
accomplished by credit unions.
Many self-help groups, especially in India, under NABARD's 'SHG Bank Linkage' program,
borrow from banks once they have accumulated a base of their own capital. This model has
attracted attention as a possible way of delivering micro-finance services to poor populations that
have been difficult to reach directly through banks or other institutions. "By aggregating their
individual savings into a single deposit, self-help groups minimize the bank's transaction costs
and generate an attractive volume of deposits. Through self-help groups, the bank can serve
small rural depositors while paying them a market rate of interest."According to a report from
2006, NABARD estimates that there are 2.2 million SHGs in India, representing 33 million
members that have taken loans from banks under its linkage program to date. This does not
include SHGs that have not borrowed. A study conducted by S Chakrabarti in 2004 said that
organization like SHG can be an effective tool for "allevating poverty"."The SHG Banking
Linkage Programme since its beginning has been predominant in certain states, showing spatial
preferences especially for the southern region – Andhra-Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and
Karnataka. These states accounted for 57% of the SHG credits linked during the financial year
2005–2006.
15.6 Advantages of Financing through SHGs
1. An economically poor individual gains strength as part of a group.
2. Besides, financing through SHGs transaction costs for both lenders and borrowers.
3. While lenders have to handle only a triple SHG account instead of a large number of
small-sized individual accounts, borrowers as part of an SHG minimize or travel (to and
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from the branch and other places) for completing paper work and on the loss of workdays
in canvassing for loans.
4. Where successful, SHGs have significantly empowered poor people, especially women,
in rural areas.[9]
5. SHGs have helped immensely in reducing the influence of informal lenders in rural areas.
6. Many big corporate houses are also promoting SHGs at many places in India.
7. SHGs help borrowers overcome the problem of lack of collateral. Women can discuss
their problem and find solutions for it.
15.7 Summary
Many self-help groups, especially in India, under NABARD's 'SHG Bank Linkage' program,
borrow from banks once they have accumulated a base of their own capital. This model has
attracted attention as a possible way of delivering micro-finance services to poor populations that
have been difficult to reach directly through banks or other institutions. "By aggregating their
individual savings into a single deposit, self-help groups minimize the bank's transaction costs
and generate an attractive volume of deposits.
15.8 Self Assessment Questions
1. Write the structure of SHGs.
2. What are the goals of SHGs?
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7. Gillette. J.M., Rural Sociology
8. Dube. S.C., Contemporary India & Its Modernization
9. Dhanagare. D.N., Peasant Movements in India
10. Desai. A.R., Peasant Struggles in India
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Unit-16 Panchayati Raj
Structure
16.1 Learning Objectives
16.2 Introduction / Assessment of Prior Knowledge
16.3 Community Development Programme
16.4 Panchayat Raj Institutions
16.5 Present Rural Development Paradigm
16.6 Impact of Globalization on Farmers
16.7 Emphasis on People’s Participation
16.8 Summary
16.9 Self Assessment Questions
16.10 Key Words
16.11 Study Guide
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16.1 Learning Objectives
After going through this unit, the learner will be able-
1. To understand the community development programme.
2. To know the Panchayat Raj Institutions.
16.2 Introduction / Assessment of Prior Knowledge
Post-independence of India in 1947, community development assumed elevated priority. In 1948, a pilot
community development project was launched through the Etawah Project. Soon in 1952, the
Government of India launched 55 Community Development Projects, each covering about 300 villages or
a population of 30,000. Though the programme was multi- dimensional, the chief weight was placed on
agricultural production, as the areas selected for launching the project were located in irrigated areas or
where rainfall wasn’t a deterrent. In 1953, the National Extension Service Project was launched with
similar aims to envelop bigger areas, including the rain fed regions. This project of three-year duration,
distinguished the blocks of 150-300 villages as convenient units for starting community development
programmes.
16.3 Community Development Programme
The concept of community development in India was set off well before independence. Even
throughout the freedom struggle, under the guidance of Mahatma Gandhi, substantial thought was
given to rural upliftment and reconstruction. He emphasized on a nineteen point constructive
programme for complete independence by truthful and non-violent means. He often counseled the
leaders that real independence could be enjoyed only when the rural economy was reinforced and
poverty eradicated. He promoted communal harmony, economic equity, social equality, de-
addiction from alcohol and narcotics, promotion of ‘khadi’ (hand spun and hand woven cloth) and
village industries, sanitation, health care, education and empowerment of women. The aim was to
generate lucrative employment in rural areas and to perk up the quality of life. The Government of
India Act, 1935 under the British Rule, while confirming sovereignty on the provinces, incorporated
rural development as an imperative programme for the welfare of the people. With the outburst of
World War II and Bengal Famine of 1943, food supply was a critical problem in the majority parts
of the country. Stress on food production was provided through ‘Grow More Food Campaign’ which
incorporated the supply of free seeds, subsidies for construction of wells and embankments, supply
of manure, fixing a minimum price for grain, etc. However, there was limited scope under the
‘Zamindari’ system where a small number of rich farmers owned the agriculture lands and the rest of
the villagers worked as labourers.
Post-independence of India in 1947, community development assumed elevated priority. In 1948, a
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pilot community development project was launched through the Etawah Project. Soon in 1952, the
Government of India launched 55 Community Development Projects, each covering about 300
villages or a population of 30,000. Though the programme was multi- dimensional, the chief weight
was placed on agricultural production, as the areas selected for launching the project were located in
irrigated areas or where rainfall wasn’t a deterrent. In 1953, the National Extension Service Project
was launched with similar aims to envelop bigger areas, including the rain fed regions. This project
of three-year duration, distinguished the blocks of 150-300 villages as convenient units for starting
community development programmes. The objectives and activities of the Project were modified
from time to time and continued as an enduring multi-function extension agency in each block.
These community development blocks were taken care of as usual administrative units for planning
and development with standard budgetary allocations.
By the end of the First Five Year Plan (1952-57), 1114 blocks covering 163,000 villages were in
function and by the 60s, the CDP covered the entire country. The programme was characterized by
the following features:
Comprehensive in content;
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officers reported primarily to the BDO and to their senior as well, in the respective department,
based at the district headquarters. The BDOs reported to the District Collector, who is the
administrator of the district. The Development Commissioner, at the state level was responsible for
coordinating community development through the District Collectors. At the National level, the
administration of the community development programme was handed over to the Planning
Commission. 1950s till mid 1970s, there was no important attainment and poverty was at the
threshold of escalating. The Indian economy had developed into slower compared to those in the
East and South East Asia over the post independence period. The levels of living were
incongruously low for a vast majority of the population. The Land Reforms Act of 1956 did
eliminate remnants of the feudal-colonial rule from the scene, but the enactment of the laws did not
aid the poor and landless to get power over the land, particularly in North India. There were
fluctuations in the poverty status but the major increase in poverty was observed in the late sixties
and early seventies (55% - 69%), when rainfall levels were less than normal and monsoon failures
lingering beyond a year. Even the central programme of agricultural development was futile to
augment food production. In early seventies, India was bound to import food grains. Seeping
benefits of development were mopped out by the increasing population. Improvement in agricultural
productivity, improvement in the absence of education and infrastructural development was not
sustainable. The resources allotted for community development during 1952-67 were also so low
that it worked out to barely Rs.10 per head over this period.
16.4 Panchayat Raj Institutions
In 1957, five years after launching the community development programme, the Government
appointed the Balvantrai Mehta Committee to propose measures to eliminate obstructions in
implementing the programme. The Committee recommended the configuration of a three-tier-
system of rural local Government, to be called ‘Panchayati Raj’ (Rule by Local Councils). These
were Gram Panchayat (Village level), Panchayat Samiti (Block level) and Zilla Parishad (District
level). The plan was to decentralize the process of decision making and to shift the decision making
centre nearer to the people, support their participation and situate the bureaucracy under the local
people’s control. However, the Panchayati Raj was not able to fulfill all the expectations of the
people and planners. A major rationale was the domination of socially and economically advantaged
sections of the local community, who ignored the welfare of the weaker sections. The other reasons
were lack of accord among the elected members due to political fractions and pervasiveness of
corruption and incompetence. In mid sixties, the national priority was shifted to agricultural
production and a distinct technological orientation was given to agriculture. Under the Fourth and
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Fifth Five Year Plans (1969-74 and 1974-79), the central government introduced independent
administrative hierarchies to carry out special programmes, bypassing the Panchayati Raj
institutions. Special programmes like Small Farmers’ Development Agency (SFDA), Intensive
Agricultural Areas Programme (IAAP), Intensive Agricultural District Programme (IADP), Tribal
Development Agency (TDA), Marginal, Small Farmers and Agricultural Labourers Development
Agency (MFAL) and area development agencies such as Command Area Development, Drought
Prone Area and Hill area Development Programmes were financed and operated directly by the
Central Government.
16.5 Present Rural Development Paradigm
India implemented the New Economic Policy in 1991 which was closely associated with Globalization.
At this stage, the paradigm of rural development was meant to speed up country’s economic growth,
but in doing so it was found that the system widened greater socio- economic inequality amongst the
people of rural India. The government has incurred a huge expenditure on the long term policies for
other including urban development but has inadequately spent on health, education, food, environment
which is the fundamental need of the common people, especially for the rural people in India.
The Global Hunger Index, India ranks 66th amongst 88 countries. As per UNDP, Multi- dimensional
Poverty Index (MPI), 65 cores of Indian people are Poor. They are mostly rural folk. The report of
National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector mentions that 77 percent of Indian
population live on rupees 20/- or less per day. The poverty ratio in rural areas as found by the Prof.
Tendulkar Committee set up by the Planning Commission and the Prof.
N.C. Saxena Committee set up by the Ministry of Rural Development was to 41.8 percent and 50 percent
respectively. The Right to Food Campaign registered more than 5000 starvation deaths in different parts
of the countryside between 2001 and 2005. In current times, India has adopted the policy of promoting
the Special Economic Zones (SEZs) for faster Industrial development. Similarly, mining rights are being
granted to the corporations mostly over the densely populated tribal pockets. As a result, a immense land
acquisition by the large corporations in various guises, have displaced, deprived and destroyed the
livelihoods of these poor tribal and peasants. In India there is a specific law for forest dwellers namely,
PESA (Panchyats Extension to Scheduled Act) to protect their lands and livelihoods where it is clearly
mentioned that non tribal or outsiders cannot purchase their lands. However, the government is ignoring
the law consciously to help the multinationals. At present, in India conflicts between peasant sections and
the State have become frequent. The government is grabbing their lands, forests, water forcibly and
curbing their basic rights. Many a times, these conflicts results in a bloody war as seen in Singur,
Nandigram in West Bengal, Kashipur in Orissa and Dantewara in Chhattisgarh etc.
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16.6 Impact of Globalization on Farmers
In India, approximately 80 percent of the rural population is engaged in agriculture. As a result, the cost
of agricultural production has amplified because cost of chemical fertilizers, pesticides, irrigation etc.
has increased substantially. The capital intensive and import based agricultural activity have eventually
started displacing mostly poor, small and marginal peasants from land. Now, the estimated annual
business from rural market of agri-inputs including tractors is worth Rs.45,000 crore. Multinational
agri-business companies like Cargill, Pepsico, Monsanto, ITC etc. are already in the field to dominate
this profitable market. A novel class has appeared in rural India during the period of globalization that
has been benefited by this globalization process. These are mainly the rich and high middle class
farmers. Majority of the owners themselves do not cultivate the land, they oversee the agricultural
activities and such supervising families are basically engaged in services in the government or private
sector or business especially related to agribusiness. In some places they also act as moneylenders and
lend money to poor peasants at a high interest and control the local political power. Basically,
these classes have more purchasing power and are the main customers for durable and other luxurious
goods in rural India. Ironically, the residual poor and marginal peasants comprise the large segment in
rural areas and have been subjected to unfathomable dilemma in the era of globalization. Small farmers,
in particular, are hardly benefited by this globalization epoch while big farmers with their economic and
political pressure, are able to harvest the benefits of globalization as they can get best technologies,
grow cash crops, negotiate agreements, and market their products.
On the other hand distressed peasants who are feeding the nation are mostly indebted. According to the
National Crime Bureau record, in the ten years period between 1998 and 2008 as many as 2 lakh
farmers have committed suicide in India. According to Report of the Comptroller and auditor General
of India “Out of 89.35 million farmer households, 43.42 million (48.6%) were reported to be indebted.
The incidence of indebtedness was highest in Andhra Pradesh (82.0%), to be followed by Tamil Nadu
(74.5%), Punjab (65.4%), Kerala (64.4%), Karnataka (61.6%) and Maharashtra (54.8%). On an average,
the amount of debt per farmer household was Rs.12,585/-“. Estimated number of indebted farmer
households was highest in Uttar Pradesh (6.9 million), to be followed by Andhra Pradesh (4.9 million)
and Maharashtra (3.6 million)”.
16.7 Emphasis on People’s Participation
In spite of different programmes initiated for rural development, there is yet to be any major
advantage to the poor to sustain their livelihood. The two major concerns have been centralization of
power and non-involvement of people in the process of development since the introduction of
Panchayati Raj. Although, it was widely acknowledged as the only optimism for activating people’s
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participation which is the spirit of a democratic system, the system had generated strain and division.
This demanded Panchayat Raj reforms through the 73rd Constitutional Amendment in 1992, which
empowered the PR institutions to bear the accountability of development and decentralized
planning. Till then, all the functions were carried out by the government machinery and there was no
chance for participation by the villagers. This had created a reliance pattern and enabled the
government officials to order terms to the people.
Under this constitutional amendment, 29 items of development were transferred to PRIs. These can
be grouped under the following sectors: Agriculture; Forestry and Environment; Industries;
Infrastructure, minimum needs; Social welfare; Poverty Alleviation and Maintenance of community
assets. Considering the weak status of the Gram Panchayats to facilitate village level micro-planning
for development, the District Planning Committee has been strengthened with members representing
various government and non-government organisations. To assist the planning at micro-level, it was
planned to reinforce the Gram Sabha (village assembly). The Gram Panchayat can use the Gram
Sabha as a forum for discussion and finalisation of annual plans. Such a round-table can also set
the precedence for implementing various development programmes. Simultaneously, a suitable
mechanism should be developed to continue the interest of the villagers in Gram Sabha activities.
In the absence of ample contribution, vested interests may influence the proceedings for their own
benefits. Initiatives from farmers’ organisations, self help groups, educational institutions and other
voluntary organizations to nominate their representatives on the Gram Sabha can guarantee their
participation in the proceedings and uphold the interest of the common people.
16.8 Summary
The observations of Prof. M.S. Swaminathan in his Report of National Commission on Farmers- 2006-
“Economic growth which bypasses a huge population is joyless growth and not sustainable in the long
run” brings out the factual image of development. What then is the future of India’s rural population
numbering over 700 million? “We cannot be silent onlookers to a situation where 30% of India is
shining and 70% is weeping”. Equity considerations cannot be ignored for too long. Faster growth in
agriculture with improvement in welfare of the rural population is important. The need is not only to
register increase in agriculture (rural) production in million tons but actual improvement in rural
incomes, which will benefit millions of poor people.
In the present-day circumstance, it can be obviously seen that the rural poor people is still intrinsic to
Indian Society and it actually is the building block of the development of the Society. If India actually
wants rural development in right sense it needs to urgent fortify the economic conditions and status of
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the poor sections in rural areas and also take necessary prolific rural developmental programmes.
16.9 Self Assessment Questions
1. Explain the community development programme.
2. Discuss the Panchayat Raj Institutions.
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